Justin Hubly, executive director of the Nebraska Association of Public Employees, speaks at a news conference in December 2023 in Lincoln, Neb., about Republican Gov. Jim Pillen’s executive order mandating state employees return to offices. Leaders in several other red states are following President Donald Trump’s lead on scaling back working from home for government workers. (Zach Wendling/Nebraska Examiner)

A yearslong conflict over whether Nebraska’s governor can unilaterally force state workers back to the office will ultimately be sorted out by the state’s highest court.

The Nebraska Association of Public Employees, which represents more than 8,000 state employees, challenged Republican Gov. Jim Pillen’s November 2023 order requiring workers in offices full time. The group argues that Pillen cannot do so without labor contract negotiations.

Justin Hubly, executive director of the union, said most of Nebraska’s state employees would continue working from physical offices, as they did before the pandemic. But he said many state jobs could be performed remotely.

“Who cares where our IT application developers are working, what time of the day they’re working, as long as their assignments are done in a timely matter?” he said.

Hubly said the issue has become needlessly politicized in Nebraska and across the country. In recent weeks, Republicans in states nationwide have echoed President Donald Trump’s skepticism that government work can be effectively done remotely.

“It seems that everything in America today has to become a political issue and then immediately has to be chosen to be a conservative red-state issue or a liberal blue-state issue,” Hubly said.

Last week in the Oval Office, Trump repeated his rationale for requiring federal workers to be in the office, part of his push to shrink the workforce. He claimed without evidence that many of them are balancing two jobs and only devoting 10% to 20% of their government time to working.

“Nobody’s going to work from home, they’re going to be going out, they’re gonna play tennis, they’re gonna play golf,” Trump told reporters.

Experts say the president’s push has turned the work-from-home debate into a partisan fight.

“I would analogize it to many states launching their own DOGE commissions, to sort of signal affinity with what’s happening in Washington,” said Peter Morrissey, senior director of talent and strategy at the Volcker Alliance, a nonprofit that works to support public sector workers.

Earlier this month, Ohio Republican Gov. Mike DeWine ordered state employees back to their offices starting March 17. Similarly, Oklahoma GOP Gov. Kevin Stitt signed an order in December that requires employees to work full time from offices as of this month. And Republicans who control Wisconsin’s legislature are pushing legislation and pressuring the state’s Democratic governor over the issue.

In Nebraska, a labor court last July ruled against the public employees union, though the union has appealed the decision to the Nebraska Supreme Court. The July decision came down on a Thursday, and Pillen said he expected state workers to be back in offices the next Monday.

“The COVID-19 pandemic is long over, and it is likewise long overdue that our full workforce is physically back,” he said at the time.

Before Pillen’s executive order, 2,250 employees in Nebraska’s 25 largest agencies were working remote or hybrid, said Pillen spokesperson Laura Strimple. She said 1,100 — or 8% of those agencies’ workers — are now working remotely or hybrid and that the state is “still evaluating available space in the future to return even more public servants.”

The politicization of remote work

Like private employers, states have been grappling with the complications of remote work since the COVID-19 pandemic. But nearly five years later, the issue is as political as ever.

Trump is requiring a return to office in part to have federal employees quit as his administration seeks to shrink the government workforce, according to a November Wall Street Journal opinion piece by Department of Government Efficiency task force head Elon Musk and his then-DOGE partner, Vivek Ramaswamy.

Morrissey noted that state, local and federal governments compete with the private sector for workers. And with less competitive pay in many government roles, a lack of flexible work arrangements could prove a competitive disadvantage — particularly for some of the most specialized workers.

He added that legitimate debate over worker productivity and taxpayer savings related to remote work should not be an excuse to use “the public workforce as a culture war item or a punching bag.”

Morrissey expects state political leaders will leave flexibility for agency directors and department management to craft hybrid or remote work arrangements.

Even the White House’s order allowed agency leaders to “make exemptions they deem necessary.”

Research has found slight productivity dips from remote work, though it can help with employee recruitment and retention, said Nicholas Bloom, an economics professor at Stanford University who researches remote work.

Fully remote workers also can deliver employers significant cost savings through reduced office expenses and less employee turnover. But evaluating the performance of remote employees is tricky, particularly so in government work. Bloom said hybrid arrangements — such as requiring workers to come into the office three days a week — might make the most sense for governments to maximize productivity, employee satisfaction and office savings.

“This is why 80% of Fortune 500 companies have managers and professionals on a hybrid schedule,” he said.

But Bloom views the Republican return-to-office trend in government as a way to reduce staffing. Employees often prefer to work remotely and view hybrid schedules as providing the equivalent benefit of an 8% pay increase.

“This is clearly all about reducing headcount,” Bloom said. “By making work more unpleasant, the hope is employees quit.”

Republicans rethinking remote shift

Long before the pandemic, the Utah government embraced remote work as a way to cut costs.

Then-Lt. Gov. Spencer Cox, a Republican, called himself a “televangelist for telework” in 2019, after a successful pilot program. As governor, Cox in 2021 signed an executive order requiring state agencies to review whether work could be performed remotely. The order said remote work saved taxpayers millions, improved Utah’s air quality by cutting commutes and improved employee satisfaction.

But last month, Cox said the state is reevaluating its framework.

He said remote work could lead to increased productivity — if it’s accompanied with specific oversight and training. But those guardrails weren’t always implemented when the pandemic suddenly sent state workers home, he said.

“You don’t just send people home with a computer. It’s much more detailed than that,” Cox told reporters.

Cox said the state had been bringing more workers back into offices over the past few years as the administration weighs both employee productivity and taxpayer savings.

“Remote work has its place, but so does being together,” he said.

In Wisconsin, the remote work debate has split state leaders along partisan lines.

In November, Republican House Speaker Robin Vos proposed as part of the budget requiring all state workers to return to offices three or four days per week.

“A lot of employees aren’t working or they’re working only from home and not doing it very well with very little supervision,” he told a local television station.

Democratic Gov. Tony Evers pledged to veto any such requirement. He noted that Wisconsin in recent years made significant efforts to hire workers across the state outside the major population centers of Madison and Milwaukee.

More than a dozen state agencies have already consolidated office space as the administration sought to develop a work environment better suited to help with employee recruitment and retention, Evers’ office said in a statement to Stateline. In recent years, Wisconsin’s government has shed 230,000 square feet of office space with nearly 400,000 more planned, according to a January report.

The governor’s office said reversing course now would drive up costs and negate millions of expected taxpayer savings. Implementing in-office work arrangements would require more private lease arrangements or reopening buildings that are slated for closure and sale.

Aside from ongoing budget negotiations, Republican lawmakers introduced stand-alone legislation that would require employees who worked in offices before the pandemic to return by July 1.

State Republican Rep. Amanda Nedweski, who leads the state Assembly’s new committee on Government Operations, Accountability, and Transparency, or GOAT — mirrored after Trump’s DOGE effort — testified last week in favor of a Senate return-to-work bill. But she said the majority caucus isn’t against remote work entirely.

In an interview, Nedweski pointed to a 2023 legislative audit on remote work that found the state lacked data on the extent of remote work and recommended more detailed monitoring.

Nedweski said there may be potential efficiencies from telework, but said the state needs “to get a handle on who’s doing what and from where and why.”

“And what are they missing out on by not having that opportunity to collaborate with co-workers on a regular basis?” she said in an interview. “We miss out on the opportunities to innovate when people are isolated and not working together.”

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Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.

The Wisconsin State Capitol reflected in the glass windows of Park Bank on the Capitol Square in Madison. Wisconsin is one of several states in which Republican lawmakers have created initiatives to recommend cuts in government spending, following the Trump administration's unofficial efficiency project, "DOGE." (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

Red states are echoing President Donald Trump’s quest to slash the size and cost of the federal government with their own initiatives aimed at making government smaller and more efficient.

In the first hours of his second term, Trump signed an executive order creating a temporary commission he dubbed the Department of Government Efficiency. He first announced DOGE, named after a viral meme and a cryptocurrency, in November as an effort led by billionaire Elon Musk to find billions in federal cuts.

In recent weeks, GOP governors and lawmakers have set up their own government efficiency task forces and committees to find ways to cut state spending.

The Texas House of Representatives recently announced plans for a 13-member Delivery of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, committee that will examine state agencies for inefficiencies, and Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick said a DOGE bill would be one of his top legislative priorities. GOP leaders in Kansas, Missouri, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Oklahoma and Wisconsin have recently announced similar ventures.

Conservatives have long sought to shrink the size and cost of government. And it’s common practice for officials from both parties to hire outside consultants to help reduce inefficiency or waste in school, state and city bureaucracies. But the DOGE effort is gaining new steam as Republicans look to fall in line with Trump and blue and red states alike face massive budget gaps that will require some combination of spending cuts or increased taxes.

Democrats, however, argue that many states already have government watchdogs and efficiency panels, so the efforts might be redundant. And Democratic governors also have made gains in cutting red tape and increasing state efficiencies.

In her Condition of the State speech in January, Iowa Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds noted recent efforts to consolidate state agencies, centralize programs and reduce regulations, which she said had already saved Iowans $217 million. In 2023, the governor signed legislation to shrink the state’s 37 executive-level Cabinet agencies down to 16 and changed some of the powers of the governor and attorney general.

“We were doing DOGE before DOGE was a thing,” Reynolds said.

But in her address, Reynolds announced the launch of a state DOGE advisory body, which will be led by Emily Schmitt, a prominent business leader and Reynolds campaign donor. To pass meaningful property tax reform, Reynolds said Iowa must find more savings in state and local government.

Iowa Democrats noted that the state constitution already requires a government watchdog, the state auditor — currently Rob Sand, the only Democrat elected to statewide office.

In 2023, Reynolds signed a bill limiting the auditor’s access to certain information and barring his office from suing state agencies.

Sand, widely speculated to be a potential gubernatorial candidate, called it the “greatest pro-corruption bill and the worst perversion of checks and balances in Iowa’s history.”

“We have someone who has a whole office whose job is to work on this,” said Democratic state Rep. Adam Zabner. “I think we’re more likely to find efficiencies through the state auditor who Iowans elected to that role than we are through a major supporter of the governor’s campaigns.”

Zabner serves on the legislature’s long-standing government efficiency review committee, which examines state government operations every two years.

Zabner said it’s unclear how much true savings were realized from Reynolds’ realignment, as the state previously had hundreds of unfilled jobs. And he said those cuts haven’t necessarily improved the delivery of state services.

“We still have trouble getting all of our nursing homes inspected,” he said. “And there’s a lot of services like that where the delivery hasn’t really been improved.”

The Democratic Governors Association noted that blue-state governors also have taken steps to make state government more efficient and responsive. In November, Pennsylvania Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro took executive action to speed up state permitting for economic development projects. And Colorado Gov. Jared Polis used a table saw to cut through a pile of outdated executive orders on dormant state committees and energy efficiency in December — the latest in his push to make state government more efficient and responsive to taxpayers.

“This isn’t a flashy trend for Governor Polis, it’s something he has carried out during his time in office,” Polis spokesperson Shelby Wieman said in a statement.

Waste or vital service?

Across the country, it’s unclear how much might be cut in efforts to weed out waste or inefficiencies — terms themselves that are entirely subjective.

“One person’s concept of waste is another person’s vital service,” said William Glasgall, public finance adviser at the Volcker Alliance, a nonprofit that works to support public sector workers.

Glasgall said government services are not designed to operate as efficiently as for-profit companies.

While many companies run multiple factory shifts per day to get the most out of their capital investment, schools and government offices with different missions mostly sit empty overnight, on weekends and during breaks. Similarly, cities must staff up police and fire department resources for disasters, even if their crews and equipment idle for long stretches.

Still, Glasgall said, governments have plenty of line items worth scrutinizing.

He pointed to the numerous tax breaks, incentives and abatements states award to individuals and businesses. In a paper last year, the Volcker Alliance estimated these programs reduce state revenues by $1 trillion a year — almost three times the amount state and local governments spent on education in 2021.

Often those forgone revenues are not transparent to taxpayers or scrutinized by state audits or budget offices, Glasgall said.

States contemplating cuts do so from a relatively strong position: A booming economy and federal pandemic aid ballooned state spending and reserve funds.

“States are cutting from a very, very high base,” Glasgall said. “So the cuts they’re making, I’m not sure they’re going to be terribly painful right now.”

Wisconsin Republican state Rep. Amanda Nedweski said the state should constantly be scrutinizing its operations and expenses. But she said the legislature often relies on agencies to self-monitor.

“We sort of operate state government in silos,” she said, “and there can often be redundancy in functions and redundancy in positions.”

Nedweski is leading the new state Assembly committee on Government Operations, Accountability, and Transparency, or GOAT.

Nedweski said the committee will take a big-picture look at state government but is also prepared to dive deep into issues such as regulation reform, the use of state office space, and how Wisconsin can leverage technology such as artificial intelligence to increase efficiency.

The GOP-controlled legislature will likely disagree with Democratic Gov. Tony Evers on budget priorities and programs. But Nedweski said the new committee can suggest meaningful changes that don’t necessarily require a reduction in state services.

“There’s a lot of things that can be reviewed and spending that can be shifted without being cut so we’re more efficiently and productively using our resources,” she said.

Nationwide coordination

The American Legislative Exchange Council, a conservative group known as ALEC that works with lawmakers nationwide, is pushing similar efforts in statehouses across the country.

While that organization ultimately wants to shrink governments, it views examining the effectiveness and costs of existing programs as a commonsense first step.

“One of the things we keep going back to is just the review of current government spending,” said Jonathan Williams, ALEC’s president and chief economist. “In so many cases, performance audits are not done on a regular basis in programs to look for these efficiencies.”

The organization just launched a government efficiency coalition to give state lawmakers best practices “to optimize all levels of government.”

“From our ALEC perspective, we hope that Washington [D.C.] does less going forward,” he said, “and the states and local governments probably need to do more in some cases.”

Many states will be confronting tough spending decisions as revenues flatten or decline.

“So, it’s going to be important to really tighten the belt, right-size government programs, and look for ways to provide those core government services more efficiently so we’re able to deliver real services to those truly at need,” Williams said. “And that, I think, is something that really plays into really a red-state or a blue-state outlook.”

But making governments more efficient can be a battle of inches.

Last week, the newly formed Kansas Senate Committee on Government Efficiency considered a bill that would nix requirements for certain state filings regarding labor organizations, tax abatements and water easements.

Clay Barker, general counsel for Kansas’ Republican secretary of state, told the committee that many of those documents are filed with other state offices and do little aside from creating work for the office.

If passed, the legislation is expected to save 400 hours of one-time IT labor and an ongoing 50 hours of labor annually, Barker said. But officials hope it will encourage other agencies to examine their operations for inefficiencies.

“This bill will not revolutionize state government,” he said.

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.

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