The city of Madison on Monday appealed a ruling that allows it to be sued for monetary damages for disenfranchising nearly 200 voters in the 2024 election, arguing the decision would unrealistically require “error-free elections” and expose municipalities across the state to liability for mistakes.
The appeal comes after Dane County Circuit Court Judge David Conway’s Feb. 9 ruling that Madison could face potential financial liability for disenfranchising 193 voters whose absentee ballots were unintentionally left uncounted. Notably, the city did not specifically contest the judge’s rejection in that ruling of its earlier argument that absentee voting is merely a “privilege” under state law — a claim that would have shielded it from damages.
Instead, the appeal centers on who has the authority to enforce election laws and whether voters can sue for negligence. The city argues that such complaints must go first to the Wisconsin Elections Commission and asks higher courts to revisit a landmark 1866 case that allowed damages against election officials who deprive citizens of the right to vote.
“It is not difficult to imagine how the circuit court’s ruling may be perceived as an opportunity by partisan actors to influence the election,” attorneys for the city, former Clerk Maribeth Witzel-Behl and Deputy Clerk Jim Verbick wrote in the filing.
A permanent path to sue for damages over accidental election errors without going first through the commission could “chill the willingness of individuals to volunteer to assist with elections, and the willingness of voters to participate in the political process,” they wrote.
Much of Madison’s appeal asks the court to revisit a key finding in the landmark 1866 case that secured the extension of the franchise to Black Wisconsinites, Gillespie v. Palmer. In that case, the court held that state law allows plaintiffs to sue election officials for damages if they “negligently deprive citizens of the right to vote.”
The case arose after Ezekiel Gillespie, a Black man, was turned away from the polls in 1865. While voters had ratified a measure extending the franchise to Black residents 16 years earlier, it went largely unenforced, as state officials still disputed whether the change was valid. Gillespie sued, and courts ultimately ruled in his favor, concluding in 1866 that Black Wisconsinites had been wrongfully disenfranchised for 17 years.
Although Gillespie was intentionally barred from voting, the court’s ruling established negligence — not just intentional misconduct — as a basis for disenfranchised voters to seek damages. The Dane County Circuit Court relied on that broader standard in allowing the Madison lawsuit to proceed.
Madison officials in their latest appeal argue the lower court misapplied the precedent. In their view, Gillespie was about protecting the right to cast a ballot — a right that they say isn’t disputed in this case. No election official in Madison denied that the 193 Madison voters had a right to vote, they wrote. Rather, they contend, the voters’ ballots were unintentionally left uncounted after being cast.
If Gillespie is extended under these circumstances, the defendants argue, Wisconsin would be the first state to allow “any voter whose ballot is accidentally uncounted a right to sue for monetary damages,” a premise that they say requires immediate review by higher courts given the impending 2026 midterms.
They also contend the 1866 ruling predates Wisconsin’s modern election system, and relying on “such an archaic interpretation of Constitutional rights in Wisconsin is grossly in error and requires intervention before the case proceeds further.”
Madison’s filing “seeks to erode the protections” guaranteed in Gillespie, said Scott Thompson, staff attorney for Law Forward, which filed the case. “This argument follows the city’s failed attempt to throw out this case by arguing that the right to vote does not protect absentee voters from disenfranchisement. The right to vote has value, and the voters the city of Madison disenfranchised look forward to having their day in court.”
Bryna Godar, a staff attorney at the University of Wisconsin Law School’s State Democracy Research Initiative, clarified that a court wouldn’t need to overturn the historic Black voting rights case entirely to rule that it doesn’t apply in the lawsuit against Madison.
“You could potentially read that case in a more narrow way, as applying only to intentional deprivation of the right to vote, as opposed to negligence and deprivation,” she said, adding that it’s likely that only a higher court could reinterpret Gillespie in such a way.
Law Forward’s response to Madison’s appeal is due on March 9. Then the Madison-based District 4 Court of Appeals is expected to determine whether the appeal may move forward.
Alexander Shur is a reporter for Votebeat based in Wisconsin. Contact Alexander at ashur@votebeat.org.
This coverage is made possible through Votebeat, a nonpartisan news organization covering local election administration and voting access. Sign up for Votebeat Wisconsin’s free newsletter here.
Madison appeals ruling allowing lawsuits in 2024 ballot-counting case is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
Wisconsin Watch partners with Gigafact to produce Fact Briefs — bite-sized fact checks of trending claims. Read our methodology to learn how we check claims.
In Wisconsin, unlike in nearly every other state, first-offense drunken driving is not a crime.
Wisconsin treats a standard first-offense operating while intoxicated as a civil violation.
Punishment includes a fine of $150-$300 and driver’s license revocation for six to nine months.
Subsequent OWI offenses generally are crimes, but there is an exception.
If a second offense occurs more than 10 years after the first, first-offense penalties apply.
Otherwise, second and third offenses are misdemeanors. Jail time is five days to six months for a second offense and 45 days to one year for a third offense.
Fourth and subsequent offenses are felonies punishable by jail or prison time.
New Jersey treats first-offense OWI as a traffic violation, but up to 30 days in jail can be imposed.
In New Hampshire, first-offense is a misdemeanor, but no jail time can be imposed.
This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.
Is first-offense drunken driving a crime in Wisconsin? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
A federal lawsuit filed Feb. 23 by the legal nonprofit group Protect Democracy alleges the Department of Homeland Security used facial recognition technology unlawfully to track legal observers and label them domestic terrorists.
In Milwaukee County, law enforcement representatives are addressing facial recognition technology-related fears from residents. They’re concerned about a potential collaboration with a company called Biometrica, which provides access to facial recognition search results.
In August, Milwaukee County Sheriff Denita Ball signed an “agreement of intent” to enter into a contract with Biometrica, said James Burnett, director of public affairs and community engagement and acting chief of staff at the Milwaukee County Sheriff’s Office.
“But the contract is still considered to be in draft form – not fully signed, executed or valid – and has to proceed, like any other proposed contract, through the county’s statutory signing process,” Burnett said.
There currently are no services or technology being provided by Biometrica, and Biometrica does not have access to any sheriff’s office data, Burnett said.
County Supervisor Sky Capriolo, member of the county’s Judiciary, Law Enforcement and General Services Committee, said she and residents have serious concerns.
“It warrants more consideration, education and discussion,” Capriolo said. “I certainly am not ready to green-light a contract.”
Capriolo said she’s waiting to hear whether the contract will go to her committee again.
Milwaukee Police Chief Jeffrey Norman took a different step and banned the use of facial technology by his department in early February.
On Feb. 24, Norman announced the suspension of MPD officer Josue Ayala for the improper use of a different tracking tool, the Flock camera system, to track a dating partner and a former partner.
“I am extremely disappointed to learn about the incident and expect all members, sworn and civilian, to demonstrate the highest ethical standards in the performance of their duties,” said Norman in a statement.
Ayala was charged by the Milwaukee County District Attorney’s Office with one count of attempted misconduct in public office. Norman said he immediately directed MPD to create additional auditing mechanisms.
Social justice and civil rights advocates have expressed grave concerns about the use of the technology by both agencies, citing evidence of inaccuracies, racial bias and privacy violations.
Facial recognition technology uses artificial intelligence to identify someone by comparing a photo of an unknown face to some database of images of known faces, said Katie Kinsey at the Feb. 5 Milwaukee Fire and Police Commission meeting during a presentation by the NYU Policing Project.
The image databases can include mug shot collections, driver’s license records or images found on the internet, Kinsey said.
In spring, MPD acknowledged it used outside agencies’ licenses for facial recognition search results for two to three years without a written department policy.
The department also announced it was considering an agreement with Biometrica – an agreement that would have provided access to facial recognition technology to the department in exchange for approximately 2.5 million Milwaukee County Jail booking photos.
This proposal prompted months of public pushback before the announcement by Norman in February that the department would no longer pursue the technology.
The American Civil Liberties Union of Wisconsin welcomed Norman’s announcement but also expressed concerns about MPD’s past decision making.
It is “extremely concerning that MPD secretly used FRT (facial recognition technology) searches for years without any standard operating procedure – or any written guidelines – in place,” an ACLU spokesperson said in an email to NNS.
The organization is urging Milwaukee residents to remain vigilant.
“Countless Milwaukee residents and community leaders have engaged in thoughtful community education, spent hours upon hours in public meetings and contacted their local elected officials to voice their unequivocal opposition to the use of (facial recognition technology), and they will still be watching,” the spokesperson said.
The MPD spokesperson told NNS the department could revisit the issue in the future when a policy is in place that aligns with both public safety benefit and public concerns.
Jonathan Aguilar is a visual journalist at Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service who is supported through a partnership between CatchLight Local and Report for America.
Milwaukee law enforcement faces growing scrutiny around facial recognition technology use is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
The PSC required Alliant file a revised version of its application by 4 p.m. Friday. The agency is now reviewing the new version to analyze the redactions and justifications from the utility before moving forward.
The post PSC requires Alliant Energy file new application with fewer redactions for data center rates appeared first on WPR.
The ordinance would temporarily waive all permitting and inspection fees for the installation of sprinkler systems in older buildings that are exempt from having them.
The post Milwaukee ordinance to encourage landlords to install fire sprinkler systems in older buildings appeared first on WPR.
Ten Wisconsin-based companies — including Kohl’s, Milwaukee Tool and Ashley Furniture — are seeking refunds for the tariff duties.
The post Kohl’s and Milwaukee Tool, other Wisconsin companies sue Trump for tariff refunds appeared first on WPR.
Waukesha-based Generac Power Systems is settling a lawsuit related to a 2023 explosion of one of its portable generators at a Pennsylvania construction site.
The post Generac settles $200M lawsuit over 2023 generator explosion appeared first on WPR.
Charles Franklin on an Early 2026 Poll of Wisconsin Voters Charles Franklin on polling on 2026 candidates for Wisconsin Supreme Court and governor.
The post Charles Franklin on an early 2026 poll of Wisconsin voters appeared first on WPR.
This week, WPR’s Lori Skelton and PBS’s Deb Piper sat down to talk about their experiences working on the Final Forte, an event in which young performers from around the state compete in Madison’s Overture Center.
The post The Final Forte: A conversation with Lori Skelton and Deb Piper appeared first on WPR.
The state and local tax burden in Wisconsin reached a record low in the 2023 fiscal year, but a decades-long trend of declining tax burden may soon be coming to an end.
The post Wisconsin’s state, local tax burden hits record lows, but decades of declines could soon end appeared first on WPR.
On the heels of the Assembly Speaker’s retirement announcement, Vos told WPR about negotiations to spend down Wisconsin’s $2.5 billion budget surplus.
The post Assembly Speaker Robin Vos says ‘the money is there’ for tax rebates, special education funding appeared first on WPR.
A Texas transportation director provided attendees with a live demo of the Bytecurve payroll and dispatch software, as well as numerous tips on improving school bus operational efficiency.
Bryan Mitchell, marketing manager for Bytecurve parent company Transit Technologies, explained during the Thursday webinar that with COVID-era funding programs ending, budget concerns combined with routine driver shortages, upset parents and disconnected tech systems complicate student transportation operations every day. He noted that half of U.S. students rely on school bus services but the number of school bus drivers decreased 15 percent from 2019 to 2023.
Mitchell reviewed a case study on the $30,000 monthly labor cost savings that Rome School District in Georgia achieved with Bytecurve, along with nearly eliminating payroll errors and saving 10 hours per week in driver communications and payroll reconciliation. He added that Russellville School District in Arkansas reported saving $15,000 per month.
Additionally, fellow webinar panelist Jonquez Moore, transportation director of Little Elm ISD in northeast Texas, discovered school bus efficiency by bringing two school district transportation operations in-house from contractors and implemented Bytecurve both times.
“We live in a very connected world. Unfortunately, in K-12 it’s not very connected,” observed Jonathan Agenten, director of sales for Bytecurve.
The payroll, scheduling and dispatch system lets drivers clock in via tablet, app or wall clock. Moore said some Little Elm ISD drivers like using the app to save time but noted a tablet option is available for drivers who are reluctant to download the app. He confirmed the app is location based so drivers can only clock in when they are within a predetermined distance from the facility. Agenten added that management can send notifications and see when the drivers read them.
Moore said he appreciated how real-time bus locations arranged in an airport terminal-style dashboard allows managers to proactively handle late, delayed or canceled routes.
“When it’s busy, you don’t know a bus is late until it’s late,” he commented.
Moore shared a view of his Bytecurve dashboard with webinar attendees and pointed out that dispatchers can easily see what drivers are clocked in and what buses they are assigned to. Managers can also manually clock in drivers or remove buses or drivers from the schedule if an event is canceled.
Noting his fondness for reports, Moore showed how easy it is to access on-time performance reports, which he shares with district administration and uses to praise his drivers.
Various stats are clickable, he added, allowing deep dives into problem areas. He said he uses this information to talk to his team and determine what to change.
“I’m not getting paid for this [webinar], so I really believe in their system,” Moore declared.
Related: (Recorded Webinar) How School Districts Save $30,000 per Month with Smarter Payroll
Related: Arkansas District Uses Technology to Save Money and Time
Related: (Recorded Webinar) Arkansas Transportation Department Saves $15K per Month with Bytecurve
Related: Payroll Technology Saves Thousands of Dollars for Georgia School District
He added that a report on planned vs. scheduled vs. actual hours worked is a favorite of the district chief financial officer as it helps with budget questions.
He noted that if there is an unexpected school bus driver shortage, a dispatcher can reassign the route with a few clicks. The system also notes what drivers are already working and therefore unavailable.
When changing tiered routes, where a driver was assigned to elementary and middle or high schools, Agenten confirmed that routes can be split up and reassigned by school or stop. The system notes the resulting changes and the app communicates those changes to parents.
He reviewed payroll integrations and confirmed that each district is a unique customer that Bytecurve will set up according to its particular rules.
When it comes to union requirements and driver minimum hours, task codes added upon system setup become part of the foundation so “things are calculated proactively and accurately,” Agenten said. Managers can use a few clicks to approve driver timesheets based on these preapproved district procedures.
He also answered an attendee question by stating that Bytecurve integrates with several tablets and also provides one of its own.
Mitchell reviewed Transit Technologies’ other offerings, one of which is onboard student and driver facing cameras that are ruggedized, reliable and warranty protected. busHive software allows districts to quickly quote, set up, complete and get reimbursed for field trips. FASTER Maintenance Software allows technicians to proactively manage bus repairs.
The post Technology Webinar Takes Detailed Dive into School Bus Efficiency appeared first on School Transportation News.
ORLANDO, Fla.,- International Motors, LLC* (“International”) announced the International and IC Bus Dealer of the Year award winners at its annual dealer meeting this week in Orlando. This event is an opportunity for International to celebrate the successes of the dealer network from the previous year. More importantly, it is a moment to align our strategy to ensure we deliver quality solutions for our customers every day.
The 2025 Dealer of the Year award winners were selected based on their performance in several criteria, such as vehicle sales, parts sales, International S13 Integrated Powertrain sales, and service dwell time. Growth in key areas like market share, customer experience survey results, and leveraging solutions through International Financial are additional data points used to make Dealer of the Year selections.
“The annual International dealer meeting is always an exciting event because it brings our network together,” said Dan Kayser, executive vice president, Commercial Operations, International. “Our truck and bus dealers are our closest partners, and they work hard every day to give customers a dependable, consistent experience. This event celebrates that partnership and the strength we have when we’re aligned as one International.”
2025 International U.S. and Canada Dealer of the Year: Wieland Truck and Trailer
Michigan-based Wieland Truck and Trailer had an impressive year, exceeding their targets across the board — from parts growth and truck sales to significant gains in customer experience and market share. They achieved nearly seven times their goal for conquest customer count.
“Customers count on dealers who act as true partners, and Wieland Truck and Trailer delivered above and beyond that promise,” said Justina Morosin, senior vice president, Sales and Field Operations, International. “Their accomplishments are a direct result of their focus and customer first approach, and we’re proud of the consistency and care their team brings to every interaction.”
“Being named Dealer of the Year is an incredible honor, and I’m proud of what our team accomplished this past year,” said Rob Cleary, dealer principal, Wieland Truck and Trailer. “Customers expect a partner who can support them across their entire operation, and our team takes that responsibility seriously. I’m looking forward to celebrating with them at the dealership and seeing what we achieve in the year ahead.”
Wieland Truck and Trailer, founded in the 1930s, has three locations in Michigan.
2025 International Latin America Dealer of the Year: Capasa
Capasa was selected as the Dealer of the Year winner because of their commitment to achieving a unique customer experience through comprehensive solutions and support.
“Capasa puts customers at the center of what they do,” said Rafael Alvarenga, vice president, Latin America Commercial Operations, International. “Their commitment to providing effective solutions and strong support makes a meaningful impact across Latin America and sets a strong example for our entire dealer network.”
“It’s an honor to be named Dealer of the Year. We take great pride in offering transportation solutions that support our customers at every stage of their operations,” said Luis Gerardo Amarante Alvarado, dealer principal, Capasa. “This award is a celebration of our team’s effort and commitment, and I look forward to what we’ll accomplish in the year ahead.”
Capasa was founded in 1962 to meet the needs of the state of Sinaloa, Mexico. They have a presence in the cities of Culiacán, Los Mochis, Mazatlán and Guamúchil and in the state of Baja California Sur in the cities of Los Cabos and La Paz.
2025 IC Bus Dealer of the Year: Midwest Transit Equipment
Midwest Transit Equipment’s strong commitment to excellence, commercial execution and customer support made them a perfect fit for IC Bus Dealer of the Year. They exceeded their target in orders, advanced battery-electric vehicle readiness and adoption, and completed training with extensive customer-facing engagement.
“Our dealers play an essential role in providing safe, dependable transportation for students,” said Charles Chilton, vice president and general manager, IC Bus. “Midwest Transit Equipment embodies what it means to be part of IC Bus through their teamwork, customer focus and dedication to building a stronger future for our industry. We’re proud of their team for the example they set for our network.”
“Celebrating our 50th year and being named IC Bus Dealer of the Year is an incredible honor for us,” said John McKinney, chairman, Midwest Transit Equipment. “Our team is committed to trust, collaboration and setting a high standard for the customers and communities we serve. I’m grateful for their effort and excited to celebrate this achievement together.”
Midwest Transit Equipment is the largest volume school bus dealership in the United States. They have nine locations and a team of 300 employees.
To find your nearest International or IC Bus dealer in the U.S. and Canada visit the dealer locators on International.com or ICBus.com. For distributors in Mexico and Latin America, search Mexico.International.com and Latin-America.InternationalCamiones.com.
About International:
Based in Lisle, Illinois, International Motors, LLC* creates solutions that deliver greater uptime and productivity to our customers throughout the full operation of our commercial vehicles. We build International trucks and engines and IC Bus school and commercial buses that are as tough and as smart as the people who drive them. We also develop Fleetrite aftermarket parts. In everything we do, our vision is to accelerate the impact of sustainable mobility to create the cleaner, safer world we all deserve. As of 2021, we joined Scania, MAN and Volkswagen Truck & Bus in TRATON GROUP, a global champion of the truck and transport services industry. To learn more, visit www.International.com.
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Pupil transportation is one of the most visible ways a nation demonstrates its commitment to education. Every school day, millions of students travel from home to classroom using systems designed not only for efficiency, but for safety and equity. While Australia and the U.S. share similarities as large, developed, federal nations, their approaches to pupil transportation reflect important structural and cultural differences.
By examining governance, fleet design, funding models, rural challenges, and safety standards, it becomes clear that both countries aim for the same goal—safe and reliable access to education—but achieve it through different methods.
Both Australia and the U.S. operate under federal systems of government but differently distribute the responsibility for pupil transportation. In the U.S., pupil transportation is primarily managed at the local school district level. States establish regulatory frameworks, and federal safety standards govern vehicle manufacturing. However, day-to-day operations—routing, hiring drivers, maintaining fleets—are typically handled by individual districts or contracted providers. This creates a highly localized system, where policies can vary significantly from one district to another.
In Australia, pupil transportation is largely administered at the state and territory level rather than by individual school districts. States such as New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, and Western Australia design and oversee their own school transport assistance schemes. The federal government plays a minimal operational role. This state-centered approach results in more centralized control within each state, even though policies differ between states.
The key difference is the scale of control. U.S. decisions are often made at the district level. Australian decisions are typically made at the state level. Both models allow flexibility, but Australia’s approach tends to create more uniformity within each state.
Perhaps the most recognizable feature of American pupil transportation is the yellow school bus. The U.S. yellow bus is a national symbol. Nearly every public school district operates dedicated fleets painted in a standardized shade of yellow. Strict federal safety standards regulate construction, and compartmentalized seating design has been central to American school bus safety philosophy for decades.
Australia does not have the same universal yellow bus requirement. School buses in Australia may be white, yellow, or another color depending on the contractor or region. While clearly marked as school services, they do not carry the same nationally standardized appearance as American buses. This reflects a difference in cultural identity. In the U.S., the yellow bus represents childhood and public education. In Australia, school transportation is more functionally defined than symbolically branded.
Another major difference involves seatbelt policies. In Australia, seatbelts are common in school buses and often required in newer vehicles. In contrast, large American school buses traditionally rely on compartmentalization rather than seatbelts, although seatbelt requirements are expanding in some states. These differing design philosophies reflect variations in regulatory priorities and historical safety research.
One of the clearest contrasts between the two systems is how they interact with public transit. In the U.S., pupil transportation is generally separate from public transportation systems. School buses are dedicated vehicles serving only students. Even in large cities, districts often operate independent fleets rather than relying on municipal transit systems, though some districts do provide older students with transit passes.
In Australia, especially in urban areas, students frequently use public bus, train, or tram systems. Discounted or free student travel passes are common. Rather than maintaining fully separate fleets in metropolitan areas, Australia often integrates students into existing public transport networks.
This integrated approach can increase efficiency and reduce duplication of services. However, it also means that student riders share space with the general public. The American model, by contrast, prioritizes separation and controlled environments for school-aged passengers.
Both nations face significant rural transportation challenges due to their size and geography. In the U.S., rural districts may cover hundreds of square miles, with students traveling long distances on highways and country roads. In states such as Montana or Texas long travel times are common.
Australia faces similar challenges, especially in remote outback regions. In some parts of Western Australia or Queensland, students may travel extremely long distances to reach school. However, Australia often applies strict distance-based eligibility rules. Students must live beyond a minimum distance from their nearest appropriate school to qualify for subsidized transportation. Families living closer may be responsible for arranging their own transport.
In contrast, many American districts provide transportation to all eligible students within the district, even if they live relatively close to school. The U.S. model often prioritizes broader access, while Australia’s system focuses on distance-based need.
In extremely remote parts of Australia, boarding schools are sometimes used as a practical solution due to travel distances. While boarding options exist in the U.S., they are far less central to the public education system.
Funding structures also reveal differences. In the U.S., transportation funding varies by state and is often supported by local tax revenue. This can lead to disparities in fleet age and service quality between wealthier and less affluent districts.
Related: Pupil Transportation Around the World: A Comparative Look at U.S., Germany
Related: Pupil Transportation Around the World: A Comparative Look at the U.S. and Colombia
Related: Pupil Transportation Around the World: A Comparative Look at the U.S. and India
Related: What Differs Between Pupil Transportation in the U.S. and the U.K.?
Australia typically funds pupil transportation at the state level. Many routes are operated by private contractors under government agreements. Rather than school districts owning large fleets, governments often contract services to private bus companies. This contractor-based system requires strong oversight to ensure compliance and safety standards.
The American system uses a mix of district-owned fleets and contracted providers. However, district ownership remains more common in the U.S. than in Australia.
Both countries prioritize safety, but enforcement structures differ. In the U.S., strict stop-arm laws require motorists to stop when a school bus is loading or unloading students. Violations can result in significant fines. This legal framework reinforces the protective environment surrounding the school bus.
Australia does not use the same stop-arm system in most regions. Instead, safety relies more heavily on general road rules, bus signage and public awareness. The American stop-arm system creates a highly visible and enforceable protective zone around students.
Despite these differences, Australia and the U.S. share core principles. Both aim to provide safe, reliable transportation that supports equal access to education. Both must manage long distances, rural isolation and funding constraints. Both rely on regulated driver accreditation and vehicle inspection systems.
The primary differences lie in structure and philosophy. The U.S. emphasizes a distinct, symbolic and highly regulated dedicated school bus system. Australia emphasizes state-level coordination, contractor delivery and integration with public transit.
In the end, both systems reflect national priorities and geography. Whether through the iconic yellow bus traveling down an American suburban street or a state-contracted bus crossing the wide landscapes of the rural Australian Outback, pupil transportation remains a vital link between home and classroom. Each country has developed a model suited to its environment, but both share a common mission: ensuring that distance does not prevent opportunity.
Watch for the next article in this series as we travel to another continent-sized country – Brazil.
Bret E. Brooks is the chief operating officer for Gray Ram Tactical, LLC, a Missouri-based international consulting and training firm specializing in transportation safety and security. He is a keynote speaker, author of multiple books and articles, and has trained audiences around the world. He can be reached at BretBrooks@GrayRamTacticalTraining.com.
The post Pupil Transportation Around the World: A Comparative Look at U.S., Australia appeared first on School Transportation News.
There were many thoughtful celebrations during Love the Bus Month in February from school districts and transportation companies across North America that recognized their student transportation staff with events and gifts highlighted via social media posts.
Scroll through this year’s gallery for a glimpse of the festivities.
Related: WATCH: West Virginia Highlights School Bus Inspection for Love the Bus Month
Related: Update: Love the Bus Month Underway, NAPT Seeks Recognition Year-Round
Related: Gallery: Love the Bus Month 2025 Celebrations
The post Gallery: Recap Love the Bus Month 2026 appeared first on School Transportation News.
A masked U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent knocks on a car window in Minnesota on Jan. 12, 2026. (Photo by Nicole Neri/Minnesota Reformer)
Three new county sheriff’s offices have signed agreements with Immigration and Customs Enforcement that allow deputies to enforce federal immigration law.
The sheriffs of Dunn, Green Lake and Walworth counties have signed the agreements under ICE’s 287(g) program. ICE records show the Dunn County agreement was signed Feb. 10 while the other two are still pending. All three counties have signed on to the program under the warrant service officer model, which allows county sheriff’s deputies to arrest people targeted by ICE with administrative warrants.
With the three new agreements, 19 of Wisconsin’s 72 counties have joined the 287(g) program. Most of the counties have joined the program under the warrant service model while Kenosha and Marathon counties have joined under the jail enforcement model — which allows departments to notify ICE of undocumented immigrants detained in county jails. Kewaunee, Sauk and Waukesha counties have signed up under both models.
Dodge County does not have a 287(g) agreement with ICE but for years has had a contract to hold federal detainees in its county jail, which includes people arrested by ICE.
Immigrants’ rights and civil rights groups have criticized the 287(g) agreements, arguing that law enforcement openly stating its support for ICE and its often aggressive tactics discourages immigrants of all legal statuses from reporting crimes as victims or coming forward as witnesses.
“287(g) agreements do not make anyone safer — they stoke fear and erode trust, deter residents from reporting crime, and divert local resources away from addressing real public safety concerns and the needs of the community,” the ACLU of Wisconsin said in a statement in January after the Kenosha and Sauk county sheriffs signed their agreements.
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U.S. Sen. Mark Kelly , D-Ariz., speaks on the failed grand jury indictment against him during a news conference at the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 11, 2026 in Washington, D.C. (Photo by Heather Diehl/Getty Images)
WASHINGTON — The Trump administration must explain to a circuit court before the end of March exactly why it appealed a lower court’s ruling that allows Arizona Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly to keep his retirement rank and pay while a First Amendment case about the “Don’t Give Up The Ship” video plays out.
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit’s order gives the Department of Justice until March 30 to provide a series of documents in its appeal of the district court’s preliminary injunction.
That ruling, from Senior Judge Richard J. Leon of the District of Columbia District Court, said Defense Department officials, including Secretary Pete Hegseth, erred when trying to apply rules that affect active-duty military members to Kelly, a retired Navy Captain.
“Secretary Hegseth relies on the well-established doctrine that military servicemembers enjoy less vigorous First Amendment protections given the fundamental obligation for obedience and discipline in the armed forces,” Leon wrote. “Unfortunately for Secretary Hegseth, no court has ever extended those principles to retired servicemembers, much less a retired servicemember serving in Congress and exercising oversight responsibility over the military. This Court will not be the first to do so!”
Leon was nominated by former President George W. Bush.
The lawsuit began earlier this year after the Defense Department began proceedings to downgrade Kelly’s retirement rank and pay for appearing in the 90-second video.
The six Democrats, all of whom are former members of the military or intelligence agencies, said in the video they understood the people working in those fields “are under enormous stress and pressure right now.”
“Americans trust their military. But that trust is at risk,” they said. “This administration is pitting our uniformed military and intelligence community professionals against American citizens.”
They went on to say the “laws are clear” and that illegal orders can and must be refused. The video ended with them saying, “Don’t Give up the Ship,’ a long-held phrase in the U.S. Navy.
The Democrats’ video infuriated President Donald Trump, leading the Defense Department to open an investigation into Kelly.
Justice Department officials also launched an investigation into Kelly, Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin, Colorado Rep. Jason Crow, Pennsylvania Reps. Chris Deluzio and Chrissy Houlahan and New Hampshire Rep. Maggie Goodlander.
The Justice Department failed to get a grand jury to indict the lawmakers earlier this month.
Kelly wrote on social media Tuesday, after the Justice Department filed its appeal on behalf of the Defense Department, that the Trump administration didn’t “know when to quit.”
“A federal judge told Donald Trump and Pete Hegseth that they violated my constitutional rights and chilled the free speech of millions of retired veterans,” Kelly wrote. “There is only one reason to appeal that ruling: to keep trampling on the free speech rights of retired veterans and silence dissent. I went to war to defend Americans’ constitutional rights and I won’t back down from this fight, no matter how far they want to take it.”
Sen. Dora Drake (D-Milwaukee), who chairs the Legislative Black Caucus, told reporters that the caucus’ policy agenda will serve as a guide in the future for drafting legislation. | Photo by Baylor Spears
With the potential for a Democratic majority next year, Wisconsin’s Legislative Black Caucus closed this year’s Black History Month by laying out its policy goals on issues ranging from housing to education to civic engagement for the next legislative session.
Each year, the caucus starts Black History Month with a celebration and ends it with a day of work by bringing community members together in the state Capitol for Black Advocacy Day to discuss the issues facing Black Wisconsinites, meet with Democratic and Republican legislators and network with other community members. The day was created by former Sen. Lena Taylor, who was a member of the caucus during her time in office and is now a Wisconsin circuit court judge in Milwaukee County.
Lawmakers developed their plans from listening sessions with Black Wisconsinites in four communities across the state.
Sen. Dora Drake (D-Milwaukee), who chairs the caucus, told reporters that the caucus’ policy agenda will serve as a guide in the future for drafting legislation.
“We know that the landscape is changing, and so we want to be proactive and make sure that we have a clear agenda of setting policy for next year,” Drake said.
Drake and Sen. LaTonya Johnson (D-Milwaukee), who sits on the Joint Finance Committee, said they believe Democrats will be able to win majorities in the state Legislature in this year’s midterm elections. Democrats are two seats away from control of the state Senate and five seats in the state Assembly.
“We can’t continue to not address these issues,” Johnson said, specifically noting Medicaid and providing resources to the Wisconsin public school system.
During a briefing, Johnson was joined by her fellow caucus members as well as Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, who formerly served in the state Assembly and is currently running in the Democratic primary for governor, and Wisconsin Voices executive director and former state Rep. David Bowen.
The platform covered seven issue areas: improving affordable housing and protecting renters; education, literacy and economic opportunity; expanding access to affordable, comprehensive health and mental health care; ending mass incarceration and creating a rehabilitative criminal legal system; protecting people’s ability to participate in the democratic process; and helping communities by ensuring they have safe roads, clean air and affordable housing.
Johnson detailed some of the disparities that Black Wisconsinites face.
“Poverty hits Milwaukee the hardest, especially for Black Milwaukeeans,” Johnson said, adding, “30% of Black residents in Milwaukee live below the poverty line, which is the highest rate among major U.S. metropolitan areas. [Only] 27% of Black [people are] homeowners in Milwaukee, compared to the 56[%] for white households; $37,000 is the median household income for Black families in Milwaukee. That ranks us dead last among the 50 largest metropolitan areas. Poverty among Milwaukee’s African-American children is a whopping 38.8[%], which is the third worst out of the 50 largest metropolitan areas.”
Housing and protections for renters are at the top of the caucus’ agenda. Priorities include tenants’ rights and developing housing affordability programs for communities with high displacement risk, including a first time homebuyers program and a home repairs program.
Johanna Jimenez of the Community Development Alliance, a Milwaukee-based organization dedicated to increasing homeownership for Black and Latino residents, told the Examiner that the organization supports the goals of the Black caucus and sees a need to connect with lawmakers and other advocates.
“People there are struggling to become homeowners, to rent affordably and to live in safe housing,” Jimenez said. “Even though, like, we do housing every day, coming together on a larger scale and with more people, it’s super important. We recognize that not one person, not one organization, can get everything done, but we do have proof that when we come together, we get more done, and we get laws passed, people protected and more resources coming down.”
Jimenez said prioritizing renters and helping people become homeowners is important to building and stabilizing communities. She noted that out-of-state investors, who buy up property in Milwaukee communities, especially on the city’s North Side, driving up prices and limiting options for first-time homebuyers, continues to be an issue
“The tenants that are in our neighborhoods, they want to live in the neighborhoods, and so if we can focus on homeownership and putting resources aside for homeowners rather than giving investors an ‘easy way in,’ it would help communities… help families thrive.”
The caucus wants increase the state minimum wage, which currently sits at $7.25 an hour, expand access to job training in high-demand fields, including technology and skilled trades, provide targeted support for Black-owned small businesses and entrepreneurs, including grants and low-interest loans, and expand state investment in economic development in underserved communities.
Johnson noted that the graduation rate for white students in Wisconsin is roughly 92.7% while the graduation rate for Black children is 71% — the largest gap in the country.
“Absenteeism is also a strong predictor of involvement with youth in the criminal justice system,” Johnson said, noting that data from the 2023-24 school year shows that Black students in Wisconsin have chronic absenteeism rates that hover around 47%, which is more than four times higher than the 11.2% absenteeism rate for white students.
Under its platform, the caucus says that it wants to work to “fully fund” public schools with targeted resources to bring up low literacy scores; expand evidence-based literacy programs, including early childhood and reading intervention initiatives; strengthen accountability and transparency in voucher schools and support development and recruitment of teachers and culturally responsive curricula.
It also wants to help protect people’s participation in the democratic processes by establishing a “Wisconsin John Lewis Voting Rights Act” that would ensure fair electoral maps and end gerrymandering, strengthen voting rights protections and expand civic education and community-led voter outreach.
Johnson said the caucus also wants to end the cycle of mass incarceration. One attendee shook her head in agreement and said “amen” as Johnson spoke.
Some caucus priorities in that area include reforming sentencing guidelines, increasing community oversight of law enforcement practices, expanding reentry programs and ending crimeless revocations.
One proposal from the caucus meant to help improve the state’s criminal justice system, which was introduced this week, is a constitutional amendment proposal that would ensure Wisconsin bans slavery and involuntary servitude without exceptions.
When the Wisconsin Constitution was adopted in 1848, it included a prohibition of slavery and involuntary servitude. The state joined the union to ensure it followed the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, which forbade slavery in the territory, and to establish itself as a free state. However, that provision includes an exception for slavery or involuntary servitude if it is imposed as punishment for a crime.
Last week, the Republican-led Assembly refused to take up a resolution to recognize February as Black History Month, which wouldn’t have an effect on policy in the state but which lawmakers said represents a recognition of their history, achievements and work that has shaped the state.
During the Assembly floor session last week, Rep. Supreme Moore Omokunde (D-Milwaukee) said Republicans’ refusal to recognize Black History Month was “a horrific attempt to silence Black voices and to give us a subtle inference that our history isn’t as important as we think it is.”
Moore Omokunde noted that in the past Republicans have easily passed resolutions to honor President Ronald Reagan, Charlie Kirk and Rush Limbaugh — who Moore Omokunde noted called once called President Barack Obama a “magic negro.”
“At most, we should aspire to be one of the few Black faces in white spaces, and in order to be successful, we should strip ourselves of all of our identity and our traditions…This is only a glimpse of what it’s like to be a Black legislator in this building,” Moore Omokunde said. “You’re welcome to be here, as long as you have a signed permission slip.”
This year’s resolution sought to recognize Black people with ties to the state including Marcia Coggs, who was the first Black woman to be elected to the state Legislature and the first Black lawmaker to sit on the powerful Joint Finance Committee, Bob Mann, who was the first Black player to play a regular season game for the Green Bay Packers, and Malcolm X, who was a prominent Black Nationalist during the Civil Rights movement and had “unique ties” to Wisconsin.
Malcolm X’s family lived in Wisconsin while he was young after they fled Nebraska due to harassment from the Ku Klux Klan and moved to Milwaukee. His young brother, Reginald, was born in Wisconsin’s largest city. The family lived on West Galena Street on Milwaukee’s North Side until 1929 when they relocated to Lansing, Michigan.
Malcolm X returned to Wisconsin many times in the 1960s, visiting Milwaukee and speaking to local communities about racial injustice. His work inspired grassroots organizing in the state.
This year was not the first time that lawmakers have fought over proposals to recognize Black History Month. The state Assembly passed a resolution in 2025 honoring the month, but the resolution left out names of any individual people. The Senate passed that resolution in March 2025.
Whether or not Democrats do win control of the Senate and Assembly in November, Johnson and Drake expressed confidence that Republicans would not be able to continue to block their work on the issues in the same way that they have for many years.
“Even if we just get one house, we’re in a better position to hold them accountable,” Johnson said. “They’ll literally have to answer for why these things aren’t good ideas, or why this isn’t good governance when they see the numbers that we’re dealing with.”
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