Five top administrators at the University of Wisconsin-Madison are named in a lawsuit involving former Gov. Scott Walker targeting race-based scholarships.
When the Wisconsin Commutation Advisory Board meets on August 21 to review 12 applications for a commutation, a form of executive clemency Gov. Tony Evers can order to shorten or modify a criminal sentence, each board member’s recommendation will be based, in part, on the perception of the applicant’s likelihood of re-offend.
The applicants and those who support them will be making their appeals based on evidence that they are ready to return to society and deserve another chance.
The Wisconsin Examiner’s Criminal Justice Reporting Project shines a light on incarceration, law enforcement and criminal justice issues with support from the Public Welfare Foundation.
The commutation application asks the applicants to provide reasons for how a commutation would “assist with your rehabilitation and benefit the community.” The applicant is asked to provide a list of programs they participated in while incarcerated, education and certification, and other achievements, along with a re-entry plan detailing such things as employment prospects, where they would obtain housing and other resources.
As part of the process, there will be statements by the judge who sentenced the applicant, along with input from the district attorney who brought the charges, and testimony of victims that will be weighed.
Two factors that data has shown to be critical to predict lower recidivism — older age upon release and longer sentences served prior to release — have been designed into the commutation criteria by requiring applicants to serve at least half of their incarceration or at least 20 years of a life sentence. Requiring them to serve at least half their sentence ensures that when they are eligible to apply, they are older and therefore statistically less likely to re-offend.
In an April 2026 report by the Wisconsin Policy Forum, “Cross Examination: a comprehensive review of the Wisconsin criminal justice system,” data compiled from the Wisconsin Department of Corrections shows that people in prison who are over the age of 40 had a much lower three-year recidivism/reincarceration rate than younger people. Those 60 or older had the lowest rate at 12.3% followed by those 50-59 at 19%. Those who were 40-49 years old had a rate of 25.7%.
The Policy Forum report also found those who had served a sentence of five or more years were significantly less likely to end up back in prison compared to those who had served less than five years: 18.5% compared to more than 32%.
A 2017 report from the United States Sentencing Commission looking at the effects of aging on recidivism among 25,431 federal offenders released after 2005 noted that “numerous recidivism studies document well that older offenders are at lower risk for reoffending, and the Commission’s own research has confirmed this finding for federal offender populations.”
One of the commission’s key findings is that “Over an eight-year follow-up period, 13.4% of offenders age 65 or older at the time of release were rearrested compared to 67.6% of offenders younger than age 21 at the time of release.”
A 2022 report by the California parole board notes that of 4,197 persons serving a life sentence in that state released via a parole board ruling between 2011 and 2018 just 2.7% or 114 persons had been charged with a new misdemeanor or felony and only 0.5% were again convicted of a felony against another person.
The California report doesn’t include the average ages of those released via parole or how many years they served prior to release. However, a 2011 study by Stanford Law School, “Life in Limbo,” found that the average age of most people serving a life sentence who were released from prison was 49.9.
When Gov. Evers opened the commutation process via his two executive orders on April 4, he included a special application for juvenile life sentence commutation for those who were convicted of a crime at 19 years of age or younger.
Wisconsin advocates have pushed the state Legislature since 2023 to allow re-sentencing for juveniles who were given a life sentence. A bill introduced in the last legislative session would have allowed resentencing for those who had served at least 20 years of a sentence for a crime involving a death or 15 for crimes that did not involve a death. They pointed to two studies from Pennsylvania involving a large-scale release of juvenile lifers sentenced to life in prison as minors. The studies found that the recidivism rate was very low.
Pennsylvania began a resentencing process for youth lifers in 2017 after the landmark Supreme Court decision in 2012 Miller v. Alabama that ruled mandatory life sentences without parole were unconstitutional for those under age 18, in part, because of brain science that shows youth are still cognitively developing and therefore should not be held to the same standard as adults. Later, in 2016, the Supreme Court ruled in Montgomery v. Louisiana that the Miller decision applied retroactively, “invalidating all juvenile life-without-parole sentences that had been mandated by statute.”
Most of the juvenile lifers in Pennsylvania — 62% — had been convicted of first degree murder, while 38% had been convicted of second degree murder. Out of 521 youth lifers in Pennsylvania, 459 were resentenced and 323 became eligible for parole and 230 were released.
Of the 174 who had been released from prison from Philadelphia County the average age at release was 51. As of December 2019, only two had been re-arrested and convicted of a new crime and both were considered “low level.”
The most helpful factors for reintegration, another Pennsylvania study found, were family connectedness, stable housing, employment, support groups, transportation and access to healthcare – similar factors considered in the Wisconsin commutation applications.
On rare occasions property is recovered following organized retail thefts, as was the case in this handout photo, from Lowe’s, shared with North Carolina lawmakers. States across the country are strengthening penalties and expanding law enforcement efforts to combat organized theft rings. (Photo courtesy of Lowe’s/Craig Dowdle)
From hijacked freight shipments to tampered gift cards hanging on store racks, states are responding to new forms of organized retail crime with a fresh round of legislation.
More than a dozen states this year have passed laws creating new criminal offenses, increasing penalties and establishing specialized task forces and advisory boards designed to better investigate and prosecute organized theft rings.
While organized retail theft has been a growing focus for state lawmakers in recent years, this year’s legislation reflects how the crime has evolved beyond traditional shoplifting. Many of the new laws target fraud schemes that authorities say are increasingly tied to organized criminal groups, including cargo theft, gift card scams and identity theft used to steal freight or merchandise.
In April, the Los Angeles Police Department announced the seizure of about $1 million in stolen merchandise, including products from brands such as ALO, SKIMS, Edikted, Ariat, Milwaukee, Ninja, Dyson and Duracell.
Investigators recovered 55 pallets of stolen commercial and train cargo from a Van Nuys warehouse, according to a news release. The stolen merchandise was tied to an e-commerce scheme involving the resale of stolen goods through the livestream shopping platform Whatnot.
Reported shoplifting increased 4% in the first half of 2026 compared with the same period in 2025, according to the nonpartisan think tank Council on Criminal Justice’s latest crime trends report. Across the 18 cities included in the analysis, shoplifting rates were about 5% higher than in 2019 and reached their highest level in the nine-year period tracked by the group.
Still, monthly rates were mostly similar to 2025, with the largest year-over-year increases occurring in February and April. This data only captures incidents reported to police and likely undercount the overall level of shoplifting.
“The number of shoplifting incidents has been declining in the last several years, but the amount stolen per incident has been increasing,” said Marc Levin, the council’s chief policy counsel.
“Shoplifting rings have gotten more and more sophisticated,” he said, adding that some operations have reportedly hacked into the computer systems that dispatch trucks carrying merchandise to retailers, redirecting the shipments to steal the goods before they are delivered.
Harsher penalties
Several states expanded criminal penalties or gave prosecutors new tools to pursue organized retail theft cases this year.
In Tennessee, Republican Gov. Bill Lee in May signed into law a measure creating a registry of people convicted of retail theft or organized retail crime, including attempted offenses and conspiracies. The registry is only available to law enforcement.
The new law, which took effect earlier this month, also increases penalties for offenders who commit retail theft while carrying a firearm, ammunition or a firearm accessory, possess anti-theft jamming devices or use disguises or fake license plates during a theft. Certain violations now carry mandatory minimum jail sentences.
A new Wisconsin law allows prosecutors to aggregate multiple retail theft offenses when determining criminal penalties and increasing sanctions for repeat offenders.
Two new laws in Wyoming, both of which went into effect this month, increased penalties for repeat theft offenders and created the new offense of absconding for criminal purposes, aimed at people who cross county or state lines to commit additional crimes or conceal stolen property.
In Oklahoma, a new law broadens the state’s organized retail crime and identity theft statutes by expanding the types of fraud covered and closing loopholes involving elderly people and minors.
Cargo theft
Lawmakers also turned their attention to cargo theft as freight theft has become increasingly sophisticated and costly for retailers and supply chains.
In April, Lee, of Tennessee, signed another piece of legislation creating a legal definition for fraudulent freight theft. The law, which is already in effect, covers schemes involving fake identities used to obtain shipments, illegally rerouted freight and unauthorized transfers of cargo. It also requires local law enforcement agencies to investigate those reports as theft crimes, even if the offense originated elsewhere.
Semi-trucks are parked behind a gas station in northern Pennsylvania. States’ efforts include trying to combat organized theft rings that steal or reroute cargo trucks. (Photo by Amanda Watford/Stateline)
Arkansas Republican Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders signed legislation in March creating sentence enhancements of up to 10 years for organized cargo theft, with offenders ineligible for early release on the enhanced portion of their sentence.
Arizona created a cargo theft task force within the state attorney general’s office under legislation signed by Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs in June.
California lawmakers are still considering legislation that would establish a statewide cargo theft task force within the state attorney general’s office. The bill is still under consideration in the Senate, but lawmakers have until November to act.
State officials last month announced that previous investments, including funding for local law enforcement agencies and legislation aimed at strengthening the state’s response to organized retail theft, have resulted in more than 32,000 arrests and nearly $260 million in recovered stolen goods since October 2023.
Michigan lawmakers also are still considering two pieces of legislation that would increase penalties for cargo theft. The bills cleared the House earlier this year. The legislature adjourns in December.
Gift card fraud
Gift card fraud also emerged as a growing concern this year as lawmakers responded to scams involving tampered cards and stolen account information.
Georgia Republican Gov. Brian Kemp signed legislation in May creating new crimes for gift card theft, forgery and fraud. The law took effect this month. New laws in Virginia and West Virginia also established gift card fraud as a criminal offense.
Colorado Democratic Gov. Jared Polis signed legislation in June creating the Retail Theft Prevention Advisory Board within the Department of Public Safety. The board will oversee grant funding, collect statewide data on organized retail theft and gift card fraud, and develop policy recommendations in coordination with state and federal partners.
In Maryland, a new law going into effect in October will prohibit people from altering or tampering with gift cards or their packaging with intent to defraud. The law also establishes how gift cards are valued when determining theft charges.
Kansas Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly signed legislation in February that allows prosecutors to charge people under the state’s financial card crime laws for illegally obtaining or using gift cards to acquire money, goods or services.
This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Wisconsin Examiner, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.
Police block off a road in downtown Minneapolis after a police pursuit of a man on suspicion of homicide. Last year’s decline in the homicide rate among more than 30 cities was widespread but not universal; Minneapolis was among four cities with rates above their 2019 levels, according to a recent report. (Photo by Max Nesterak/Minnesota Reformer)
Crime rates continued falling across a sample of large U.S. cities in the first half of 2026, with homicide rates dropping enough to put the nation on track for another historic low in killings.
A new analysis from the nonpartisan think tank Council on Criminal Justice found that nine of 13 crime categories tracked in 36 cities declined compared with the first six months of 2025. Homicides fell 18% in the first half of the year, with 215 fewer killings among the 30 cities that reported data for the offense.
The decline builds on a trend that began in late 2022 after homicide rates surged during the COVID-19 pandemic. The council’s previous analysis estimated that the national homicide rate in 2025 was likely the lowest in more than a century, since at least 1900, based on preliminary data. Final national figures from the FBI are expected later this fall. The group’s latest findings suggest homicide rates could fall further in 2026.
But the researchers cautioned that the data do not reveal what’s driving the decline, nor do they support crediting any single policy or intervention.
“There is no single or easy explanation for these historic lows,” the report’s authors wrote, though they pointed to possible influences, including changes in criminal justice operations, technology, and broader social and cultural shifts.
The continued decline has occurred across cities with different political leadership, policing strategies and economic conditions, said Adam Gelb, the council’s president and CEO, in a news release.
“Local policies and programs surely matter, but the striking consistency of the decline suggests that macro-level forces are exerting enormous influence as well,” Gelb said.
The report examined monthly crime data from 36 cities that have consistently published incident-level figures over the past nine years, including Baltimore, Chicago, New York City, Philadelphia, San Francisco and Washington, D.C. The cities are not necessarily representative of all U.S. cities, and the researchers noted that the figures may change as local agencies update their data.
Homicide was among the offenses with the steepest decline. The average homicide rate in the first half of 2026 was 51% lower than its peak in 2022 and 31% lower than the first half of 2019, before the pandemic-era increase in violence.
Last year’s decline was widespread but not universal. Homicides fell in 21 of the 30 cities with available data, including declines of more than 50% in Rochester, New York; Little Rock, Arkansas; Arlington, Texas; and Colorado Springs, Colorado. Four cities — Austin, Texas; Minneapolis; Norfolk, Virginia; and Pittsburgh — had homicide rates above their 2019 levels.
Other violent crimes also generally declined. Reported robberies dropped 17% compared with the first half of 2025, gun assaults fell 6%, and carjackings declined 47%. The report found the rate of serious violent crimes ending in death, known as lethality, fell 23% compared with the same period last year.
Property crime also continued to trend downward. Motor vehicle theft declined 20% compared with the first half of 2025, while residential burglaries fell 13% and larcenies dropped 6%.
Still, not every category moved in the same direction.
Drug offenses rose 12% compared with the first half of 2025, and reported domestic violence incidents increased 8%. Shoplifting was the only offense tracked that remained higher than before the pandemic, with rates 5% above first-half 2019 levels.
Researchers said those differences highlight the difficulty of identifying a single explanation for the overall decline. Homicides, for example, have fallen much faster than aggravated assaults, which were only 3% lower than 2019 levels.
That gap suggests the forces reducing lethal violence may not be the same as those affecting other forms of crime, according to the report.
This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Wisconsin Examiner, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.
Corey Ruiz's daughter, Kah'liyah, wipes away tears while speaking at a press conference about the police killing of her father. (Photo by Henry Redman/Wisconsin Examiner)
Family members of Corey Ruiz, who was shot and killed by a Madison police officer on the city’s east side Wednesday, said at an emotional press conference Friday afternoon they want charges filed against the officer who fired the shots and for Madison cops to be equipped with body cameras.
Speaking from the Assembly parlor in the state Capitol building, Ruiz’s mother, two sisters, brother, daughter and daughter’s mother spoke of a man who loved to crack jokes, make music and work in construction.
The family was joined by state Rep. Shelia Stubbs (D-Madison) and Ben Crump, a national civil rights attorney who has frequently represented the families of people of color killed by police.
Orchestrating the press conference, Crump noted Madison’s policy against high speed chases for property crimes — Ruiz was first chased by police on his bike after officers responded to reports that someone in the area was looking into parked cars. Crump also raised questions about whether the other officers on the scene believed deadly force was necessary and if Ruiz actually brandished the knife police have said he used against the officer who shot him.
“We saw an execution, and it shocked our conscience,” Crump said. “People all over Wisconsin were shocked when they saw the execution of Corey Ruiz. People all over America are shocked when they see the execution of Corey Ruiz, because they understand when they see that video that it was so unnecessary to execute him. It was unnecessary, unjustifiable, and unconstitutional how they executed Corey Ruiz.”
Crump also said he wants officials to be transparent about the investigation, which is being conducted by the Wisconsin Department of Justice under a state law that requires officer-involved shooting investigations to be led by an outside agency. Crump added that he believes the officer responsible should be charged with a crime.
Marjorie Ann Aliomar, the mother of Ruiz’s 13-year-old daughter, Kah’liyah, said the tragedy was especially painful because the shooting took place at a busy intersection in their own neighborhood.
“This place is two blocks up the street from our home, two blocks away from her school,” Aliomar said. “Every day she has to walk to school … she would have to walk past her dad’s memorial, where he was murdered by people we’re supposed to trust and depend on.”
While wiping away tears, Kah’liyah addressed the police.
“How can I call you knowing you shot my father?” she said. “How are you going to have four policemen on one Black man? On top of that, how are you going to get scared of us if you’re supposed to save us?”
Several times, Ruiz’s family said they wanted the city to equip Madison cops with body cameras.
For years, city and police officials have requested body cameras for all Madison police and a body camera pilot program is currently underway on the city’s north side.
Last fall, the common council voted against allocating money in the budget for a citywide body camera program, instead sending that money to the city’s Office of the Independent Monitor — the civilian oversight body that tracks the police department.
Ripple effects
Protests over the killing of Ruiz continue to make waves across the city.
Two days after the shooting, activists still control the intersection of Baldwin and Williamson Streets where the shooting occurred, with makeshift barricades of garbage bins, mattresses and scrap metal blocking off the streets in every direction.
Organizers of Atwood Fest, a popular annual street festival that takes place a few blocks east of the shooting’s location, was canceled.
“Our community and our Marquette neighbors witnessed another horrific officer-involved shooting just blocks from our festival grounds, leaving us in deep pain and justified anger,” organizers wrote on the festival website. “AtwoodFest’s core values have always centered on building community, using each festival’s proceeds to support the groups doing important work right here in our neighborhood. Now it is vital to support our neighbors, particularly those who have borne the brunt of this pain and injustice, by taking time to mourn and reflect on our role in these broken systems, so we can create a community that truly lives up to our values.”
A U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer watches a crowd of protesters at Delaney Hall in Newark, New Jersey, on May 25, 2026. (Photo by Ben Ackman/New Jersey Monitor)
The U.S. government filed a lawsuit against the city of Milwaukee Thursday, arguing the city has no authority to enforce its ordinance preventing law enforcement from wearing masks while interacting with the public.
The lawsuit, filed against the city as well as its mayor, city attorney and police chief, argues that cities and states are unable to regulate federal government action.
“For centuries, the Supreme Court has reaffirmed that States have no authority whatsoever to regulate the Federal Government,” the lawsuit states. “Despite that well-established principle, Milwaukee recently enacted an ordinance that purports to do exactly what constitutional law says it cannot: regulate how federal law enforcement officers carry out their official duties in that City.”
Initially enacted in April, the Milwaukee ordinance prohibits law enforcement officers performing their duties from covering their faces and requires that their names and the agency they work for be easily identifiable on their uniform.
“The use of facial coverings and disguises by law enforcement officers significantly affects the public’s perception of law enforcement, officer-community interactions, and accountability,” the ordinance states. “Persons reasonably may experience fear or intimidation when approached by officers whose faces are obscured. Such reactions can heighten defensive behavior and unnecessarily escalate the tension inherent in many interactions between law enforcement officers and members of the public.”
Last week, City Attorney Evan Goyke wrote in a letter to U.S. prosecutors that federal officers wouldn’t be exempted from the ordinance, prompting the lawsuit.
“the City and the public have a right to know if masked, armed, and unidentified men seizing people on our streets are who they say they are,” Goyke wrote, objecting to the federal government’s insistence that immigration officers be allowed to conceal their identities “at their discretion.”
“Unfortunately, in the case of federal immigration officers, in particular, that unbounded discretion, coupled with guns and a lack of accountability, has had tragic consequences in cities across the country,” he wrote. Goyke disputed the federal government’s claim that the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. Constitution makes ordinances such as Milwaukee’s illegal, citing previous and ongoing litigation on the matter.
Federal immigration officers across the country have worn masks while carrying out President Donald Trump’s crackdown on immigrants. Federal officials have argued the masks prevent officers from being doxxed.
“State and local leaders cannot tell Federal officers how to do their job,” Associate Attorney General Stanley E. Woodward, Jr. said in a news release. “And they certainly cannot prohibit them from ensuring their own safety in safeguarding our communities and enforcing federal law. We will never tolerate the doxxing or harassment of federal officers, or any law like Milwaukee’s that enables violent behavior against law enforcement officers and their families.”
The lawsuit argues that federal officers should be able to make decisions about covering their faces on a case-by-case basis.
“Denying federal agencies and officers discretion in these areas would chill federal law enforcement, threatening the safety of communities in Milwaukee,” the lawsuit states.
Brad Schimel, the former conservative Supreme Court candidate who is now an assistant U.S. attorney, said that the ordinance pits federal and local cops against each other.
“Not only is this ordinance an affront to the Constitution, but it jeopardizes the safety of our courageous sworn law enforcement officers,” Schimel said. “Further, it puts local and federal law enforcement officers at odds with each other when they should be working together on the common goals to enforce the rule of law and keep our communities safe.”
Madison Police Chief John Patterson. (Photo by Isiah Holmes)
Madison city officials attempted to hold a press conference Thursday after a police officer shot and killed a man, identified as Corey Ruiz, at a busy intersection on Williamson and Baldwin streets Wednesday. The briefing was derailed by a group of protesters who arrived and took over the podium, sparking a verbal altercation with Madison residents who also wanted to express their discontent and question Mayor Satya Rhodes-Conway, Police Chief John Patterson, and Common Council President Sabrina Madison.
“My immediate concern, right now, is for the well-being of our community,” Rhodes-Conway said at the beginning of the press conference, speaking to reporters while local residents began taking seats in the small room. “I want to make sure that everyone who needs it has access to resources and mental health support. Those resources exist, and are available if you need them.”
Madison Mayor Satya Rhodes-Conway (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
Rhodes-Conway urged residents to use the 9-8-8 hotline for urgent mental health support, or to text either “home” or “hola” to 741-741 to reach volunteer crisis counselors, or to contact the Dane County crisis hotline at 608-280-2609.
The shooting triggered outrage, anger and grief among residents, especially those who witnessed it directly.
Video taken by bystanders shows several officers wrestling Ruiz to the ground. While he is on the ground, one of the officers appears to fire several shots into Ruiz’s head at close range. The Madison Police Department does not have a universal body camera program, and Chief Patterson has pushed local elected officials to implement a body camera program in the 2027 budget. During the press conference Thursday, Patterson said a criminal homicide investigation has been opened in the shooting.
The shooting is being investigated by the Wisconsin Department of Justice Division of Criminal Investigation. Patterson said Wednesday that the officer who fired was injured by a fixed-blade knife Ruiz brandished. Patterson also said that officers had confronted Ruiz after responding to a call from someone in the neighborhood who said he was checking cars, but that Ruiz fled before they chased him to the intersection.
Madison PD supervisors stand as the chief and mayor address a press conference. (Phot by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
State law requires that officer-involved shootings be investigated by an outside agency in order to maintain objectivity and public trust. The investigations can take months, after which the case is handed over to a local district attorney who then determines whether an officer will be charged for the shooting. Madison residents, impatient for more information and still angry about the 2015 police shooting of Tony Robinson in the same neighborhood, are demanding a response from city officials.
“This is an incredibly difficult moment for the Madison community,” Rhodes-Conway said. “And I understand the very difficult emotions that people are feeling. I am feeling them too. As a city, as a community, as a society, we have to do better.” She added that “it does not matter who you are, or what your past is, you should not lose your life as a result of an encounter with law enforcement. That should not happen.”
“Like many in our community today, I have a lot of questions and concerns about what happened yesterday,” Rhodes Conway said, “what decisions were made by officers that led to escalation instead of de-escalation; what different choices could have been made to prevent harm; what needs to change — police policy, or training, or anything else — to prevent more deaths.”
Madison, the city council president, said Ruiz could have been any number of people, including people she knows and loves. She added that she has family members who have struggled with mental illness, homelessness, and that Black and brown children are taught by their parents how to interact with police in order to survive the encounter, something Madison said her white friends with children have no need to discuss with their own sons. Madison said that Ruiz “is a person, he’s a human being, he has a family, he has parents who loved him, you know, who brought him home, who cared for him, who poured into him.”
Common Council President Sabrina Madison (center) (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
Watching the videos Madison said she could hear the sounds, she could hear officers yelling “taser,” and she can also hear the shots fired. Madison said she asked herself, “When the officer’s walking away, why isn’t he walking away in cuffs?” She said her thoughts are with Ruiz’s family because “his death is final, there is no coming back from death.”
Madison, the mayor, and the police chief all called for a full, fair and transparent investigation. Madison also said that “we should be pushing and advocating for our district attorney to charge folks” and that people should engage with the district attorney, the Division of Criminal Investigation, the city’s independent police monitor, and the Police and Fire Commission. Madison encouraged residents to file complaints with those organizations, as well as the police department. “I think you should take every route for justice for Corey; I don’t think you should limit yourself.”
Patterson said that he didn’t want to “rush past” the fact that Ruiz’s family and the community are grieving. He said that the Madison Police Department requested a full, independent criminal investigation. Patterson said that the Division of Criminal Investigation will release the name of the officer on its own timeline, and that the Madison Police Department has limited information about and involvement in the investigation. Recalling the words of retired former Madison Police Chief David Couper, Patterson said that police “cannot do the job unless you have the support of the community.” He added that Couper once wrote that “use of physical force by police is a sacred public trust…The more force a department uses, the less trust and support it has from the people it serves. The more force we use, the less trust we have.”
Carlos LeMar Dixon (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
As Patterson spoke about the need to recognize the trauma the community has experienced from past shootings, Carlos LeMar Dixon of Milwaukee entered the room with a small entourage. Dixon yelled, “We can shut this down, you can stop talking!”
“You’re going to say the same thing you all say every time a Black body gets shot down in this city,” Dixon yelled, adding, “Have no fear, the anti-Zionist is here!”
Dixon continued yelling over the chief while walking to the podium, about imperialism and Zionism, asserting that he would not allow any public officials to speak or answer questions. Dixon also scolded reporters in the room to hear the briefing from public officials for not asking him questions instead.
Some of Dixon’s supporters also yelled, helping him drown out the mayor, chief and common council president. Meanwhile some Madison residents in the room argued with Dixon, sparking a tense verbal confrontation as Dixon and members of his group hurled insults and threats at various people. Some of the Madison residents, while critical of the public officials at the briefing, demanded that Dixon either calm down or leave so that relevant questions could be asked.
At one point after the chaotic exchange, Mayor Rhodes-Conway left and Patterson held the podium to answer questions.
Patterson answered a question from the Examiner about whether officers are trained under Defense and Arrest Tactics to use the least amount of force necessary to overcome a threat, and whether officers who use deadly force must evaluate whether the threat is still present after each shot is fired. “There is a standard of a threat of great bodily harm or death that must be articulated to one’s self or someone else,” Patterson began. “And so that is a standard that [Division of Criminal Investigation] will be evaluating when they start, that is a standard that we use when we use our use of force review.”
Madison’s east side responded to the police shooting of Corey Ruiz with a vigil Thursday evening. (Photo by Henry Redman/Wisconsin Examiner)
Under Defense and Arrest Tactics, there are several levels of force available to police officers including their mere presence, which can discourage criminal activity, less lethal force such as tasers and deadly force. The standard for use of force is evaluated through the perspective of a hypothetical “reasonable officer” faced with the same situation, and questions whether such an officer would have used deadly force. Prior to shooting Ruiz, one of the four officers involved deployed a taser, which Patterson said was ineffective.
The Examiner asked Patterson how the reasonable officer standard would apply when four officers are involved in a situation and only one officer chooses to use deadly force. Patterson declined to respond to that question citing the ongoing investigation. Patterson also said that the officer who fired was not a supervisor — such as a sergeant or lieutenant — but that he was a veteran officer with 11 years experience. He added that he did not have information about whether the officer who fired had a history of discipline or citizen complaints, but he did say that he’d never been involved in a deadly force incident before.
Evening vigil
More than 24 hours after the shooting, protesters still controlled the intersection where Ruiz was killed. Initial barricades of garbage bins and mattresses were reinforced by police blockades and Madison city snow plows.
Activists and community members held a vigil Thursday evening in the intersection with hundreds of people somberly listening as pained members of Madison’s Black community spoke, with chants of Ruiz’s name interspersed like the response in a prayer.
Hundreds of people crowded the intersection of Baldwin and Williamson Streets on Madison’s east side for a vigil in honor of Corey Ruiz, who was killed by a Madison Police officer July 22. (Photo by Henry Redman | Wisconsin Examiner)
Juliana Bennett, a former Madison alder who is now running in the Democratic primary for the 76th Assembly District — which includes Willy Street — noted in a speech to the crowd that the killing of Ruiz took place six years after the police protests of 2020, which themselves took place six years after Madison police killed Tony Robinson, a few blocks west of the spot where the vigil was held, in 2015.
Bennett said that police killings are policy decisions and noted that in a liberal community such as Madison, police violence and racism are often met with “committee after committee, meeting after meeting,” and implored community members to continue pressing local officials for change.
Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, at a Senate Judiciary Committee meeting on Thursday, July 23, 2026 criticized committee Democrats opposed to the nomination of Todd Blanche as attorney general. (Screenshot from committee webcast)
WASHINGTON — Members of the U.S. Senate tasked with advancing acting Attorney General Todd Blanche’s nomination to be the nation’s top law enforcer on Thursday pushed the vote one week.
The Senate Judiciary Committee’s delayed vote to send the controversial nominee to the full Senate is “per standard committee practice,” according to a spokesperson for Chairman Chuck Grassley.
The Iowa Republican and the committee’s top Democrat, Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, and Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, D-R.I., used the time that had been allocated for the vote to comment at length on Blanche’s nomination. Grassley then recessed the session because too many Republicans were absent, which he described as “kind of rude.”
Grassley praised the selection of Blanche and said the Justice Department under his leadership as deputy and acting attorney general “has protected Americans at every turn,” but that committee Democrats “like clockwork, sought to defame him.”
Democratic committee member Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey led a forum Wednesday featuring former Department of Justice officials and a survivor of abuse by the late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein and co-conspirator Ghislaine Maxwell.
The witnesses questioned Blanche’s fitness to lead the Justice Department following his handling of the Epstein files release, during which several victims’ identities were unmasked, and his role is establishing a nearly $1.8 billion “anti-weaponization” fund as part of President Donald Trump’s settlement with his own administration’s IRS.
Durbin said Thursday he and fellow Democrats oppose Blanche, who worked as Trump’s personal defense lawyer prior to his appointment to the DOJ, because he “will continue to serve the interests of Donald Trump, not the American people.”
Sen. Darline Graham joins
Committee members were scheduled to address other business, including voting on federal judicial nominees in Ohio and Oklahoma, and approving subcommittee roles for Republican Sen. Darline Graham, sister of the late Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina. She was sworn in as a senator July 14 following the sudden death of her brother.
The committee meeting marked the first for Graham, who was not yet part of the panel when members questioned Blanche for nearly five hours during a confirmation hearing July 15. Her arrival on the GOP-led committee brings the split among members back to 12 Republicans and 10 Democrats and is likely a positive development for Blanche.
Sen. Darline Graham, R-S.C., left, speaks at a meeting of the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday, July 23, 2026. At right is Sen. Ashley Moody, R-Fla. (Screenshot from committee webcast)
Nominations require a majority vote to advance to the Senate floor. All eyes are on whether committee Republicans Thom Tillis of North Carolina, who announced his retirement last year, and John Cornyn of Texas will support Blanche after Trump effectively ended both of their Senate careers.
Trump subjected Tillis to intense criticism for opposing the Big Beautiful Bill Act in 2025 and said he would find candidates to oppose Tillis in his primary. Trump endorsed Cornyn’s primary opponent earlier this year.
Both Tillis and Cornyn pressed Blanche during his confirmation hearing about formally ending the “anti-weaponization” fund.
While Cornyn was present at Thursday morning’s Judiciary Committee meeting, Tillis was one of several members missing. Grassley’s spokesperson attributed Tillis’ absence to a Senate Banking Committee meeting that convened just a half hour before the scheduled Judiciary Committee meeting. Tillis’ office did not immediately respond to a question about his absence.
Blanche was a prosecutor in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York from 2006 to 2014.
He eventually left the Justice Department to work in private law and represented Trump as his personal defense attorney in three criminal cases in 2023 and 2024.
Trump, with the approval of Senate Republicans, installed Blanche as deputy attorney general in March 2025.
Trump announced Blanche as his pick for attorney general in early June, just over two months after former Attorney General Pam Bondi’s departure.
In this handout provided by Hennepin County Sheriff's Office, Vance Luther Boelter poses for a booking photo on June 16, 2025 in Green Isle, Minnesota.
Melissa and Mark Hortman were killed in less than 30 seconds on June 14, 2025, in a shocking act of political violence.
But their quick deaths are of no comfort to their son, Colin Hortman, who on Thursday told a federal judge that he falls asleep every night picturing a waterfall of blood flowing down the stairs of his childhood home in Brooklyn Park. It’s the same image he awakens to.
And his parents’ quick demise is of no comfort, he said, because the last thing his mother saw before she was killed was her husband and beloved dog shot multiple times.
Now, he has trouble recalling his parents without remembering the bullet holes in their bodies.
The horror of the assassination and the impact of the attacks on Minnesota’s political system were detailed by the Hortman children, Colin and Sophie, as well as 12 other victims at the Minneapolis federal courthouse, who shared how their lives were shattered by the man sitting next to them in an orange jumpsuit: Vance Boelter.
Boelter last month pleaded guilty to the murders of Melissa Hortman — the former Democratic House speaker and one of Minnesota’s most consequential legislative leaders — and her husband, Mark, as well as the shooting of state Democratic Sen. John Hoffman and his wife.
Thursday’s hearing signifies the final chapter in a year-long saga that has scarred the state and injected a new level of fear into politics.
U.S. District Judge John Tunheim sentenced Boelter to two consecutive life sentences as well as an additional 40 years. There is no parole in the federal judicial system, so it’s extremely likely Boelter will spend the rest of his life behind bars.
Tunheim said it’s the longest sentence he’s ever imposed on a person in the thousands of cases he’s heard over his career.
Boelter read a short statement apologizing to the victims aloud in court: “To every person I have caused loss, pain, heartache, confusion, sadness or loneliness, I am truly sorry.”
Boelter previously pleaded guilty to all the government’s charges: two counts of stalking Melissa Hortman and John Hoffman; two counts of murder in the killings of the Hortmans; and two firearms offenses in the shootings of the Hortmans and the Hoffmans, and the attempted shooting of Hope Hoffman, who managed to call 911 amid the bloody attack.
He admitted in court that he planned the murders months in advance, recording the addresses of his victims and buying a highly realistic silicone mask to impersonate a police officer.
In the early hours of June 14, Boelter drove to the Hoffman home and shot John and Yvette Hoffman through the front door. He then drove to Rep. Kristin Bahner’s home in Maple Grove, but she was on vacation. Then he drove to Sen. Ann Rest’s home, where he was seen by a real police officer who assumed he was a cop conducting a welfare check.
Next, he drove to the Hortmans’ in Brooklyn Park and parked his Ford Explorer with fake police lights turned on in their driveway. He rang the doorbell and said he was conducting a welfare check. He told Mark Hortman he needed to see Melissa, and then shot him. He shot Melissa multiple times as she tried to flee up the stairs. Boelter then shot her in the head.
U.S. Attorney for Minnesota Daniel Rosen wrote in the government’s sentencing memo that Boelter “expressed great disdain” for the Democratic Party.
“And he knew that the Minnesota Legislature was so closely divided that by killing four state legislators, the inevitable result would be a shift in the balance of power in both legislative houses,” Rosen wrote. “The astonishing damage that Boelter caused to his victims and to the State of Minnesota will never be cured. Justice requires that Boelter never be free ever again.”
Bahner was the first to read aloud her victim statement. She told Boelter she would have opened the door if she were home that day because she trusts law enforcement. She told Boelter that he failed his mission because she was still alive, and he has strengthened her resolve to continue advocating for her constituents.
John Hoffman, Yvette Hoffman and Hope Hoffman also addressed Boelter. Hope Hoffman criticized the media, who in the aftermath of the shootings, incorrectly reported that Yvette Hoffman jumped on top of her to save her from Boelter’s bullets.
John Hoffman read to Boelter several passages from the Bible, including Matthew 7:16: “By their fruit you will recognize them. Do people pick grapes from thornbushes, or figs from thistles?”
These, Hoffman said, are “words of the faith the defendant claimed to represent.”
He added: “(Boelter’s) actions spoke louder than any sermon he has ever preached.”
Many wiped away tears in the packed courtroom as legislators and family members told Boelter how his decision to kill their loved ones not only ruined their lives, but also irrevocably changed Minnesota.
A woman prays before the caskets as Melissa and Mark Hortman lie in state, along with their dog Gilbert, Friday, June 27, 2025 at the Minnesota State Capitol. (Photo by Nicole Neri/Minnesota Reformer)
J. Carroll Hortman, Mark Hortman’s father, said that his daughter-in-law Melissa was witty and brilliant. She had a bright future, and she had yet to experience the joy of becoming a grandparent.
“I believe she could have become the next governor of this state,” he said.
Mark Hortman’s family, including his brother and his sister, told the judge they were upset that Boelter’s guilty plea deprived them of a trial and of the opportunity to see Boelter receive the death penalty. They hated the idea that Boelter would live a comfortable life in prison.
Carroll Hortman said he blamed Acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche, who he said did the country a disservice by agreeing to a plea deal. He also questioned why Brooklyn Park police on June 14 watched from afar as Boelter killed his son and went into the home and shot his daughter-in-law.
The Hortmans’ daughter Sophie Hortman said she had been working on her statement for the whole year since she lost her parents.
“I miss my mom. I miss my dad. I miss my best friends, and I miss believing in the goodness of humanity. The pain will never go away,” she said.
She also detailed the agonizing decision to put down the family dog, Gilbert, who Boelter shot multiple times before killing Melissa Hortman.
On the morning of June 14, Sophie and Colin received conflicting information about whether Gilbert was alive and went to the veterinarian.
A vet wheeled Gilbert into the room on a metal tray. Colin started screaming when he saw Gilbert. He had been shot multiple times, including in the head. Despite his condition, Gilbert still flickered his tail when he saw the Hortman children, and he gave them kisses with his big tongue.
The Hortman children asked the vet if he would let his own dog live in Gilbert’s condition. The vet said no.
“Colin and I agreed: Gilbert would want to be with his parents,” Sophie said. “I told him he would see mommy and daddy soon.”
This story was originally produced by Minnesota Reformer, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Wisconsin Examiner, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.
Community members call for the release of Salah Sarsour after his arrest in late March. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
A federal immigration judge heard arguments Wednesday from attorneys in a deportation hearing for Salah Sarsour, the president of Milwaukee’s Islamic Society. Earlier this year, Sarsour was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents and then detained in an Indiana facility for months. Sarsour was released in June following a federal judge’s ruling that his arrest constituted First Amendment retaliation due to his advocacy for Palestinians and his criticism of the Israeli government.
The Wednesday hearing, which ran all day before being adjourned until next week, was to determine whether Sarsour’s deportation order can be upheld. Sarsour has lived in the U.S. with no criminal record for decades, and is considered a local community leader. Sarsour became a lawful permanent resident in 1998 when his application was approved under Republican president George W. Bush in 2002.
Salah Sarsour being released from immigration detention. (Photo courtesy of Yaseen Najeed)
After his arrest, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) accused Sarsour of lying on his 1993 green card application, asserting that Sarsour was convicted in Israeli military courts of throwing Molotov cocktails at the homes of Israeli soldiers. The department also cites other accusations by Israeli authorities that Sarsour “illegally attempted to possess” weapons and ammunition. Sarsour’s family members have said that he would tell stories of being tortured to confess while in Israeli detention. Prosecutors repeatedly referenced detentions and accusations from Israeli authorities against Sarsour during 1988 and 1995.
Those accusations, and the context of what living under Israeli military occupation means for Palestinians in the West Bank, were examined in court Wednesday. Defense attorneys first called Sarsour’s older brother Mohammad, a U.S. citizen who is married and lives in Oak Creek. Mohammad testified that he helped his brother retain a well-known lawyer in the West Bank when Sarsour was arrested. He denied ever seeing Sarsour ever provide support to terrorists of any kind, and recalled that Sarsour went through three or four Israeli military court hearings.
“Every time I saw him, I noticed weight loss and also discoloration in his eyes, redness, yellowish,” said Mohammad Sarsour, speaking through an Arabic translator, although he also understood English. “And had a discolored, faded face color. He looked like he was unable to take showers so his hair was sticking on his head.” There were other signs that his brother was not being provided proper hygiene access, and that he “complained to the court of pain in his knee and back.” Mohammad said that the Israeli authorities would not allow them to talk to Sarsour, but that at one point a member of the Israeli secret service told Mohammad and Sarsour’s wife to persuade him to plead guilty.
Prosecutors raised questions about Mohammad’s ability to remember those events from decades ago. Mohammad couldn’t remember the exact dates of the hearings. Prosecutors questioned why an Israeli military official would tell them to get Sarsour to plead guilty if they generally weren’t allowed to talk to him. “They [Israeli authorities] can do whatever they want,” he said on the stand. Mohammad was also asked by prosecutors whether he loved his brother and didn’t want to see him be deported, which Mohammad affirmed.
Defense attorneys also called Alan Hirsch, an expert in false confessions and chair of the Justice & Law Studies Program at Williams College. Prosecutors spent an extended period of time trying to convince the judge, unsuccessfully, that Hirsch was not qualified to testify as an expert in false interrogations, particularly as his direct knowledge of Israeli interrogation practices would be limited. Hirsch testified that Israeli authorities, based on his own studies, were “using aggressive interrogation tactics” during the time when Sarsour was detained. He said that there’s no evidence that Sarsour’s confession either generated new evidence or corroborated existing evidence, and that when Sarsour was initially detained in 1988 he was a juvenile, one of the groups most vulnerable to giving false confessions.
Community members call for the release of Salah Sarsour. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
Another defense witness had a much more extensive knowledge of Israeli treatment of Palestinians. Sari Bashi, an Israeli lawyer and human rights investigator, testified remotely, from Israel, where it was late at night when she was called to give her testimony. Bashi has an extensive knowledge of what Palestinian prisoners go through in Israeli detention and military courts. She pointed out that Sarsour’s 1988 arrest occurred shortly after the First Intifada, a sustained period of uprising and protest by Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Prosecutors attempted to undermine her credibility as an expert, casting her as overly sympathetic to Palestinians, and saying she was too young to have known first-hand what Israeli practices in 1988 were.
Bashi said that Israel holds the West Bank under “belligerent occupation,” where the local military commander serves as the executive, lawmaker, judge and executor of law. Military orders dictate what is considered a crime in the West Bank, and Palestinians can be detained without charge for long periods of time. Sometimes evidence against the accused is considered secret, and proceedings and documentation are in Hebrew, which few Palestinians speak and even fewer can read. “The system lacks very basic due process standards,” said Bashi. “So arrests are the norm, even for children.” Conviction rates in Israeli military courts against Palestinian civilians are over 90 percent.
Under this regime, Palestinian people often receive very vague charges for organizing community activities, public disorder, association, or writing a liberation slogan on a wall, Bashi testified. “There can be almost no limit to what that association can look like,” she said. This was especially true during the First Intifada, a period during which Bashi said that hundreds of thousands of people were detained by Israeli authorities.
Bashi said that Israeli forces used euphemisms such as “moderate physical pressure,” “threats,” and “severe psychological pressure” to describe tactics which she and other international experts would simply call “torture.” During testimony she listed a variety of interrogation tactics including violent shaking; prolonged stress positions, beatings, sexual violence such as forced nudity, hitting of genitals, or rape threats, temperature torture, exposure to foul smells and human bodily fluids, being forced to hear the screaming of other tortured detaines, sleep deprivation, the targeted arrest and threating of loved ones and choking.
Milwaukee residents gather to stand in solidarity with Palestinians during Israel’s bombing of Gaza in 2021. (Photo | Isiah Holmes)
“People will do whatever they think will get them out, released, as quickly as possible,” said Bashi. “They just want to make that stop.” Reviewing the Israeli records provided for the hearing, Bashi said that she can only see pending charges for membership in unlawful associations and helping wanted people as of 1995 for Sarsour. Based on the records she reviewed, it wasn’t clear to Bashi whether Sarsour had ever been convicted of weapons charges. She also pointed out that he was kept in detention for a matter of months, which is “pretty short” compared with a typical Israeli detention experience. “It would seem inconsistent with somebody who they truly believed was providing assistance” to terrorists, Bashi said.
Prosecutors asked Bashi whether she was aware of accusations as described in Sarsour’s immigration records. She said she was not. Bashi only reviewed Israeli records. Prosecutors also targeted Bashi’s statements that high conviction rates may indicate some sort of problem like torture, citing high conviction rates in America. Bashi said that whenever there are exceedingly high conviction rates, it’s worth asking why that is. She said that while she doesn’t know Sarsour, everything he described in terms of being tortured by Israeli forces to produce a confession is “extremely common” among Palestinians.
Correction: A previous version of this story mistakenly described Sarsour’s application for permanent residency as a “naturalization” application, which would have been an application for citizenship, not permanent residency. We regret the error.
Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, right, walks by reporters at the U.S. Capitol on May 21, 2026. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
WASHINGTON — Former career Department of Justice officials and a survivor of abuse by the late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein sounded the alarm Wednesday on acting Attorney General Todd Blanche’s fitness to lead the Department of Justice, one day ahead of a scheduled committee vote to advance his nomination to the full Senate.
The narrow committee divide, razor-thin after the death of the late Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, could mean the vote will hinge on two Republican senators spurned by President Donald Trump, Thom Tillis of North Carolina and John Cornyn of Texas.
The former DOJ staffers and Epstein survivor testified on Capitol Hill, at a forum held by Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats.
They said Blanche’s relationship with Trump and his “mind-boggling” involvement in the president’s recent settlement with the IRS, as well as the botched release of the Epstein files, disqualifies him from becoming the nation’s top enforcer of the law.
Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., left, shook hands with former Department of Justice prosecutor Perry Carbone following a forum about the nomination of acting Attorney General Todd Blanche at the Dirksen Senate Office Building on Wednesday, July 22, 2026. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
“I don’t know what happened, but he is certainly not the person that I once worked with,” said Perry Carbone, a former federal prosecutor who worked alongside Blanche in the Southern District of New York, where Blanche served from 2006 to 2014.
Blanche eventually left the Justice Department to work in private law. He represented Trump as his personal defense attorney in three criminal cases in 2023 and 2024. Trump, with the approval of Senate Republicans, installed Blanche as deputy attorney general in March 2025.
Trump announced Blanche as his pick for attorney general in early June, just over two months after former Attorney General Pam Bondi’s departure.
The Department of Justice did not respond to States Newsroom’s request for comment on the hearing.
IRS deal, Minnesota probe
Carbone listed a number of reasons he believes should preclude Blanche from leading the department, including “the extraordinary IRS settlement,” the prosecution of the president’s political adversaries “on evidence that raises serious doubt about the bona fides of those cases” and efforts to “halt or interfere” with the Minnesota state investigation into the shooting deaths of U.S. citizens by federal immigration agents.
Carbone also highlighted Blanche’s “declaration of war on our judges” and the interview and relocation of Epstein co-conspirator and convicted sex trafficker Ghislaine Maxwell “for what appear to be political reasons.”
“We repeat a mantra daily so that no one forgets it: ‘We do the right thing in the right way for the right reasons.’ It’s not my place to say whether the nominee has forgotten that credo. That judgment belongs to the committee. I can only tell you what I’ve observed and why it troubles someone who spent a career trying to live by that credo,” Carbone said.
He added that Blanche’s firing of department officials who investigated Trump and the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, “undermines” public confidence.
“Even the appearance of retaliation for doing one’s job sends a chilling message throughout the department,” Carbone added.
Firings, resignations
Peter Carr, a longtime department spokesperson fired by Blanche in April 2025, estimated the department has lost 19,000 employees, including 30% of its attorneys and 10% of its FBI special agents.
“That includes those who were fired, but also those who’ve been pushed out or chose to leave,” said Carr, who worked as a spokesperson for special counsel Jack Smith’s office during the Biden administration. He first joined the DOJ in 2007 under President George W. Bush.
Elizabeth Stein, an Epstein abuse survivor, expressed anger that victims’ names and images were disclosed when the DOJ published the Epstein files online, as legally mandated after Congress nearly unanimously passed legislation to force the release.
“When the Epstein files were released earlier this year, my own name was left unredacted in a sentence that read in part, ‘Stein was a victim of Epstein and Maxwell in the mid-90s.’ It doesn’t get much clearer than that,” said Stein, now a human trafficking specialist and survivor advocate for World Without Exploitation.
“The name of the school I attended, where I worked, and portions of my home address were also publicly disclosed. The very institution Congress charged with protecting survivors instead exposed us.”
‘Typical’ terms
Carbone also spoke at length about Blanche’s involvement in Trump’s settlement with the IRS.
In exchange for Trump and his family dropping a $10 billion lawsuit against the IRS for the 2019 leak of tax returns, the DOJ ordered the establishment of a settlement fund in the amount of nearly $1.8 billion.
Blanche defended the settlement terms as “typical” during his confirmation hearing with members of the Senate Judiciary Committee on July 15.
“If this is not standard language, can you make that point for us? I think it’s really important to draw that out,” Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., asked Carbone.
The former federal prosecutor, whose career spanned 30 years, said under normal circumstances the IRS would tailor language only specifically to the matter of litigation, and possibly calculate a settlement sum.
“That’s not what this is. Some of this language is mind-boggling, and I have it here in front of me … One of the subcategories is relating to ‘lawfare and/or weaponization.’ What does that mean?” Carbone said.
Booker said the “totality of the evidence is staggering” against Blanche’s nomination.
“I want to let you all know very clearly and unequivocally that if there were just some of these issues, they would be enough to be disqualifying. … This man has had an impact already in his deputy role and now in his acting role,” Booker said at the close of the hearing.
Dramatic vote ahead
Whether Blanche’s nomination advances from the Senate Judiciary Committee depends on whether every Republican on the panel, split 11-10, supports him.
Those campaigning against Blanche’s confirmation are targeting two members — Tillis, who is retiring at the end of his term, and Cornyn.
Trump subjected Tillis to intense criticism for opposing the Big Beautiful Bill Act in 2025 and said he would find candidates to oppose Tillis in his primary. Trump endorsed Cornyn’s primary opponent earlier this year.
Just over two dozen survivors affected by abuse by Epstein and Maxwell sent a letter Tuesday to Tillis and Cornyn.
“We understand that both of you remain open to opposing his nomination, and we are asking you to stand with survivors of human trafficking and sexual assault at this critical moment,” the survivors wrote.
“Under Todd Blanche’s leadership, the Justice Department released survivors’ names, identifying information and images while the names of alleged abusers and enablers remained hidden. More than a thousand women and girls were abused, yet no one beyond Epstein and Maxwell has been prosecuted.”
The women wrote that Blanche met with them following his confirmation hearing, but that it amounted to “an hour of deflection, interruption and gaslighting.”
“Senator Tillis, when you urged Todd Blanche to meet with survivors, we believed you expected a serious and meaningful conversation. What occurred instead was a box-checking exercise arranged only after his confirmation was put at risk,” they wrote.
Common Cause North Carolina, a state arm of the national progressive advocacy group, urged Tillis in early July to vote against Blanche, who the group’s director, Brooks Fuller, said “has shown the only person he is interested in protecting and defending is President Donald Trump.”
The advocacy organization joined with other groups, including North Carolina for the People and The Justice Project, to deliver messages to Tillis’ office on July 6, according to organizers.
Tillis’ office did not respond to States Newsroom’s request for a response. Cornyn’s office said it did not have a comment at this time.
A crowd gathers on the corner of Williamson and Baldwin Streets Wednesday night to protest after police shot and killed Corey Ruiz (Photo by Daphne Cooper)
In the center of a busy intersection on Williamson and Baldwin Streets in Madison, Wisconsin, several officers from the Madison Police Department wrestled a man to the ground in the early afternoon Wednesday, used a taser on him and then shot him at close range. Unable to cross the intersection, several vehicles stopped and their drivers got out to film the arrest. In videos posted online, residents can be heard screaming in shock and anger. Hundreds of protesters converged on the scene Wednesday evening and marched downtown, interrupting the Concert on the Square. Protest speakers identified the man as Corey Ruiz and a crowd of hundreds of people chanted his name.
Madison Police Chief John Patterson held a press conference Wednesday, urging residents to keep the Willy Street neighborhood in mind and the “historical trauma” that arises when officer-involved shootings occur. Patterson said that officers responded to a call concerning a person apparently checking parked vehicles. When officers encountered the man he fled on a bicycle, riding through backyards until he lost the officers. They caught up with him again, at which point the man “either fell off or was taken off the bicycle by officers,” Patterson said.
During the struggle, Patterson said the man produced a “fixed blade knife,” injuring one of the officers who then fired his weapon multiple times. Patterson described the officer as a “veteran” who was the only officer to fire out of the four who were involved in the struggle. Video also shows one of the officers seemingly stomping the man while he was on the ground as the first shot was fired.
The Wisconsin Department of Justice (DOJ) Division of Criminal Investigation (DCI) is leading the investigation into the shooting. Wisconsin law dictates that officer-involved shootings must be investigated by an outside, uninvolved agency to maintain objectivity. After the investigation is over, which may take weeks or months, a local district attorney reviews the findings and decides whether or not to charge an officer for the shooting. Such charges are exceedingly rare in Wisconsin.
Due to the ongoing investigation Patterson declined to answer questions about the details of the shooting Wednesday. Madison police officers do not have body cameras, and Patterson has pushed for body cameras to be included in the 2027 city budget. Patterson said that the man’s family had been notified before he spoke with the media, and he expressed his sympathies to them.
Democratic primary candidates in the governor’s race issued statements about the shooting. Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison) said that the police had “killed a Black man just a few blocks from our campaign office and just a few blocks from where Madison police murdered Tony Robinson in 2015.” Hong said that she is “horrified and devastated” and that her heart “goes out to his loved ones and everyone who witnessed this tragic event.” Hong said that all police footage of the shooting needs to be preserved and released, and that questions need to be asked of the police department as to why its officers could not de-escalate the situation.
Milwaukee County Executive and Democratic gubernatorial candidate David Crowley said, “I am horrified by the reports coming out of Madison about a man who was shot and killed in the street by police officers. While details are still emerging and a full accounting of what happened is still needed, these reports are painfully reminiscent of the tragedies in Kenosha, Minneapolis, and far too many communities across our country. Each incident reopens deep wounds, raises difficult questions, and reminds us of the urgent work that remains to build trust, transparency, and accountability in our systems.” Crowley said his “heart is with the individual’s loved ones, who are now facing an unimaginable loss, and with the entire Madison community as it grapples with this tragedy.”
Joel Brennan, another Democratic primary candidate, said that Madison “deserves a full, transparent, and independent accounting of what happened.” Brennan added that “no family should have to wait for answers, no community should have to wonder whether the truth will come out. The Wisconsin DOJ investigation must be allowed to do its work completely and without interference.”
State Sen. Kelda Roys, another candidate in the primary, said, “Let this city wrap its arms around Corey’s family and loved ones, and demand justice for him and them and all of us. There must be a full, independent investigation and the responsible officers held fully accountable under the law, as required by Wisconsin statute. The Department of Justice should serve as the lead investigator to ensure fairness and impartiality. We do not have to accept this as normal or inevitable. It is NOT. No other country in the world tolerates this level of police violence. We can and must create a more just, safe world for all of us.”
Melissa Agard, Dane County Executive, said, “our community is once again confronting the profound consequences that follow when a life is lost in an encounter with law enforcement.” Agard said, “this is not just another headline, this is someone’s child. A family is grieving an unimaginable loss, and our hearts are with them, with everyone affected by this tragedy, and with the bystanders and emergency personnel who responded to an incredibly difficult situation.” Agard said that every police shooting “shakes the public trust and leaves our community searching for answers.” She added, “we cannot become numb to these tragedies or accept them as inevitable.”
OMB Director Russ Vought testifies before the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee on Jan. 15, 2025. (Screenshot from committee webcast)
A federal judge ruled late last week that the Trump administration had acted illegally last summer when it cut millions in federal grant money.
U.S. District Judge Indira Talwani in the District of Massachusetts ruled on Friday that the White House’s Office of Management and Budget does not have the authority to revoke grants on a whim. OMB had argued that a line in the federal regulations gave the White House authority to cancel grants to account for shifts in priorities.
Talwani found that the agency couldn’t cancel grants to achieve priorities that were announced after the grants had been awarded.
Wisconsin was joined by 22 other states and Washington D.C. in filing a lawsuit against OMB pulling back grant funds. The Wisconsin Department of Justice noted in a press release that the state had lost tens of millions of dollars in federal grant funding meant to help provide Wisconsin-grown food to local food banks, modernize the state’s unemployment system and fund research at UW-Madison.
“The Trump administration has been recklessly attempting to slash funding that supports important programs,” said Attorney General Josh Kaul. “This decision shuts down an unlawful avenue that the Trump administration was using to try to impose those cuts.”
Voters fill out their ballots at a Sioux Falls polling place during the South Dakota primary election on June 2, 2026. (Photo by Makenzie Huber/South Dakota Searchlight)
WASHINGTON — Mass voter challenges are likely to occur in the 2026 midterm elections, the Brennan Center for Justice warned Tuesday, with the potential to “undermine the democratic process.”
President Donald Trump and the Republican Party have been laying the groundwork for questioning the election process in state after state, as Trump has made “election integrity” the centerpiece of his recent domestic policy initiatives, including in a July 16 address to the nation.
The center, at NYU School of Law, found in a report Tuesday that more than 185,000 challenges to voter eligibility were filed by private citizens in 2024, though “the real number is likely higher” since many election officials either were not contacted or sent incomplete responses to an inquiry. The center is regarded as left-leaning.
Mass challenges are a fairly recent development, spurred by improvements in election technology and transparency. Thousands of votes now can be challenged at once.
They’ve rarely been successful, but experts worry they create voter doubts about whether elections are being conducted fairly. Historically such challenges have also often been used to suppress the votes of people of color, a separate brief said.
“Eligible voters facing challenges sometimes don’t vote simply because the process is too confusing. Responding to a challenge requires numerous steps that can trip up voters. They may not understand their options for verifying their identity,” said the report by Brennan Center Counsel Andrew Garber.
Garber found that “mass voter challenges have become a key element in the campaign to use election integrity as a pretext for voter suppression.”
In 2024, he found, election deniers lodged challenges, “in addition to spreading lies about widespread voter fraud, refusing to certify elections, discrediting voting machines, engaging in bad faith poll watching, filing frivolous lawsuits, and threatening election officials with physical harm or criminal penalties.”
This year, Garber warned, such challenges are likely to be an “integral strategy in the playbook to undermine the democratic process.”
Mass challenges, he said, “add basically zero value to elections while creating new costs.”
One big worry, though: “There are instances of eligible voters being removed from the rolls and learning of their removal after the deadline to register and vote in the next election,” the report said. “As is often the case with voter suppression, vulnerable individuals frequently suffer the effects.”
Mullin threats
The Trump administration is pushing state officials to examine their voter rolls and tighten their election security, thus opening the door for the help of the federal government in conducting mass challenges, the report predicted.
Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin said last week that hundreds of thousands of noncitizens are registered to vote in California, New Jersey, Nevada and Pennsylvania and threatened to prosecute election officials in states that don’t “participate in securing the elections” ahead of the November midterms. He has not specified the source of his data.
Trump has demanded Congress require people to show proof of citizenship when they register to vote and photo IDs at the polls. So far, lawmakers have so far been reluctant to approve the SAVE America Act that in various versions would restrict voting, and it remains stalled in the U.S. Senate.
Trump and his allies have maintained for years the 2020 election was marred by voter fraud. No evidence of any widespread fraud has been found.
Election officials have largely maintained their rolls are accurate and up to date.
“In most states, list maintenance practices tend to keep pace with natural changes in voters’ lives, such as moving,” said a report this month by the nonpartisan Center for Election Innovation & Research.
Mass challenges
Recent mass challenges have rarely been successful.
The report cited efforts in Georgia, Michigan, Texas, Florida and Iowa in 2022.
“These challenges were widely rejected for lack of evidence or failure to comply with state law,” the Brennan Center found.
In 2024, Brennan’s research found that private citizens filed at least 185,232 voter challenges in the states studied. Of those, the center found officials accepted at least 5,477. That means they may have removed the voter from the rolls, declared them inactive or taken other steps to make it difficult for them to vote.
Researchers sent requests to Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Texas and to numerous counties in those states, the report methodology said.
“One takeaway is evident: With only around 3 percent of challenges clearly accepted, challenges contributed little to list maintenance in 2024,” Brennan found.
For instance, Georgia got in touch with about 875,000 voters in 2023 who had moved or had not voted for several years. That was more than a hundred times the number of Georgia voters who were successfully challenged the next year.
The center compiled the report by sending public records requests to 42 state and local government entities. It asked for any documents involving voter challenges in 2024 and how officials dealt with those challenges. It also looked at court filings, public reporting and election board meetings.
“Acquiring a complete record of challenges is impossible: They are often made ad hoc, officials may have no obligation to track them, and the records produced are often incomplete,” the center noted, adding that some officials refused to provide records or said they got no challenges.