Wisconsin lawmakers who have sought to address child safety online told the Wisconsin Examiner on Thursday that a settlement worth up to $17.1 billion between the owner of Facebook and Instagram and most states in the U.S. is a win, but that it leaves a lot to be done to protect kids.

Wisconsin was one of 47 states involved in a lawsuit, filed in 2023 against Meta, that alleged that the social media giant purposely designed its platforms with addictive features, knew it was exposing children to serious mental harms and intentionally misled the public about the safety of those platforms. 

Wisconsin is set to receive between $219 million and $313 million from the settlement, depending on whether other social media companies agree to the terms. The company in its settlement did not admit to wrongdoing.

For years, concerns about the safety of children online and efforts to protect their mental and physical health have been bubbling up. Wisconsin has adopted laws to ban cellphones during class time and recently expanded its Wisconsin’s Internet Crimes Against Children Task Force.

Rep. Lindee Brill (R-Sheboygan Falls) and Rep. Renuka Mayadev (D-Madison) were part of a group of lawmakers tasked with studying ways the state could protect children online during the 2025-26 legislative session. The task force resulted in an array of proposed bills aimed at addressing the issue, though many — including barring addictive features online for young users, age verification requirements, prohibition against chatbots for children without safety features and mental health warning on social media — did not become law.

“It’s unfortunate that it got to the point that we’ve seen children lose their lives, go through mental health situations,” Brill said. “I believe these platforms understood what they were doing was damaging to children, so while it’s a win, it’s unfortunate that we had to reach a settlement to get this taken care of when this wasn’t addressed previously.”

Mayadev said Meta “capitulated” with the settlement and that “it’s about time” something was done.  

“Young people are feeling more than ever lonely, have had increased suicide ideation, have had more anxiety and eating disorders. We’ve just seen the tremendous detrimental effects of social media,” Mayadev said. 

Both lawmakers said that the settlement is just a start.

During a Wednesday press conference, Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul said the settlement is the largest Big Tech settlement in the history of the country and the largest state consumer protection settlement since the settlements with Big Tobacco in the 1990s. 

According to the New York Times, the Meta settlement’s base cost will be $12 billion, but an additional $5 billion will be paid by Meta if other social media companies also agree to pay in $5 billion. The company has also agreed to the two-hour limit on screen time for children, though it could be decreased to a one-hour limit if other companies agree to the same.

Kaul said the next step is to determine where the funding should go. 

“What I’m going to be doing is everything I can to put these funds toward keeping kids safe in Wisconsin,” Kaul said. The funds, he added, could go towards initiatives such as crisis intervention services, after-school programming and digital wellness use and mental health programming.

Brill noted that while the settlement seems like a lot of money, it is only a small portion of what the multi-trillion dollar company brings in each year.

“I don’t think we can put a worth on the number of children and the damage it’s caused, so while we should celebrate it, I think it’s a cautious celebration because there’s so much work to do and so much loss that came in the meantime,” Brill said. 

Brill and Mayadev said they’d both like lawmakers to be involved in conversations over where the funds are allocated.

Kaul said the most important piece of the settlement is the sweeping safety changes Meta has agreed to make to its platforms. 

“I hope they can set a new standard for the entire industry so that kids who are using social media can stay safe and remain healthy as they’re online,” Kaul said. 

Changes include stronger age verification of users between the ages of 13 and 17, mandatory pauses at 15 minutes, 60 minutes and 90 minutes, limiting screen time for teenagers up to 17 for two hours a day, restrictions on access at night and an elimination of push notifications during school hours. 

“We’re gonna see stronger, more friendly, user-friendly parental controls in place as well, so parents are going to be able more easily to play a larger role in limiting their kids’ use of these platforms,” Kaul said. Beauty filters — which distort a user’s face in real time to change its shape or add makeup — will also be limited. 

Brill said she thinks a key part of the settlement is that the company appears to be keeping “parents in the driver’s seat .” She said she will be interested to see whether the other companies agree, however. Some of the work, she said, will be continuing to push for state-level laws that can address the issue, which she described as nonpartisan. Brill does not face a challenger in her bid for reelection this year. 

“I met some of the families who have had things happen with their children, and it’s absolutely devastating, and it doesn’t matter which way your house votes; it affects everybody,” Brill said. “We’re just seeing the mental health of our state and our children, being so affected by this, so my hope is we can make a smart decision with [the settlement funds], and that we can, as a Legislature, continue to move forward and introduce great legislation to a governor’s desk that’s willing to work with us on it.”

Mayadev said she doesn’t think  the settlement’s guardrails are sufficient.

“Why would we trust the company who has put our children in harm’s way to come up with the solution to protect them?” she said. “No parent — and I’m a parent — should feel like ‘OK, well now let me just hand over the phone and the social media apps because Meta and the other big tech CEOs are gonna care for my children.’”

Mayadev said that ideally regulations on companies would be put in place on a federal level. She said legislation would ensure it is the company’s obligation to make sure platforms are safe rather than burdening parents. She said that “children are bright” and can likely find ways around some of the changes that are being discussed. 

“At the federal level, we need our congressional folks to act because then we’d have uniform guardrails, guidelines for everybody in the United States to adhere to and to protect children,” Mayadev said. “If Congress continues not to act, we’re going to have to do it at the state level, and then what the problem with that is, it’s piecemeal. What we do is different than Minnesota, which is different than Michigan or Ohio.” 

Emily Berge, the former president of the Eau Claire city council and a candidate in the Democratic primary for Wisconsin’s 3rd Congressional District, was working the window of the Wisconsin Farm Bureau milkshake stand at the Trempealeau County fair on July 18 when a woman asked her if she knew the Farm Bureau was for Republicans. 

To Berge, who had been at an event with the left-leaning Wisconsin Farmers Union the day before, the critique didn’t make sense. 

She’s running an underdog campaign against Rebecca Cooke — a former political fundraiser, business owner and waitress who nearly won the seat in 2024 and entered the race with massive advantages in fundraising, name recognition and support from high-profile national Democrats. Left, right or center, she is looking to pick up every vote she can get.

Wisconsin’s 3rd CD is currently represented by U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden and leans Republican at its baseline, according to the Cook Political Report. 

Whoever wins the Democratic primary is going to have to pick off some people who have voted for Van Orden, President Donald Trump or both while not losing the support of organic farmers in Viroqua or tattoo artists in La Crosse.

For Berge, that means slinging milkshakes in Galesville, riding the tilt-a-whirl with Democratic state legislators in West Salem, grinding coffee beans with baristas in La Crosse and attending every county fair, dairy breakfast, cranberry festival and parade between Platteville and Eau Claire. 

After announcing her candidacy in April last year over the objections of the national Democratic party, Berge and her husband Mike realized by November that their old Subaru Outback wasn’t up for the rigors of a congressional campaign and bought a used Hyundai. In the subsequent eight months, they’ve driven 18,000 miles criss-crossing the district. 

Cooke, who previously worked for the centrist group Third Way, has burnished her moderate bonafides by forcefully denouncing left-wing policy proposals such as defunding the police and abolishing ICE while touting endorsements from the centrist congressional Blue Dog Caucus, former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg and Michigan U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens, a member of the fiscally moderate New Democrat Coalition running as a centrist for the U.S. Senate. She’s also been endorsed by U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders. 

The National Republican Congressional Committee still calls her “Commie Cooke.” 

At the end of the most recent reporting period, Cooke had raised $8.3 million since the start of 2025 — outraising Van Orden — and still has $2.4 million in cash on hand. Back in 2022, Cooke fought her way to  a surprise second-place finish in the Democratic primary for the seat. The winner of the primary, state Sen. Brad Pfaff, lost to Van Orden by 3.7 points. In 2024, Cooke won the primary and then lost to Van Orden by 2.7 points, although she outperformed Vice President Kamala Harris and U.S. Sen. Tammy Baldwin in the district on the same Democratic ticket. 

This year her name recognition and support from national Democrats, including an early endorsement from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, vaulted her to the front of the 2026 race. 

This spring, her campaign touted internal polling that put her more than 40 points ahead of Berge. 

But with three weeks before the Aug. 11 primary, political observers, voters and the Berge campaign feel like the gap is closing. 

Grassroots candidate vs. ‘the Establishment’

An oversimplification of the race would be to describe it as a contest between Berge the progressive and Cooke the moderate. That characterization is somewhat true: On healthcare for example, Berge supports Medicare for All while Cooke has called for more incremental policy changes. 

One of the biggest spats of the primary campaign has centered around LGBTQ issues, with Cooke repeatedly fumbling and recanting when asked in several forums if she would vote for a federal ban on conversion therapy. 

Cooke’s back and forth drew criticism from Van Orden for “flip-flopping”

During a May forum in La Crosse, Cooke said the question of conversion therapy should be left to local decision makers. At a June forum in Platteville she said she wouldn’t vote for a conversion therapy ban only to release a statement soon after saying she misunderstood the question and she would vote for a ban. At the final forum of the campaign last week in Eau Claire, Cooke said she does “not support conversion therapy whatsoever” but did not say how she’d vote on a ban. 

Berge, a trained mental health counselor, has been unequivocal in her support of a federal ban on conversion therapy at each forum and noted that she led Eau Claire’s efforts to pass a local ban on the practice. 

More than any particular policy difference, in an election cycle in which the brand of the Democratic party establishment has become toxic, the race has become a swing-seat contest between a candidate who appears determined to shake every hand in western and central Wisconsin against a consultant-backed candidate with poll-tested talking points.

Recently filed campaign finance reports show that Cooke’s campaign has spent almost $500,000 on political consultant fees since January of this year. Across her entire campaign, Berge has spent $578,000.

“It’s kind of that classic tension between the national party and local activists,” Anthony Chergosky, a political science professor at UW-La Crosse, said. “I think that we have seen some ideological differences between the two, but also I think maybe like a bit of a broader conversation here about the value of a competitive primary and the extent to which national political figures should be intervening in these nomination contests.”

Berge, drawing on her experience serving as the president of the Eau Claire common council, is convinced that voters in this cycle are less focused on the exact policy particulars and more interested in someone who comes across as authentic and promises to act with the best interests of the people at heart. 

“It’s not necessarily what, but it’s how. It’s how you show up,” Berge told the Wisconsin Examiner. “That’s what I learned on council. That’s why I ran for council. You know, it’s how you show up, how you lead. It’s about being a bridge between your constituents, city hall or D.C. I think that’s what people want.” 

Without the cash to pay for its own polling, the Berge campaign is instead looking for other clues that she has the late momentum. On rural roads and residential streets in the district, Berge’s red, white and blue signs far outnumber Cooke’s green ones. The campaign chose to go without an office to save the rent money, but it does have 600 volunteers making calls, writing postcards and helping manage the campaign Reddit account. 

“We just always get different new people joining us,” Berge said. “I mean, I kind of have my core group of volunteers who have been with me since day one, but we’re like a snowball going down the mountain, you know, and we’re just collecting more and more people, and so we can just keep going and growing and growing.” 

The Berge campaign also believes that over multiple campaign cycles, voters’ views on Cooke have solidified — and not necessarily in a positive way. Near constant Republican messaging accusing her of being far left-wing, support from the DCCC in a cycle when voters are incensed with national Democrats, questions swirling around her background of political work — made worse by her recent request to delay the filing of her personal financial disclosures until after the primary — and bad blood from previous campaigns have soured people on Cooke, Berge campaign staff say. 

Additionally, Berge’s supporters say, Cooke’s reputation with the 19 county parties within the district has been harmed by the perception of a coronation by people outside the district and the fact that she hasn’t shown up much. 

“Certainly, the Democratic Party of Wisconsin is aware of how unhappy most of the county parties in the third district were with that early DCCC endorsement,” Jill McMullen, chair of the Monroe County party said. 

McMullen added that Berge has been far more visible in her area.

“I certainly think having more time on the ground in the county has made a difference for the Berge campaign in terms of name recognition and seeing her as an individual with a real response and plan for various policies,” she said. “Let’s put it this way: all of the candidates for a 3rd CD race have been invited to attend many events, and Emily has been the most engaged thus far. As far as I’m aware, more people within the party have actually been at events with Emily Berge than with the Cooke events, because there was only one Cooke event since the campaign started last summer.”

The same pattern holds in Portage County, the far eastern wing of the district and the home of former state Rep. Katrina Shankland, whom Cooke beat in the contentious 2024 primary.

Gary Hawley, co-chair of the Portage County party, said hurt feelings about Shankland and the Cooke campaign’s failure to show up until recently have left the county “heavy Berge.” 

Campaign finance reports show that Cooke recently placed a $3 million television ad buy and has spent nearly $500,000 on direct mail to voters. 

In a statement, Cooke touted the support she’s received from local elected officials and unions. 

“Our campaign is meeting with Wisconsinites in every corner of our district and building the coalition to flip this seat,” she said. “I’m proud to have earned support from over 50 local leaders who know I’ll fight for their communities, 15 Wisconsin labor unions because I’ll fight for working people, and trusted leaders like Senators Tammy Baldwin and Bernie Sanders who know I’ll be their ally in taking on the career politicians and elites squeezing the rest of us. I will keep working to earn every single vote to win, because Wisconsin deserves a representative who will take on Trump and fight to lower prices, go after the corruption, and actually put us first.” 

Chergosky said that Cooke’s initial financial advantage and name recognition might be too much for the Berge campaign to overcome — though a close-fought Cooke win could portend something about her support heading into November.

“I do think as we get towards the primary, the candidates will start setting expectations in terms of what would be a good night for them, in terms of what would be a good night, a night that feeds momentum into the general election,” he said. “I think it is widely expected that Cooke will win the primary. So perhaps the more interesting question is the margin of victory …  because that could tell us something about the enthusiasm for her within the Democratic Party base.” 

Still, the Berge campaign sees a path. 

Both candidates are from Eau Claire, but Berge’s recent local government service there could be enough to sway a big win in the district’s second largest county. Shankland won 84% of the vote in Portage County in 2024.

If Berge performs well there while squeaking out a lead in the hub of La Crosse County and chipping away at Cooke’s 2024 margins in the more rural counties, it could be enough to pull off the upset. 

“On our worst night we give her a heart attack,” Nicholas Padesky, Berge’s campaign manager, said of Cooke. 

At each stop Berge made during a packed Saturday of campaigning, Berge’s staff had to drag her away from conversations with voters. She said that she might have disagreements with lots of voters on the issues, but she’ll work to make sure they all know she cares about them. 

“I may not have agreed with Emily on that, but I know she cares deeply about our community,” Berge said, describing voters’ experience with her in local government, which she hopes to translate to her campaign. 

And she believes she can get that message across without selling out the progressive voters and marginalized communities at the core of the Democratic primary electorate — saying she can see opportunities for compromise on lots of issues, including guns, data centers and zoning issues, but not on civil rights. 

“If it’s about civil rights or human rights or constitutional rights, if it’s about humanity, I’m not gonna compromise,” she said.