Early last month, the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources announced a deal to add 100 acres to  Devil’s Lake State Park, expanding recreational opportunities at one of the DNR’s most popular properties. The move also calls attention to the dwindling life of the Knowles-Nelson Stewardship grant program that made the acquisition possible. 

The nearly 40-year-old stewardship grant program has long been a bipartisan success story, allowing the purchase and protection of hundreds of thousands of acres of land across the state. 

Growing opposition to the program within a subset of the Republicans in control of both chambers of the state Legislature — stemming from a combination of antagonism toward land conservation and concerns about the property tax base of Northwoods communities — stymied multiple legislative efforts to re-authorize the program beyond its set expiration at the end of June. 

The Devil’s Lake purchase marks what could be one of the last major actions of the stewardship grant program, which has allocated more than $1.2 billion to conserve more than 700,000 acres of Wisconsin land over its lifetime. 

The program had about $5.5 million remaining as of early April, according to DNR spokesperson Molly Meister. That money is divided into a number of categories, with $2.9 million earmarked for acquiring general easements — agreements with landowners that conserve and protect the land without transferring ownership — and $1.3 million set aside for general land acquisitions. Another $666,667 is meant for acquiring easements specifically for the Ice Age Trail, plus $8,333 for Ice Age Trail land acquisitions. An additional $600,000 is set aside for acquiring land for county forests. 

Meister told the Wisconsin Examiner in an email that the money set aside for the DNR to acquire land itself is expected to be fully used by the time the program expires, while the money set aside for easements will largely be used, but the exact amount is dependent on the agency finding interested landowners. 

“We are currently negotiating with landowners who have expressed a willing interest in selling their land to the department and anticipate all Stewardship general fee acquisition funds to be encumbered before the end of June,” she said.  Easement acquisitions, Ice Age Trail (both fee and easement), and County Forest acquisition is a similar process, but as you have noted, depends on willing landowners looking to acquire an easement versus an outright purchase in the remaining months. We expect a significant amount, but not all, of these funds will be encumbered before the end of June.”

While the program is set to expire, there are ongoing Knowles-Nelson projects around the state that have already been funded through the grant program yet won’t be completed for a few years. Meister said that program staff will close out those active projects before moving to other jobs within the DNR. The rest of the agency has also faced significant cutbacks in recent decades, due to budget constraints and Republican opposition to environmental protection initiatives. 

“It will take several years to close out currently active projects. Staff will continue to work on finishing up these projects,” Meister said. “After these projects are closed out, DNR staff will continue working on other department priorities. Over the past 20 years, we have lost over 500 FTE positions, so there is always more work to do.”

David Grusznski, the Milwaukee programs director for The Conservation Fund, the land conservation non-profit that facilitated the DNR’s purchase of the Devil’s Lake property, told the Examiner that through the stewardship program, the DNR has often been able to function as the last piece of the funding puzzle for projects that conserve land and provide access to that land for the public. 

“It’s very rare that one pot of money funds an entire acquisition, so money is always being leveraged with other people’s money,” he said. “So without the state stewardship funding being able to bring in a portion of that money, we, a lot of partners, are going to be unable to leverage federal dollars, state, city or county dollars that may be available. And we’re going to have to really rely pretty heavily on private fundraising, which is going to be extremely difficult.”

Now, he said, non-profits and land trusts across the state are coming to terms with the pending loss — which will push planned projects years into the future while putting organizations across the state in direct competition over the same pot of private philanthropy money. 

“I think this is all really just starting to set in with a lot of people across the state,” Grusznski said, “as far as the money is not there — what do we do?”

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A group of former University of Wisconsin officials and one lawmaker said better communication is key to building trust among Wisconsinites and overcoming disinvestment in the university as federal and state funding declines.

“The challenges [the higher education system] faces are on multiple fronts: ideological, financial, social professional,” said Michael Bernard-Donals, president of Public Representation Organization of the Faculty Senate (PROFS) and a professor of English and Jewish Studies at UW-Madison. “Much of the public doesn’t trust higher ed anymore or at least doesn’t think it’s worth the price. Costs have increased. The economy is changing, and the job market is shifting and colleges are a useful political punching bag for populists. The compact between the federal government and the universities… has broken down, maybe irreparably, and all of this has made navigating the internal politics of the institution that much harder.”

A 2025 Gallup poll found that confidence in U.S. two- and four-year higher education institutions was up slightly to 42% from a record low of 36% in the previous two years.

The panel featured a Democratic state representative as well as two former UW employees, and much of the conversation centered around how universities and colleges need to improve their communication with Wisconsinites and their political leaders in order to build investment. 

Rep. Angela Stroud (D-Ashland), who served on the Assembly Colleges and Universities committee and formerly taught at Northwoods College, said that it has been “stunning” to her to see the politicization of universities, but it is important that they figure out how to “change the discourse on what higher ed means to the state.”

Stroud said she sees some lawmakers grappling with knowing the importance of higher education when it comes to jobs and economic development, while also making “politically useful” attacks on higher education. 

“Those two things don’t go together very well,” Stroud said. 

In recent years, the relationship between the Republican-led Legislature and the UW system has been marked by disagreements over cutting the system’s budget versus investing in it, debates over DEI and the First Amendment and most recently, the firing of the UW System President Jay Rothman.

Raymond Taffora, emerita vice chancellor for legal affairs at UW-Madison and former chief legal counsel for Gov. Tommy Thompson, listed the issues that he views as most  affecting higher education including diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) efforts, the cuts to federal funding that institutions are facing, changes to student visas due to the Trump administration, concerns about freedom of speech and academic freedom and uncertainty over changes in leadership. 

Addressing the recent tumult over the Rothman firing, Taffora questioned “how could the Board of Regents… decide to remove the president of the university and not designate an interim president of the system?” After the firing, the regents announced that Chris Patton, UW’s vice president for university relations, would serve as acting executive-in-charge prior to the appointment of interim president. 

“It’s not the way to lead a university,” Taffora said.

Greg Summers, an employee of the Milwaukee-based marketing agency BVK and emeritus provost at UW-Stevens Point, said part of the challenge for colleges is that while colleges do well communicating internally, communication with the general public could be better.

“Lots of colleges do a really good job communicating with their stakeholders, but that communication is very narrow. It tends to be very transactional in nature,” Summers said. “Institutions like to talk about themselves. They like to talk about recruitment — getting students to enroll at those institutions, because that’s incredibly financially important. They also talk a lot about getting donors to donate to their campuses, but there’s not a lot of conversation as an industry about the public common good that higher ed brings to American life.” 

Summers said the field of higher education needs to come up with a strategy to speak to the American public with one voice. He said that is the goal of his ad agency’s campaign called “Why College Matters.” It is a free public service campaign, he said, that any college and university can use.

“The campaign that we have created we think resonates with exactly the stakeholders that we need to reach: rural Americans, people without college degrees and political conservatives,” Summer said, adding that those groups  have been among the most skeptical of higher education in the last 10 or 15 years. 

Summers said the campaign gets at the idea of communicating better with Americans about why faculty research matters to them.

“Higher ed cannot solve its problems and its trust issues with communication alone. That’s absolutely true, but higher ed has a real communication problem and has to get outside of its usual bubble and usual audience and to talk to people in different ways about the value that they bring to American life,” Summers said. 

Stroud, noting her prior research on concealed carry and her job as a Democratic lawmaker, said she understands how difficult it is to have conversations that don’t become partisan and divisive.

“I’m just a partisan hack now in many people’s minds. They’re just completely dismissive of the evidence on gun violence… It’s going to be challenging to figure out how to enter into these conversations without being seen as being reduced to just partisan hackery,” Stroud said, adding that walking that line is essential for these conversations. 

Taffora said UW faculty and staff could improve on putting their expertise to use out in the state and living out the “Wisconsin Idea.” He brought up Walter Dickey, a faculty member of the University of Wisconsin Law School who also served as the Wisconsin Department of Corrections secretary under former Gov. Tony Earl, as an example.

“There was a time when the University of Wisconsin faculty were not only noted for their expertise, but their expertise was deployed,” Taffora said. “The best way to showcase expertise is… to get busy and to lend your expertise.”

Taffora said the showcasing needs to extend to lawmakers and decision makers and it could be beneficial for the UW system to further expand its lobbying efforts. 

“If that was a private company, you’d have batteries of lobbyists that would descend on the Legislature to tell stories. Interacting with decision-makers is key” Taffora said. “The story is a good one to tell, but it has to be told with facts and it has to be told with a degree of humility, not condescension.”

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Charlotte Cravins’ son Landry turned 2 in January. He’s a smiley little boy who loves singing “Itsy Bitsy Spider” and recently got his first pair of glasses.

Landry was born with Down syndrome and has impaired vision. He receives publicly funded therapies that have helped him learn to crawl, to pull himself up to stand, and to use American Sign Language.

Landry lives with his parents and sister in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, one of the eight states whose attorney general has chosen to remain in a lawsuit challenging a federal rule that protects accommodations for people with disabilities. States are asking a federal court in Texas to declare unconstitutional a part of federal law that requires states to provide services to disabled people in their communities, rather than in institutions, when appropriate.

Cravins, an attorney, has followed the case with increasing concern. If the states succeed, that could strip disabled people like her son of the right to publicly funded services that allow them to live in their own homes and neighborhoods, and instead push them into institutions such as state hospitals and nursing homes.

“Landry is a part of our family, a part of the community,” she said, “and to present his involvement in our family and in our community as a burden is unconscionable.”

The lawsuit is unusual. It began in 2024 with 17 Republican-led states suing the Biden administration over its inclusion of gender dysphoria as a protected disability under a portion of federal law known as Section 504. The states also challenged the constitutionality of Section 504 itself.

But the suit has since morphed into something different.

After President Donald Trump was reelected and his administration made clear it would not enforce the Biden rule protecting gender dysphoria, eight states pulled out of the lawsuit. Their attorneys general scrambled to distance themselves from it, amid a swift backlash from the disability community that warned the suit imperiled federal protections for all people with disabilities.

But in a surprising move, nine states chose to stick with the lawsuit anyway, and in January amended their complaint.

They’re now asking the court to strike down a part of Section 504 that requires states to provide disabled people with services in their communities whenever possible, rather than in institutions such as state hospitals and nursing homes.

It’s a maneuver that has shocked many in the disability rights community. Those who spoke with Stateline said they have not received answers from public officials about why the states are still pursuing the lawsuit after the Trump administration removed federal protections for gender dysphoria.

The Republican attorneys general from the states involved either did not respond to Stateline’s requests for comment or referred Stateline to Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who is leading the lawsuit. Paxton did not respond to Stateline’s request for comment.

Last week, a few days after Stateline reached out, Indiana dropped out of the lawsuit, leaving eight states remaining.

Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita, a Republican, said he remains concerned about “federal overreach into traditional state matters” but felt that Trump’s move in December to officially exclude gender dysphoria from Section 504 protections meant the lawsuit’s core objective had been reached.

“Our goal in this lawsuit was to remove President Biden’s ridiculous addition of gender dysphoria as a disability, which risked jeopardizing services for those who truly need them most,” Rokita said in a statement. He noted he has a child with a disability; his son has Angelman syndrome, which causes developmental delays.

But eight other states are pushing forward with the lawsuit: Alaska, Florida, Kansas, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, South Dakota and Texas.

Cravins, Landry’s mom, said she feels misled by Louisiana Republican Attorney General Liz Murrill, because Murrill initially framed the case as being about the inclusion of gender dysphoria and has not responded to questions about why her state remains involved after that’s no longer an issue.

“Other states left the lawsuit. Louisiana didn’t. Why?” Cravins asked. She said she’s written an open letter to Murrill about the case, with no response. “At this point, it seems that her issue is people with disabilities living in the community.”

States say in their revised complaint that updates to Section 504 unfairly restrict how they’re able to spend money and prevent them from deciding how best to care for their own residents. They say their budgets, strained by rising costs and workforce shortages, can’t always accommodate expensive service changes required by the law, and that with smaller Medicaid budgets they’re having to make hard choices. Removing the law’s “integration mandate” would give them more flexibility.

Disability rights advocates respond that if the court strikes down the integration rule, it will be harder for people with disabilities to get services in their communities. States won’t be required to provide those as a condition of receiving federal money.

And they worry the states’ efforts signal a return to darker times, when disabled people were hidden away, warehoused in institutions and far from family and friends.

“The reality is, the world was not built with us in mind, and there are people who would rather us not be here,” said Kaleigh Brendle, an advocate and college student who launched a nonprofit to push back against efforts to defang Section 504. “Us existing in the world makes people uncomfortable, with our braces, our canes, our wheelchairs, our differences.”

Nonpartisan, until recently

For decades, disability issues were largely nonpartisan. The two most consequential landmark federal disability rights laws were signed by Republican presidents: Richard Nixon signed the Rehabilitation Act — which includes Section 504 — in 1973; George H.W. Bush signed the Americans with Disabilities Act in 1990.

The requirement that states provide services for disabled people in their communities comes from the landmark 1999 Olmstead v. L.C. ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court. Advocates hailed that decision as a civil rights victory that has helped shift disability care from institutional “warehousing” to integrating disabled people into the fabric of their communities.

“Now the states’ lawsuit seeks to upend all of that,” said M. Geron Gadd, a senior attorney with the National Health Law Program who focuses on disability rights cases.

Gadd said that as a litigator, she’s seen states shift how they fight disability-related cases: Instead of disputing how laws apply in specific situations, states are increasingly challenging the thrust of the laws themselves.

“States seem to be much more offended by having to conform their programs and services to basic requirements of disability law,” said Gadd. And, she added, “it seems to have become politicized in ways that it had not been for decades.”

State efforts have echoed those at the federal level.

The Trump administration has been pushing a rule change that would penalize disabled adults who live with their families and deduct the value of their bedroom from the amount they receive in federal benefits. Last year, Trump administration officials abandoned a proposal to cut disability benefits for older workers after news reports and public outcry. The efforts have been made in the name of government efficiency and reducing red tape, particularly in safety-net programs.

And in April, the U.S. Department of Justice delayed a Biden-era deadline — based on the Americans with Disabilities Act — for state and local governments to update their web content to make it accessible for people with disabilities.

Disability rights advocates say the conservative-led states and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services they are suing feel like two sides of the same coin, with disabled people and their families caught in the middle of the case, without a champion.

‘Something to fight back’

When Kaleigh Brendle was 17, she joined four other vision-impaired high school students in challenging a decision by the College Board — which administers Advanced Placement tests — to replace hard-copy Braille exams with a digital format during the COVID-19 pandemic.

They were successful. Brendle’s experience then, as well as her experiences pushing to get the accommodations she needed in school, drove her to advocate for disability rights nationally.

She named her new advocacy nonprofit Judy’s League, for Judy Heumann, a legendary disability rights activist known as the “Mother of the Disability Rights Movement.” Brendle likes to quote Heumann, who often said that disability can happen to anyone at any time.

Families and students with disabilities also worry the Republican states’ lawsuit could erode Section 504 protections for students if states were no longer required to provide services in public schools and could instead direct students to institutions.

As a student, Brendle received services locally that helped her learn to use a cane, to read Braille and to use accessible technology needed to complete school coursework.

At times she had to push for the accommodations she needed.

“But at least 504 gives you a leg to stand on,” she said. “It gives you something to fight back with.”

Similarly, Cravins worries her son Landry could have a hard time receiving services at his local school when he’s old enough to attend, even though he would be able to go to school with his peers with the right supports.

National disability rights groups — including the National Federation of the Blind, the National Down Syndrome Society and the Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund — have continued urging the public to speak out about the possible loss of rights.

“It feels like it’s up to us as individuals to try and convince these people in these positions of power to stop attacking us,” Brendle said.

Cascading effects

On Monday, the states asked the judge to decide the lawsuit without a trial. Over the next few months, the states and feds will file briefs with the court. Disability community groups and allies will have the chance to file briefs as well.

If the states prevail, it’s hard to say what the cascading legal impacts could be. A win could trigger further litigation. Other courts might interpret the law differently.

A number of state laws, programs and other efforts have been built on the integration mandate and could be affected as well, said Mike Oxford, a retired director of an independent living center in Topeka, Kansas, who has been a longtime disability rights advocate.

“I’ve seen people with significant disabilities become great lawyers, academics, corporate leaders, on and on,” he said. “That would not have happened” without the integration mandate.

Oxford said he has not gotten a response from Kansas Republican Attorney General Kris Kobach when he asked about the case. He doesn’t think that the attorneys general remaining in the case believe it’s still about gender dysphoria.

“It’s just totally ridiculous,” he said. “They’re lawyers. They signed the new complaint. They know what it does and doesn’t say.”

If the court strikes down the integration mandate, that doesn’t mean the entire law is invalidated or in-community services automatically cease.

But it does mean that if a family were denied services outside of an institution, they’d likely have to pursue litigation each time to fight the decision, Cravins said.

“I think it’s important for the average citizen to realize that laws only work when there is enforcement behind them,” she said.

Stateline reporter Anna Claire Vollers can be reached at avollers@stateline.org.

A Milwaukee provider of personal care services has been charged with bilking Wisconsin’s Medicaid program of almost $2.2 million, the state Department of Justice announced Wednesday.

Debbie Long, 44, was charged with billing Medicaid for services that didn’t take place, according to the criminal complaint filed Tuesday.

The complaint also charges Long inflated the size of the payroll and workforce at her home health business to obtain a $219,072 loan under the Paycheck Protection Program enacted to help businesses that had to temporarily shut down early in the COVID-19 pandemic.

In addition, the complaint alleges she purchased businesses and a luxury car with proceeds, using a series of shell companies to conceal where some of the funds came from.

Long’s business, Pinnacle Home Health Care LLC, submitted reimbursement claims for services purportedly provided to Medicaid members between March 2017 and August 2022, according to the complaint. DOJ investigators reviewing those submissions found at least $2.1 million in Medicaid reimbursements to Pinnacle for services that weren’t performed, the complaint charges.

The complaint says the allegedly fraudulent billings included “impossible or improbable hours of service,” such as a personal care worker who reportedly worked more than 12 hours on a single day for one Medicaid member.

There were also reimbursements for services that were never provided, according to the complaint, for services that were more than workers provided, for services in which the Medicaid member’s need was “misrepresented,” and for services when the Medicaid member was in the hospital or incarcerated — situations in which members weren’t eligible for Medicaid reimbursement.

The investigation included interviews with Medicaid recipients as well as personal care workers employed by the business who helped investigators uncover some of the allegedly false information provided, according to the complaint.

Long is charged with five felony counts: theft by false representation greater than $10,000, fraud against a financial institution greater than $100,000, wire fraud against a financial institution, and two counts of money laundering greater than $100,000.

Court records reviewed Wednesday did not list an attorney for Long.

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The voting rights-focused firm Law Forward filed a lawsuit against the Wisconsin Elections Commission Wednesday over the commission’s decision to throw out the spring election votes of 23 Madison voters whose absentee ballots were properly filled out and filed in time, yet were delivered by the city clerk’s office to poll sites after 8 p.m. on Election Day. 

The six-member commission voted last week to order the Dane County Board of Canvass not to count the votes in its certification of the election results because the ballots were delivered minutes after the polls closed April 7. State law allows absentee ballots to be returned until polls close. Ballots can be returned through the mail, to absentee ballot drop boxes located around Madison, to the city clerk’s office or directly to the voter’s polling location. 

The lawsuit, filed in Dane County Circuit Court, argues WEC’s application of the law is unconstitutional because the voters followed all the rules and their ballots were late through “no fault of their own.” 

Madison’s election administration has generated negative headlines several times in the last few years after the city clerk’s office misplaced and failed to count nearly 200 absentee ballots during the 2024 presidential election. The clerk in charge during that election no longer works for the city and the commission has instituted a number of requirements on city election officials to prevent similar errors from happening again. 

Law Forward President Jeff Mandell said in a statement that in this case, WEC is overreaching. He pointed to a long history of Wisconsin court precedent that states voters can’t be disenfranchised over administrative failures of election officials. 

“These voters did everything Wisconsin law asked of them, and the city and county properly counted their ballots,” Mandell said. “Their votes were cast, received, and counted on Election Day. WEC is now trying to erase them from the record because of a clerical error these voters had absolutely no control over. Failing to count these absentee votes will only erode trust in our elections and jeopardize access to voting in future elections. It’s critical that the court take urgent action to ensure these votes are counted.”

No local or state election results will be changed by the 23 votes. The lawsuit must move quickly because state law requires that the results of the state’s April 7 election must be certified by May 15.

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A new legal battle is underway between Democratic Gov. Tony Evers and Republican leaders in the Legislature.

Evers and Attorney General Josh Kaul are suing the co-chairs of the Legislature’s powerful Joint Finance Committee to overturn a 2018 law that requires JFC approval of legal settlements involving the Wisconsin Department of Justice.

The law was passed by the Republican majority in the Legislature and signed by outgoing Gov. Scott Walker in December 2018 just before Evers and Kaul took office. It was among a group of laws that gave lawmakers increased power over executive branch actions, including control over aspects of the DOJ’s civil litigation.

In June 2025, the Wisconsin Supreme Court in a unanimous ruling held that the law was unconstitutional as applied to two categories of DOJ lawsuits.

The ruling stripped the JFC of the authority to intervene in DOJ settlements in suits on behalf of state agencies that enforce civil penalties, and settlements in other suits the DOJ files at the request of state agencies.

The new suit was filed April 7 in Dane County Circuit Court. Its existence was first reported Tuesday by Wisconsin Public Radio.

The lawsuit argues that it is unconstitutional for the Legislature to insert itself in settlements when the state itself, not just a state agency, is a plaintiff — for example, if DOJ sues a federal agency on behalf of the state to challenge a federal regulation.

In addition it argues that lawmakers don’t have the right to intervene when the state is a defendant in a lawsuit and the settlement would not require the appropriation of additional funds. An example could be representing the Department of Corrections in a lawsuit brought by a prisoner charging a civil rights violation.

The suit names the Joint Finance Committee as well as co-chairs Sen. Howard Marklein (R-Spring Green) and Rep. Mark Born (R-Beaver Dam). The lawmakers did not immediately respond to requests for comment Wednesday.

Citing the 2025 ruling, the lawsuit argues that the Legislature only has a potential role in resolving a civil suit if the resolution requires lawmakers to enact a new law or the Legislature is a client in the litigation.

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By Naisha Roy/Medill News Service

WASHINGTON — Dozens of people gathered on a sandy lot in front of the White House construction zone Tuesday evening, carrying posters peppered with monarch butterflies and unfurling massive banners reading “Set kids free.”

The butterflies symbolized immigrants without legal status, as the protesters called to abolish all detention facilities in the United States as part of a “Close the Camps” vigil and protest organized by the Coalition to End Family and Child Detention.

“Migration is beautiful,” said Anat Shenker-Osorio, a communications manager for advocacy groups that helped organize the event. “People move, and that should be celebrated.”

Many of the protesters were from Texas, rallying against the conditions in the Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Dilley Immigration Processing Center south of San Antonio. 

Over the last few months, several advocacy group reports and lawsuits have alleged the facility lacks potable drinking water, healthcare, adequate food and clean clothing for detainees, many of whom are children.

“Families are reporting worms and mold in the food that’s making children ill,” said Trudy Taylor Smith, a policy administrator for the Children’s Defense Fund in Texas who was at the protest. “They are reporting a lack of access to clean drinking water. The tap smells foul. It’s making children sick, and yet if people want to avoid the tap and access clean water, they have to pay their own money to buy bottled water from the commissary.”

Democrats demand release of families

Dilley is the larger of two facilities in the country that hold immigrant families with children. Both had been shuttered for nearly four years, until the Trump administration reopened them in early 2025. 

Since then, children at the Dilley detention center reported feeling “sadness and depression,” in handwritten letters to ProPublica news reporters. They also wrote about losing their appetites and missing home. 

On the same day as the protest, a delegation of congressional Democrats led by Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-Texas, visited the Dilley facility and urged the Department of Homeland Security to release all families detained there. The delegation included Reps. Sylvia Garcia, D-Texas; Christian Menefee, D-Texas; Adelita Grijalva, D-Ariz.; Henry Cuellar, D-Texas; Mark Takano, D-Calif.; and Chellie Pingree, D-Maine.

“The kids, as you can imagine, were distraught. They were sobbing most of the time that we were with them,” Castro said after the inspection. “When it comes to the Dilley detention center, it’s one horror after another and one abuse after another.”

The Trump administration has denied the reports of mistreatment in Dilley, saying in a press release that all detainees have access to educational resources, infant care packages and regular medical screenings. “In most cases, this is the best healthcare illegal aliens have received in their entire lives,” the release reads.

Single mothers detained with children

Dianne Garcia, a pastor at San Antonio’s Roca de Refugio Church, led the protest with a moment of silence in honor of those detained and deported. so far. Garcia has seen 18 people in her community detained, including several single mothers sent to Dilley with their children.

“I knew a 3-year-old. He used to be the most gregarious kid,” she said. “Now he’s afraid all the time, always by his mother’s side.”

About 1 in 3 Texan children have an immigrant parent, per the Migration Policy Institute. 

The Austin school district lost over 3,000 students this year, partly because parents feared sending their kids to school amid immigration sweeps.  

“When children don’t feel safe to go to school, when enrollment drops, that means teachers are laid off, that means they lose funding,” Taylor Smith said.

Despite this, the Trump administration has announced plans to expand holding areas for children. 

Many demonstrators spoke out against a proposed detention center in Alexandria, Louisiana, set to be a “short-term facility,” where migrant families and unaccompanied children would be held for three to five days. 

Trump administration officials have said the facility will only temporarily house people who have agreed to “self-deport,” or leave the country voluntarily.

The detention facility’s construction was sited inside the Alexandria International Airport complex, across from the tarmac. U.S. officials deport hundreds of immigrants without legal status every day on ICE-contracted planes from this airport. 

Already, an investigation by The Guardian found the former military facility to be heavily contaminated with PFAS, toxic “forever chemicals” directly linked to cancer and other diseases. 

‘The same thing as being in a cage’

The protest organizers hoped to prevent more detention centers, and abolish the ones that already exist. Some attendees were former detainees, like Sulma Franco, who came to the United States in 2009 from Guatemala and was immediately sent to a facility by the Border Patrol. She called the detention center where she was held a hielera, or icebox, referencing the frigid temperature. 

“Being in a detention center is the same thing as being in a cage or being in jail,” she said, in an interview conducted in Spanish. “I believe the solution isn’t improvement; the solution is to close them permanently.”

Shenker-Osorio, the communications manager, said part of the protest’s goal was to maintain pressure on the White House and shift the rhetoric around how detention is discussed. 

Instead of “facilities,” for example, some of those at the event specifically chose to use the word “camps,” referencing the similarity in conditions to Nazi concentration camps. 

The coalition has a policy working group that communicates with Congress, with the ultimate aim of passing legislation banning family detention.

“This isn’t a difficult moral question,” Taylor Smith said. “Children don’t belong in cages.”

Medill News Service articles are reported and written by graduate student journalists in the Washington program of the Medill School at Northwestern University.

WASHINGTON — Voters, including those within the Make America Healthy Again movement, say the rising cost of healthcare is a significant concern that will have an impact on whom they support in November’s midterm elections, according to a poll released Wednesday by KFF. 

Sixty-one percent of respondents to the survey, which asked how important several health-related issues were, said the price of healthcare will have a major impact on which party they support as control of Congress hangs in the balance.

Among MAHA voters, who are predominantly Republicans but also include independents and some Democrats, 42% said cost is their top issue heading into the elections. 

“While the issue of health costs is more salient for Democratic voters than for Republicans, larger shares across partisans say health costs will have a major impact on their voting decisions than say the same about vaccine policy or food safety,” the survey said. 

Seventy-two percent of Democrats, 63% of independents and 47% of Republicans said the cost of healthcare will have a major impact on which party’s candidate they vote for. 

Vaccine policy came in next, with 57% of Democrats, 46% of independents and 32% of Republicans surveyed saying it will have a major impact on their choice. 

Issues related to food safety came in third after 43% of Democrats, 40% of independents and 38% of Republicans responded that it will have a major impact on their choice of candidate.  

MAHA issues 

For MAHA voters, twice as many listed health costs as their first priority than the next issue: restricting the use of certain chemical additives in food, which was a key concern for 21%.

Ten percent were interested in politicians who will reevaluate vaccine approvals, 8% want lawmakers to limit corporate interest in food and 8% want Congress to limit the use of pesticides in agriculture. Eleven percent said none of those or had no answer. 

The survey showed that a significant majority of Americans across the political spectrum believe the government hasn’t done enough to address chemical additives in food or pesticide use in agriculture, two core demands of MAHA supporters.  

“The public perception that there is not enough regulation may be rooted in broader skepticism toward the industries themselves,” the survey said. “Most U.S. adults do not trust pharmaceutical companies, food and beverage companies, or agricultural companies to act in the public’s best interest.”

Doctors and healthcare providers were the most trusted source of information at 70%, followed by agriculture companies at 40%, food and beverage companies at 25% and pharmaceutical companies at 21%. 

Seventy-five percent of those polled said the government hasn’t done enough to regulate chemicals in food, while 65% said it should do more to regulate pesticides in agriculture. 

The poll of 1,343 U.S. adults took place from April 14 to April 19. It has a margin of error of 3 percentage points for the full sample and 6 percentage points for MAHA supporters.

The post No More Kings: Let’s Build the Future While the Administration is Distracted appeared first on RENEW Wisconsin.

Lexus has pulled the wraps off the TZ, a fully electric three-row, six-seat SUV that gives the brand a proper family-hauling EV to slot above the RZ. It rides on the same architecture as the Toyota bZ Highlander but gets a reworked body, a more upscale cabin, and a stronger all-wheel-drive powertrain to justify the badge on the hood.

At 5,100 mm (200.8 in) long, the TZ stretches 50 mm (2 inches) beyond its Toyota sibling, though both share an identical 3,050 mm (120.1-inch) wheelbase and the same general proportions. From there, the styling diverges sharply.

More: The First Electric Lexus ES Actually Costs Less Than The Hybrid

The front end leads with a closed-off spindle grille flanked by stacked, two-story LED headlights, and the squared-off hood borrows visual cues from the tougher Lexus GX. The sides are heavily sculpted around the wheel arches, drawing the eye to the standard 22-inch alloys, with 20s available for buyers who want to soften the ride and (likely) improve their driving range.

The semi-flush door handles and the pillars appear to be carried over from the Toyota, but the roofline drops towards the back leading to a slightly longer rear overhang. The rear end has a large roof spoiler, full-width LED taillights and vertical L-shaped indicators.

Quietest Lexus SUV Yet, With An LFA Soundtrack On Tap

Inside, Lexus is pitching the TZ as a “relaxing lounge experience” for every occupant, with six seats spread across three rows. The brand has thrown serious effort at sound insulation and NVH tuning, to the point that it claims the TZ will be the quietest cabin in their SUV lineup, flagship LX included.

More: Lexus’ $100,000 Luxury Minivan Picks Up A Few Strange New Tricks

The TZ doesn’t have to whisper at all times, though. An Active Sound Control system pipes in synthesized soundscapes tied to throttle inputs, including what Lexus describes as “musical chord sequences” and, more interestingly, a mode that mimics the howl of the LFA’s V10. Whether anyone shopping a three-row family EV actually wants their grocery runs scored by a fake supercar soundtrack is a separate question, but the option is there.

Three Rows Of Lounge Seating And Hidden Touch Controls

The front and second row seats offer ventilation and power leg rests, while even the third-row seats promise “sofa-like cushioning”. The second and third rows have a one-touch fold-down feature for expanding the cargo space. Passengers will also find various storage compartments including a removable rear console.

The dashboard is dominated by the large touchscreen with a new generation infotainment, joined by a digital instrument cluster. Unlike the Toyota that has a row of physical switches under the touchscreen, the Lexus opts for touch buttons that remain hidden on the dashboard trim and steering wheel trim when not in use, in combination with a textured volume cylinder.

The rest of the spec sheet reads like a Lexus showroom brochure: panoramic roof, soft-close doors, configurable ambient lighting, and a 21-speaker Mark Levinson audio system. Trim materials lean into the brand’s sustainability push, with forged bamboo inserts and bio-based UltraSuede upholstery throughout. The latest Lexus Safety System+ 4.0 ADAS suite comes standard.

Standard AWD And A 300-mile range

The SUV rides on a reinforced version of the TNGA architecture and will be exclusively available as an EV. Dual electric motors produce a combined 402 hp (300 kW / 408 PS) and up to 369 lb-ft (500 Nm) of torque, surpassing the most potent version of its Toyota sibling.

More: Toyota’s Next Corolla Cross Is Growing Up, And The RAV4 Should Be Worried

Power is transmitted to all four wheels via the standard Direct4 AWD system. The driver has access to a Dynamic Rear Steering system, five selectable drive modes (Normal, Sport, Eco, Range, Rear Comfort), and five levels of regenerative braking.

According to Lexus, the 0-62 mph (0-100 km/h) acceleration is completed in 5.4 seconds and the towing capacity is rated at 3,500 lbs (1,588 kg).

Buyers have a choice between two lithium-ion battery packs with capacities of 76.96 kWh and 95.82 kWh. The larger battery targets an EPA range of 300 miles (483 km), which is actually 20 miles (32 km) lower than the maximum range of the Highlander, most likely due to the extra power.

For global markets the WLTP rating is 530 km (329 miles), the WLTC range is 620 km (385 miles) and the more optimistic CLTC figure is 640 km (398 miles).

More: Toyota’s Most Powerful Land Cruiser Ever Is A $112K Hybrid Americans Can’t Buy

The North American TZ comes with a NACS port making it compatible with Tesla Superchargers. On the other hand, the global-spec model sticks with the CCS2 port. Both support up to 150 kW DC fast charging, meaning that a 10-80% charge can be completed in 35 minutes.

Production And Availability

The new Lexus EV will roll off two assembly lines. North American units will be built at the Georgetown facility in Kentucky alongside the Toyota Highlander, while Europe and Asia will be supplied by the Miyata plant in Japan.

The 2027 Lexus TZ is expected to reach North American dealers at the end of 2026, with Europe, Japan, China, and other international markets following in early 2027. Detailed pricing and trim structure will be announced later this year.

Hyundai lit a fire under the performance EV world when it dropped the Ioniq 5 N a couple of years back. Not only was it the South Korean brand’s first crack at a high-performance electric car, it was arguably the first EV built with the driver, not the spec sheet, at the forefront.

Now comes the follow-up. The Korean brand has launched its second high-performance EV, the Ioniq 6 N. Created around the same philosophy as the Ioniq 5 N, and sharing many of its parts, the 6 N promises even greater performance with far more adjustability, a slightly higher price tag, and quicker lap times, aided in no small part by the lower center of gravity.

Review: The Hyundai Ioniq 5 N Is A Ballistic Missile That Redefines EVs

The question is, can Hyundai have possibly made the already great Ioniq 5 N even better? We headed to Sydney Motorsport Park to find out, putting the Ioniq 6 N through its paces. It revealed itself to be a car so enjoyable to drive that it’s hardly even recognizable as an EV.

QUICK FACTS

What Makes It Special?

Significant improvements have been made to the Ioniq 6 to ensure it’s fitting of the N badge. It uses an 84 kWh battery pack and a pair of electric motors delivering 448 kW (601 hp) and 740 Nm (546 lb-ft) of torque as standard, and 478 kW (650 hp) with the N Grin Boost function enabled and launch control engaged. The battery packs support charging from 350-kW DC fast chargers, with peak charging rates of around 250 kW, enough to charge the pack from 10-80 percent in 18 minutes.

Photos Hyundai Australia

Like any N product, this one is about much more than improved power. Hyundai has tweaked the suspension geometry, lowering the roll center and installing new dual-layer bushings. It also uses an advanced, new stroke-sensing electronically controlled suspension system that adjusts damping based on driving conditions and travel stroke. There’s also an electronically limited-slip differential at the rear, a steering mounting void bushing to improve response, and Hyundai’s Integrated Drive Axle.

Hyundai has also added 44 additional weld points and an extra 340 mm (13.4 inches) of structural adhesive to the body-in-white, and installed new brakes with 400 mm (15.7-inch) discs with four-piston calipers up front. There are also two brake-feel modes, a slew of regenerative-braking settings, and several aerodynamic improvements, including a rear wing that delivers 100 kg (220 lbs) of downforce.

Like the Ioniq 5 N, the number of functions to enhance the driving experience is dizzying. There’s the N Drift Optimizer, N Launch Control, and an N Torque Distribution that allows for 11 different adjustments to how power is sent to the wheels, ranging from 95:5 front-to-rear to 5:95 front-to-rear. Hyundai has also included its N Pedal system to boost regenerative braking on the track and improve tuck-in response, N Grin Boost to increase power in 10-second bursts, and N Battery to optimize battery temperatures for drag, sprint, and endurance settings.

In Australia, prices start at AU$115,000 (US$82,800). In the US, it’s expected to start at around US$70,000. The matte grey model you’ll see in some photos includes several carbon fiber accessories, including a towering AU$7,289 (US$5,245) rear wing, a AU$2,484 (US$1,787) carbon splitter, AU$4,810 (US$3,461) side skirts, and a AU$4,090 (US$2,943) rear diffuser.

Sporty Cabin Tweaks

Photos Hyundai Australia

The interior has also been tweaked, although it’s not dramatically removed from the regular Ioniq 6. Key touches include a new N steering wheel, new head-up display graphics, bucket seats, and new leather and Alcantara surfaces.

As the N is based on the facelifted Ioniq 6, it has all of the same features. These include a configurable 12.3-inch digital instrument cluster, a 12.3-inch infotainment display, and, importantly, loads of tactile, physical buttons throughout, an increasing rarity in the EV space. It’s a lovely space to spend time, and the upgrades made to the N ensure it feels special.

Just like the Ioniq 5 N, the Ioniq 6 N is very much a niche product. This is not the type of vehicle that Hyundai expects to sell in high numbers. In Australia, roughly 500 expressions of interest have been received, although order books have yet to open, so it’s unclear how many of those will actually translate into buyers.

Driving

Photos Hyundai Australia

All it takes is a quick look at the Ioniq 6 N’s specs to understand that this is a car that means serious business. However, unlike some of the straight-line heroes that dominate the so-called ‘performance’ class of EVs, Hyundai’s latest creation is about much more than simply pulling away from an intersection quickly.

Of course, that’s not to say that this thing isn’t ferocious off the line. It is. According to Hyundai, the Ioniq 6 N can sprint to 100 km/h (62 mph) in just 3.2 seconds with the N Grin Boost function enabled, which bumps up peak power to 478 kW (650 hp) and 740 Nm (546 lb-ft) of torque for 10-second bursts. In our testing, we recorded repeated runs to 100 km/h in 3.2 seconds, while running from 60-120 km/h takes as little as 2.45 seconds.

Photos Hyundai Australia

While it’d be easy to shrug off these figures given how many quick EVs are on the market right now, it’s worth remembering that numbers like these were once the exclusive territory of high-end supercars costing half a million dollars, not a practical four-door sedan that stickers for a fraction of that and costs about a third of what a Porsche Taycan Turbo does.

Fitted as standard with Pirelli P Zero Elect tires, but equipped with P Zero Corsa rubber for our track sessions, the car simply bites into the pavement, delivering unrelenting, unforgiving acceleration.

No Electric Sedan Should Drive Like This

However, it’s the handling and overall driving dynamics of the Ioniq 6 N that stand out more than the acceleration.

Like the Ioniq 5 N, the 6 N uses a pair of powerful electric motors at the front and rear axles. It includes the N Torque Distribution function, allowing drivers to move from as much as 95 percent front-power bias to 95 percent rear-power bias. However, to extract peak power from the two motors, it’s best to keep the power split in its 50-50 mode.

Even in this mode, with a 60-40 front-to-rear power split, the Ioniq 6 N feels inherently rear-biased and is even more playful than its SUV sibling. For several laps, I had the car’s power split in 50-50 mode with the ESC in Sport mode, and was left giddy by how the rear end gracefully starts to kick under power. When it does step out, the stability control system allows for a surprising amount of slide angle before reining things in, making the EV exceptionally easy to control at and beyond the limit.

Read: New Elantra N TCR Undercuts The Civic Type R By $7,000 With A Bigger Wing

Outright grip is exceptional and has been perfectly coupled with superb steering feel, despite it being an electrically assisted system. What’s particularly impressive is that the steering provides just as much feedback as Hyundai’s combustion-powered N models. There are no dramas in determining where the extremities of the grip are, either through the front or the rear axle.

Admittedly, the overall size of the Ioniq 6 N and its weight mean that both the road-focused P Zero Elect and P Zero Corsa tires start to overheat after three or four flying laps. This wasn’t helped by the fact that the tires of the cars we tested were dated back to 2023, so they were a little old.

Photos Brad Anderson/Carscoops

Improvements have been made to the car’s N e-Shift function. This is the system that aims to replicate the feel of Hyundai N’s eight-speed dual-clutch, providing a satisfying thump in the back and a change in torque just like an ICE car. Whereas the Ioniq 5 N had seven of these fake gears, the Ioniq 6 N has eight. With shorter ratios, even though they’re not real, it’s possible to enjoy even more shifts.

Those who haven’t experienced this system may be quick to dismiss it. After all, how can an EV’s software possibly mimic actually shifting gears? However, the team of Hyundai engineers who developed the N’s eight-speed dual-clutch also developed this system, and it’s almost indistinguishable from a normal transmission. It’s bewildering at first, but quickly becomes second nature.

Alterations have also been made to the car’s N Active Sound+ system. As in the Ioniq 5 N, the Ioniq 6 N’s system includes three modes, Ignition, Evolution, and Supersonic, although changes have been made to all three. Whereas the Ioniq 5 N’s system uses two channels, the Ioniq 6’s uses six, providing a richer, louder, and more authentic soundtrack, particularly in Ignition, which sounds just like the exhaust of the i30 N. However, the Active Sound+ system doesn’t faithfully recreate the sound of a turbocharged four-cylinder quite as well as the e-Shift does act like a genuine dual-clutch.

On-Road Performance

Photos Hyundai Australia

On the road, the Ioniq 6 N revealed itself to be a shockingly good cruiser, yet one that can transform into an animal at the press of the N button.

Given the performance on offer, it should come as no surprise that the Ioniq 6 N isn’t as efficient as the regular model. Sitting on the highway, it’ll average about 19 kWh/100 km, which is respectable. However, start driving it in a slightly sportier manner, and that figure will quickly rise deep into the 20s. On the track, when driven at its limits without regenerative braking, it’ll deplete the battery pack by about 8 percent over a 105-second lap. Using regen, it’s possible to lower this to around 5 percent.

A key masterstroke for the Ioniq 6 N’s on-road performance is how well it rides. The new and improved suspension works wonders, soaking up bumps beautifully in its softest setting while still delivering a sporty feel. Amp things up into one of the more aggressive modes, and it’s far less jarring than an i30 N, remaining perfectly suitable for everyday driving.

While the street tires can overheat on the track, you’d have to find a very long ribbon of tarmac to get them to do so on the road. They provide loads of grip and excellent feedback about the limits of grip. Just like we found while on the circuit, there’s no other EV that feels like this on the road. Dynamically, the car’s hard to fault, and it’s absolutely more capable than the Ioniq 5 N.

Perhaps the feel of the brakes isn’t as nice as some other performance cars out there, but that’s clutching at straws. One thing’s for sure: there’s no noticeable shift from regenerative to friction braking, a trademark of other Hyundai Group EVs.

Verdict

Photos Brad Anderson/Carscoops

Car manufacturers have struggled to develop and build EVs that tug at the heartstrings of driving enthusiasts. In general, these cars lack soul and passion, often devoid of any personality at all. That’s not the case with Hyundai, and there’s a good reason why Ferrari, Lamborghini, Porsche, and others have all benchmarked the Ioniq 5 N.

The Ioniq 6 N is the culmination of everything Hyundai’s N division has been developing since its establishment more than a decade ago. It’s expensive for a Hyundai, but it’s cheap compared to a Porsche Taycan or an Audi RS e-tron GT, and delivers thrills that neither of those two can. As we enter a world where performance-focused EVs will become increasingly common, it’s nice to know Hyundai is keeping the preferences of car enthusiasts at the top of its agenda.

Photos Hyundai Australia

Volkswagen ID. Buzz sales plummeted 35.2% in the first quarter as dealers only moved 1,232 units. The disappointing result came roughly three months after the automaker confirmed they’ve made the “strategic decision” to skip the 2026 model year following a “careful assessment of current EV market conditions.”

They added a 2027 ID. Buzz would arrive later this year, once dealers clear out the existing inventory of 2025 models. That work continues and it appears the company only has about a month and a half supply of vehicles remaining.

More: VW ID. Buzz Markups Hit $35,000 As Greedy Dealers Run Amuck

While that sounds like good news, some dealers are slapping on huge discounts to move inventory. Ken Ganley Volkswagen of Bedford, Ohio has a new 2025 ID. Buzz Pro S listed for $42,000. That’s $20,737 below the original MSRP of $62,737 and it undercuts the $42,795 Honda Odyssey.

Outside of the Buckeye state, Nalley Volkswagen in Georgia has an electric van priced at $44,695. That’s significantly cheaper than the original sticker price of $62,195, thanks to a $10,000 dealer discount and a $7,500 incentive from Volkswagen.

Even dealers in EV-friendly California are offering sizable savings as New Century Volkswagen in Glendale has a $62,318 ID. Buzz on sale for $49,810. The $12,508 reduction was made possible thanks to the aforementioned $7,500 incentive as well as a dealer discount of $5,008.

Those are just a few examples, but dealers are even discounting the ID. Buzz 1st Edition. Missouri’s Volkswagen of Kirkwood has a $12,000 discount on their van, which lowers the price to $60,570 before a $599 “admin fee.”

That’s still ridiculously expensive for a minivan, but it’s a far cry from the days when dealers were applying markups of between $5,000 and $35,000. It’s hard to say how much blame greedy dealers deserve for the ID. Buzz’s failure, but there’s plenty to go around.

Electronic door handles have become one of the defining design trends of the EV era. They look futuristic, shave a bit of drag off the bodywork, and give cars like the Tesla Model S and Model Y their clean, button-free profiles. But now, Hong Kong is signaling it’s ready to follow China’s lead and shut the door on them.

Specifically, officials there say they’re preparing to ban new EVs equipped solely with electronic door handles. The move comes not long after mainland China’s decision to require physical mechanical releases on all new vehicles beginning in 2027. While Hong Kong is part of China, it maintains its own vehicle regulations and legal framework under the “one country, two systems” arrangement, meaning those rules don’t automatically apply there.

Read: China Is Banning Tesla-Style Door Handles

According to the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong Secretary for Transport and Logistics Mable Chan said the government is reviewing the mainland’s newly published GB 48001-2026 standard, which focuses specifically on automotive door-handle safety.

Chan said the Transport Department has already consulted the industry about adopting similar local standards and reminded importers last year that all vehicles must include manual door releases. Somewhat perplexingly, it only applies to EVs, so combustion cars can continue on with hide-away or electric handles.

That said, the EV door handle rule would require both interior and exterior mechanical door handles on future vehicles. The reasoning is simple after you’ve seen videos of EVs catching on fire quickly. Electronic systems can fail after a crash, during a fire, or if a vehicle loses power, potentially trapping occupants inside or slowing emergency responders trying to get in.

Chan said the China’s standard specifically focuses on “addressing issues such as failure in operating door handles after accidents.”

In some vehicles, the emergency mechanical release is hidden, difficult to access, or works differently from what occupants expect in a panic situation. That’s become a bigger concern as automakers increasingly replace traditional hardware with powered systems. Some modern EVs don’t just use electronic exterior handles but also electronic interior door-open buttons, with backup releases tucked away in less intuitive locations.

Ringo Lee Yiu-pui of the Hong Kong, China Automobile Association added that first responders often still lack an exterior mechanical way to access the vehicle during emergencies. He also warned that sales staff frequently fail to explain how emergency releases actually work.

Interestingly, these regulations could very well have a worldwide ripple effect. Automakers rarely engineer market-specific door systems if they can avoid it, meaning these rules could eventually influence vehicles sold in Europe, North America, and elsewhere.

Credit: Geely/BYD

Leapmotor, the Chinese EV brand that operates in Europe through its Leapmotor International joint venture with Stellantis, has just rolled out the affordable B05 hatchback, and the lineup is about to expand again. Next on the agenda is the B03X, an even more budget-friendly subcompact SUV set to land in European showrooms in autumn 2026.

The B03X’s biggest selling point will almost certainly be its sticker. According to German newspaper Handelsblatt, the EV will open at around €25,000 ($29,400), which would put it well below most European-branded rivals that tend to land closer to the €30,000 ($35,300) mark.

More: VW’s New ID. Polo Starts Under $30K And Comes With Massage Seats

To put that in perspective, the new VW ID. Polo subcompact hatchback starts at €24,995 ($29,400), while the high-riding ID. Cross is expected to open from over €28,000 ($32,900). Other rivals in the crosshairs include the Skoda Epiq, the Renault 4 E-Tech, and Stellantis’ own twins, the Citroen e-C3 Aircross and Opel Frontera Electric.

The Leapmotor B03X was first unveiled in November 2025 and is already on sale in China under the A10 name. In its home market the EV is an even wilder bargain, with prices running between ¥65,800 and ¥86,800 ($9,600 to $12,700).

More: Stellantis’ Plan For Canada Looks Less Like A Car Factory And More Like A Chinese IKEA, Says Official

Chinese buyers get a choice of two battery packs at 40 kWh and 53 kWh, paired with power outputs of 94 hp (70 kW) or 121 hp (90 kW). Every version is front-wheel drive, which lines up with most other electric SUVs in this size class.

The numbers read well on paper. CLTC range tops out at 505 km (314 miles), though the WLTP figure that Europe cares about will land lower. Leapmotor also claims the battery can recover from 30 to 80 percent in 16 minutes.

On the outside, the 4,270 mm (168.1 inch) long SUV plays it safe with soft curves and styling that won’t turn any heads. The cabin is where it gets more interesting. Leapmotor is promising space and practicality, with rear seats that flip up Honda Jazz style and a 602-liter (21.3 cubic foot) boot that hides a washable underfloor compartment, much like the Ford Puma.

More: Stellantis Turns A Tiny Chinese Hatch Into A Delivery Van That’s Light On The Van Part

There is also a panoramic sunroof, ambient lighting, and a 14.6-inch infotainment display powered by the high-end Qualcomm Snapdragon 8295 chipset. In China, high-spec trims of the SUV come equipped with a LiDAR-based ADAS suite, although we don’t know if those will make it to Europe.

Made In Spain

While the A10 rolls off the line at Leapmotor’s Hangzhou plant in China, the B03X will be built in Spain alongside the European-market B05 hatchback and B10 SUV. Local production sidesteps the EU’s tariffs on Chinese imports, which keeps the sticker low and turns the little crossover into a headache for Western automakers who thought tariffs would buy them more time.

Honda’s electric future in North America just took its second major hit in as many months. The company is now hitting pause on plans for a massive EV and battery plant in Canada, and it might not restart anytime soon.

The project, originally announced in 2024, was going to be huge, with $15 billion CAD ($11 bn USD) earmarked for a new factory in Alliston, Ontario. But Honda has decided to shelve the plan indefinitely while it reassesses the market, Nikkei Asia reports.

Related: Honda’s $15.9 Billion EV Disaster Just Delayed The Next Accord, Odyssey, And MDX

It’s not hard to see why the plans collapsed. EV demand in the US isn’t where Honda expected it to be, and that’s forcing a rethink. Instead of going all in on electric, the company is doubling down on hybrids, which are selling strongly right now.

Policy changes haven’t helped either. The removal of federal EV incentives in the US has made electric cars more expensive overnight, while relaxed efficiency rules have reduced the urgency for automakers to push EVs hard. There’s also the issue of tariffs and trade uncertainty between the US and Canada, which adds another layer of risk to any long-term investment.

“American tariffs and changes to US domestic policies are creating real pressures for automakers, prompting some to delay or scale back investments in electric vehicle and battery projects,” Industry Minister Melanie Joly told Canada’s CTV News.

Already Delayed

Honda had already delayed the Alliston EV project once, pushing the timeline for the car plant and related battery plant back by two years in May of 2025, despite having already acquired the land and locked in financial help from Canada. Now it’s taking things further by putting everything on ice while it watches how the market evolves, though it will still build the Civic and CR-V at its existing Alliston plant that was opened in 1986.

Multiple Future EVs Scrapped

The shift in powertrain philosophy is already showing up in Honda’s new EV product plans. The company is winding down the Prologue EV, which it co-developed with GM, and earlier this year scrapped three exciting new Honda and Acura electric cars and SUVs destined for North American roads, even though they were in the final stages of development. Not long after that, Honda and Sony confirmed they were abandoning their plans to launch EVs under the Afeela brand.

Instead of EVs, Honda will focus on hybrids in North America, which are gaining popularity with buyers, and extend the life of existing models to save cash. That doesn’t mean Honda is abandoning EVs completely. It still has flexible production lines in Ohio that can build gas, hybrid, or electric models depending on demand, having spent $1 billion to upgrade the site. But for a while at least, fully electric models won’t be part of Honda’s future in the US or Canada.

Honda

BMW of North America has dropped two crucial numbers for its new iX3 electric SUV, and they couldn’t have come at a more important time. Up to 434 miles (699 km) of EPA range isn’t just impressive, it might be exactly what the sagging US EV market needs right now. As is the price, which makes the electric X3 SUV cheaper than a less powerful combustion X3.

That headline range figure, which is even better then the 400 miles (644 km) originally estimated by BMW stateside, puts it ahead of most rivals, though it does come with an asterisk. It only applies to cars equipped with the no-cost-option 20-inch summer tires. Stick with the default all-seasons 20-inchers and it drops to 383 miles (616 km).

Related: BMW iX3 Beats Its Official Range By Over 120 Miles In Real-World Test

Here’s where it gets really weird, though. BMW reckons you’ll get 399 miles (642 km) if you upsize to the $600 21-inch wheels and all-season rubber, which actually give you 1 mile (1.6 km) more range than the 21-inch summer tires offer. It sounds all wrong but BMW says the strange numbers are the result of averaging range figures across various tire brands.

You can check out the full range-to-tire stats in the table below, but whichever combo you pick, you’re going to be going further between fills than any other electric SUV in the sector. Tesla quotes 294 miles (473 km) for the base AWD Model Y, 327 miles (526 km) for the Premium AWD, and 306 miles (492 km) for the Performance variant. While we’re still waiting on official figures for the Mercedes GLC 400 4Matic, based on the difference between it and the iX3 in the European WLTP numbers, we’d expect its EPA range to be around 380 miles (612 km) at best.

2027 iX3 Electric Range Vs Tires

It Undercuts The ICE X3 On Price

But range, and an ability to charge at 400 kW, adding 185 miles (298 km) in 10 minutes, isn’t the only thing the iX3 has on its side. It’s also competitively priced. The iX3 50 xDrive costs $62,850 including a $1,350 destination charge, which means it costs less than the brand’s own gas-powered $67,850 X3 M50 xDrive.

It also gives you 463 hp (469 PS) and 476 lb-ft (645 Nm) to the ICE SUV’s 393 hp (399 PS) and 428 lb-ft (580 Nm), and though the six-cylinder SUV gets to 60 mph (97 kmh) a touch quicker (4.4 plays 4.7 seconds) than the EV, we bet it’s the iX3 that feels the more urgent when you jump on the right pedal for a passing maneuver.

That kind of pricing is designed to hook in American drivers who’ve lost interest in EVs lately. BMW’s electric sales sank 16.7 percent last year and cratered by 45.5 percent in the fourth quarter after the Trump administration axed the $7,500 federal tax credit program. Mercedes will now be feeling the heat to price its GLC EV as close to $60k as possible.

M Sport Trim A $2,500 Option

Naturally there are plenty of opportunities to add to the iX3’s $62,850 base price. Standard kit includes BMW’s Panoramic Vision pillar-to-pillar digital display, Perforated Veganza Upholstery, smartphone charger, Digital Key Plus (which uses your phone as a key) and umpteen safety aids. But plenty of buyers will want to add the $1,500 Comfort Package (heated steering wheel, panoramic glass sunroof and multifunction seats), or $1,900 Technology Package (BMW Iconic Glow illuminted kidney grille, 3D head-up display, Harman/Kardon hifi). Or maybe even both.

And the M Sport package is sure to be a big draw. The base version of the package costs $2,500 and nets you BMW M interior and exterior trim, 20-inch M Aero V-Spoke wheels and a sports steering wheel, while the $4,000 Professional version adds the Iconic Glow light-up grille, a proper M sport wheel and M Sport brakes with red and blue calipers. That’s as near as you’ll get to an iX3 M this year, though we expect to see one of those before long.

More Affordable iX3 40 Arrives Later

And if even an options-free iX3 50 is too pricey for your pocket, there may be a solution arriving shortly. Though BMW hasn’t yet confirmed it’s coming to US roads, information that mistakenly appeared briefly on the brand’s website earlier this year before being taken down, suggested the 50 xDrive would be joined by a rear-wheel drive 40 sDrive and all-wheel drive 40 xDrive.

Related: BMW’s Entry-Level iX3 Saves You Over $7K, But There’s A Real Trade-Off

BMW has already debuted the single-motor 40 in Europe in March, revealing that it makes 316 hp (320 PS / 235 kW) and downgrades to a 82.6 kWh battery. The new base model needs 5.9 seconds to reach 62 mph (100 kmh) and going by the 395 miles (636 km) WLTP range, will probably get an EPA rating of around 340 miles (547 km).

You can configure your iX3 50 now and reserve it for $1,000. Get in early and you should get yours when deliveries kick off in September.

BMW

Across six locations in Indonesia, NPR spoke with locals about how nickel mining is changing the land and daily life. It's brought jobs, but also concerns about environmental damage and public health.

(Image credit: Claire Harbage)

Pollinators have economic and health benefits, but those benefits have been difficult to quantify. A new study puts some numbers to how important pollinators are for both nutrition and income.

(The Center Square) – Wisconsin saw an unemployment rate drop in 65 of its 72 counties in March with all 13 metropolitan areas and 30 of the largest 35 cities in the state seeing unemployment drops as well.

(The Center Square) – While those supporting sales tax breaks for data center projects say they believe the breaks are necessary to compete for projects amongst the 38 states that currently offer the incentives, a growing number of state Legislatures…