Sen. Dianne Hesselbein (D-Middleton) speaks at a press conference Wednesday morning about the Senate Democrats' "Affordable Wisconsin Agenda." (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

If there’s one word at the top of Democratic Party political discourse this year, it’s “affordability.”

Whether focused on a particular issue — child care, health care and housing are the most frequent examples — or on the cost of just about everything, making goods and services and life “affordable” figures high in the opening pitches of candidates across the state.

“I think the No. 1  issue that we need to focus on is affordability,” said Mitchell Berman, a Racine County nurse, when he announced in August he would seek the  Democratic nomination to challenge Republican U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil in Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District.

Trevor Jung in Racine launched his state Senate campaign in September with a focus on “affordability” and “good-paying jobs.” Corrine Hendrickson, a former child care proprietor in New Glarus, said “affordability” is the top issue for her state Senate bid — and she wasn’t just talking about child care.

Democrats campaigning to be the party’s nominee for governor as diverse as David Crowley, Missy Hughes, and Francesca Hong have all uttered the word in introducing themselves to the public.

On Wednesday, the State Senate Democratic Committee had a press conference outside the Capitol to announce the Democrats’ focus on affordability, both for their upcoming legislative agenda and with an eye on the 2026 elections.

“Right now in Wisconsin, 65% of families are saying they are just getting by or they are struggling,” said Sen. Dianne Hesselbein (D-Middleton), the Senate minority leader. A spokesperson said the July Marquette University Law School poll was the source for the survey finding.

State Senate Democrats plan to spend the next few weeks traveling Wisconsin and hearing from state residents. Hesselbein said those conversations will become fodder for “tangible policy solutions that will help working families keep more of their hard-earned money, and we’re calling it the Affordable Wisconsin Agenda.”

Nathan Kalmoe, a University of Wisconsin political scientist, said via email that emphasizing poor economic conditions could be risky for Wisconsin Democrats running in state elections. While Republican lawmakers “may take some blame, the governor is a Democrat,” and voters tend to hold the chief executive responsible for economic conditions, he said. 

Kalmoe added that focusing on the economy exclusively at the expense of concerns for the most marginalized or concerns about Trump administration actions that threaten democracy would be “disturbing, and dangerous.”

Nevertheless, polling trends in the last several months suggest why Democrats nationwide have been focusing on inflation and the economy, said John D. Johnson, a research fellow and political analyst at Marquette University.

In Marquette polls shortly after President Donald Trump was elected to a second term in November, and again before he took office in January, 41% of adults nationally said they believed his policies would reduce inflation.

In Marquette’s most recent national poll, conducted in mid-September and released Oct. 2, “that had fallen to 25%,” Johnson said in an email to the Wisconsin Examiner. “Meanwhile, the share believing Trump’s policies would increase inflation grew from 45% to 60%.”

In the September poll, 40% of adults named “inflation and the cost of living” as the top issue in the U.S. “Another 19% chose ‘the economy’ more generally,” Johnson said.

“Overall, 29% of adults approved of Trump’s handling of ‘inflation and the cost of living’ while 71% disapproved,” Johnson said. (On “border security,” meanwhile, 55% of those polled approved Trump while 45% disapproved.)

In May, 68% of Republicans and 23% of independent voters told the Marquette pollsters they approved of how Trump was handling “inflation and the cost of living.” By September, Republican support had slipped to 57%, but among independents, support had plummeted to 14%.

“In other words, this is (1) an issue where there is a lot of daylight between how Republicans and Independents rate Trump, and (2) an issue where Trump is falling with both Democrats and Independents,” Johnson said.

At the Senate Democrats’ news conference Wednesday, a succession of senators — along with one state representative who is a Senate hopeful — spoke of how the issue of affordability cuts across a wide range of topics. And each laid blame for inaction on their Republican rivals.

“Senate Democrats have already been leading the fight to lower the cost of housing, whether trying to expand the homestead tax credit or preventing hedge funds from buying up available housing stocks, but undoubtedly more needs to be done,” said Sen. Jeff Smith (D-Brunswick).

Rep. Jenna Jacobson (D-Oregon), who has the endorsement of the Senate Democrats as she seeks the party’s nomination in the 17th Senate District next year, pointed to “reckless federal policies” hitting farmers and hiking grocery bills.

Democratic state lawmakers have proposed a free school meal bill along with grants for farmers who provide food to food pantries, replacing a federal program cut by the Trump administration, she said; both are “examples of some of the kinds of policies that we can advance to lower everyday costs.”

Sen. Kristin Dassler-Alfheim (D-Appleton) warned of coming spikes both in health insurance costs and in the rates of people without health insurance because of the expiring Affordable Care Act premium subsidies at the center of the federal shutdown fight in Congress. “We need Congress to get to work and renew these ACA subsidies,” she said.

Meanwhile, bills in the state Legislature to lower prescription drug costs and cap the price of asthma medication “haven’t even gotten a public hearing,” Dassler-Alfheim said. “We could be doing more here in Wisconsin to make life a little bit more affordable for everyone.”

Sen. Sarah Keyeski (D-Lodi) said Wisconsin continues to face “a child care crisis,” with too few options for working families. Care is increasingly costly, “not because child care providers are making huge profits,” she said. “It’s because we can no longer underpay those doing the child care work, mostly women.”

Democrats have been pushing for expanding child care support, “yet Republicans in Madison stand in the way every single time,” Keyeski said.

Hesselbein said that the Senate Democrats hope that they can follow up on their conversations with voters across the state by “bringing those ideas back to the state Legislature, working on them and hopefully being able to pass them in a bipartisan manner.”

At the same time, however, she blamed inaction on Republican lawmakers who “are mired in internal conflict, unwilling to cross the aisle and get stuff done for Wisconsinites.” The  2026 election will enable voters to “turn the page,” she said, “and vote for a vision that puts Wisconsinites first, that puts you and your families first.”

U.S. Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Black Earth) speaks about impending insurance price increases due to the sunset of enhance subsidies for health insurance policies purchased at HealthCare.gov. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

Sometime in the next 10 days, Wisconsin residents will see directly what the stakes are in the ongoing standoff in Washington over the federal shutdown, U.S. Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Black Earth) said Wednesday.

That’s when people who buy health insurance through the federal HealthCare.gov marketplace under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will find out their likely premiums for 2026.

“In the next probably 10 days, we’re going to have a lot more information,” Pocan said at a press conference in the state Capitol along with small business owners and state lawmakers. “Health care is going to start getting very expensive for everyone beyond what it costs now — but for some people it’s going to be so cost prohibitive that they’re going to actually wind up losing their health insurance.”

Most Democrats in the U.S. Senate have refused to vote to advance a Republican continuing resolution to keep the federal government funded and have said they won’t do so if Republicans won’t negotiate with them on the bill.

In demanding changes to the stopgap spending bill, Democrats have focused on enhanced premium tax credits that provide subsidies for most people who buy health insurance on the federal marketplace.

The enhanced subsidies, enacted in 2021 and extended in 2022, will expire at the end of this year, driving up the premium cost for health insurance policies sold on the marketplace.

Pocan said that with the premiums on ACA policies going up and losing the additional subsidies, “a couple 60 years old making $85,000 in my district could see somewhere between a $16,000 and $17,000 increase next year in their premiums.” The projections are the product of KFF, the independent health research, policy and news organization.

Macy Buhler owns a child care center. She said her own health insurance comes through her husband’s job, but some of her employees have relied on the ACA and HealthCare.gov to buy insurance. With the possibility that they won’t be able to afford those plans any more, she said, she’s been inquiring with insurance companies about their potential options.

“I’m doing the best I can,” Buhler said. “But when people don’t see that this is going to affect our workforce, it frustrates me. It will absolutely affect our workforce. It will absolutely affect families who are middle class and lower. It will affect our farmers.”

Kyle LaFond, who  owns a custom manufacturing business, said he and his team of eight employees have relied on the ACA for health insurance.

“The ACA really leveled the playing field in terms of being able to provide coverage,” LaFond said.

Among his employees, the projected increases for health insurance will range from $2,000 to about $12,000. “For a growing family, those price hikes are almost insurmountable. It’s unconscionable,” La Fond said.

With the increased subsidies expiring, “I might lose some good people,” he added. “So I’m talking about the future of my business.”

Democrats tried to make extending the subsidies part of the tax- and spending-cut megabill that President Donald Trump signed in July, but the procedure Republicans used to pass that legislation allowed them to move it through the process without Democratic votes.

Pocan said the Democrats are not willing to trust the Republican majority to  negotiate on the ACA subsidies if the Democrats first agree on the GOP bill and simply reopen the government.

Previous deals in December and in March on stopgap spending bills fell apart, he said. “Then Donald Trump did recissions, which are against the law, and started taking away funding that we did. Article 1 of the Constitution gives the power of the purse to Congress and he took it away. So they get all of that.”

Pocan said the recurring Republican claim that Democrats are holding out “because they want to give hundreds of billions of dollars of health benefits to illegal aliens — PolitiFact gave that an outright false.”

Pocan refrained from using a barnyard epithet for the claim. “Manure is what it is,” he said, glancing around at the ornately decorated Assembly parlor. “It’s a pretty room. I got to talk pretty.”

But, he said, “by federal law, not one dime can go directly to someone who’s an undocumented person — I’m going to use that terminology — from Medicare, Medicaid, or the Affordable Care Act. So, nothing. So, it’s not true.”

Public awareness about the shutdown could be lagging. Pocan said his office had 85 calls last week about the shutdown.

By contrast, in the last nine months, his office has taken 14,435 calls about health care. “So this is something that people really care about.”

Rep. Ryan Clancy (D-Milwaukee) speaks before a vote on a housing-related bill in the state Assembly Tuesday. (Screenshot/WisEye)

A group of housing bills that Republican lawmakers have fast-tracked since they were first announced two weeks ago made it through the Wisconsin Assembly Tuesday — most with unanimous support, but not without criticism from Democrats.

In a floor speech before the Assembly began voting Tuesday, Rep. Kalan Haywood (D-Milwaukee), assistant minority leader, said the GOP housing package fell short of what might have been possible with bipartisan discussion.

“While there is support for many of these bills on our side, we are by no means satisfied,” Haywood said.

Haywood complimented the Republican chair of the Assembly’s Housing and Real Estate committee, Rep. Robert Brooks (R-Saukville), for his “willingness to listen and work together.”

He described bills enacted in the 2023-24 session as “a bipartisan housing package that we could build on this session,” and said that in the spring, bipartisan work had begun on a new round of bills, accompanied by “honest communication with both sides and with stakeholders.”

Those discussions stopped abruptly in June, Haywood said, and when the bills came out two weeks ago the results were “half baked.”

“There are some good things in these bills that may help create some additional housing, but we could have done much more,” Haywood said.

A series of procedural votes on the floor Tuesday surrounding one bill — AB 455, creating a grant program for condominium conversions from multi-family homes — was emblematic of the gap between how Democrats and Republicans viewed not just the legislation but the larger issue of housing.

In the Housing and Real Estate Committee meeting Friday, Oct. 3, Rep. Ryan Clancy (D-Milwaukee) managed to persuade three Republicans to join the panel’s Democrats to pass an amendment that expanded the bill to include housing cooperatives, not just condominiums.  

After the amendment was adopted, Sen. Steve Nass (R-Whitewater) sent an email written in red to all state lawmakers of both parties, mocking Clancy’s amendment as applying to “communes” and criticizing its Republican supporters.

When the bill reached the floor Tuesday, the original author, Rep. Dave Murphy (R-Greenville), submitted a rewrite, known as a substitute amendment.

The rewrite included another amendment, from Democrat, Rep. Lori Palmeri (D-Oshkosh), giving tenants of a building being converted to condos the right of first refusal to purchase their residence. But it omitted the Clancy amendment.

“We had a brief and awesome moment of bipartisanship this last week, and then we had an all red email from Senator Nass,” Clancy said on the Assembly floor. “I did not realize that my Republican colleagues were beholden to him and not even their own leadership there.”

The substitute amendment, Clancy said, would “strike out this bipartisan amendment and just turn it into another handout to developers.”

Brooks, the housing committee chair, had announced at the Republican press conference before the floor session that cooperatives would be stripped out, calling the approach “very difficult to manage because of the financing mechanisms and other things.”

Clancy said he would vote for the legislation despite the removal of his amendment. “But it is so disappointing to have to do that because we had something better in front of us,” he added.

The bill, like most of the bills up for a vote Tuesday, passed on a voice vote.

Others that passed with broad support included AB 424, updating requirements for the rental of mobile and manufactured homes; AB 451, allowing cities and villages to designate residential tax incremental districts to help fund infrastructure improvements; AB 452, allowing land subdividers to certify their designs and public improvements comply with state requirements; and AB 456, making a variety of changes to real estate transaction practices.

A handful of measures labeled as housing bills passed with little or no support from Democrats.

AB 453 would require local communities to grant rezoning requests for housing developers if they meet certain conditions, including that the area is projected as residential in the community’s comprehensive plan. The party-line vote was 55-39.

Rep. Mike Bare (D-Verona) said the measure fell short of what could have been done and that it lacked funding for local governments that would have to bear the cost it would impose. The bill’s author. Rep. David Armstrong (R-Rice Lake) vowed to seek funding in the next state budget.

AB 450 would put off the effective date of Wisconsin’s updated commercial building code until April 1, 2026. Originally blocked in 2023, the new code was reinstated by the the Department of Safety and Professional Services (DSPS) after a state Supreme Court ruling this July held that state laws allowing the Legislature to block executive branch administrative rules indefinitely were unconstitutional.

The current effective date is Nov. 1.

Rep. William Penterman (R-Hustisford) said delaying the code further was needed “for clarity” because builders had been planning projects under the previous code.

After the GOP majority rejected an attempt by Democrats to replace the bill with language that increased funding for DSPS on a 54-41 party-line vote, the legislation passed on a voice vote — but with substantial, audible cries of “No” from Democrats.

AB 366 would allow landlords to demand a written statement from a licensed health professional attesting to a tenant’s need for an emotional support animal.

“There are numerous people that have contacted us about the fraudulent means of how you can get a service dog,” state Rep. Paul Tittl (R-Manitowoc), said at a Republican press conference before the floor session.

On the floor, Clancy criticized the bill for potentially harming people for whom emotional support animals are a necessity but who are unable to see  a health professional.

“To the extent that there is a problem, where we want to actually certify that some animals are supportive and some are not, we can fix that problem,” Clancy said. “But that requires actually talking to the stakeholders before taking pen to paper.”

Dr. Lauren VanDeHey speaks at a press conference on Tuesday in favor of legislation to require insurers to cover infertility treatment. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

Treatments for infertility can cost tens of thousands of dollars, leaving some couples to borrow huge sums to cover the expense and others to decide against having children at all.

Lawmakers are circulating a draft bill to change that by requiring health insurers in Wisconsin to cover infertility procedures. If the measure is enacted, Wisconsin would join 22 states and the District of Columbia in providing some form of coverage for fertility treatments, according to advocates.

“Infertility is a medical issue,” said state Rep. Jodi Emerson (D-Eau Claire) at a Capitol press conference Tuesday. “And like any other health condition, it deserves the medical treatment to be affordable and accessible. Yet right now, too many individuals and couples are forced to choose between financial stability and the chance to start a family. That’s a choice no one should ever have to make.”

Emerson is the lead Assembly author of the proposal, along with Sen. Kelda Roys (D-Madison), the lead Senate author.

Roys described infertility as a deep source of disappointment for many couples who want to have children. “One of the things that it shouldn’t do, though, is bankrupt you,” she said. “Everyone should be able to access treatment for health conditions and diseases like infertility without regard for the type of insurance you have.”

Dr. Bala Bhagavath, an infertility specialist based in Madison, told reporters that he previously practiced in New York and Rhode Island, where state laws mandate coverage for infertility treatments. Relocating to Wisconsin “has been a rude awakening,” he said.

“Although some patients get coverage for diagnosis of their condition, most pay out of pocket for both diagnosis as well as treatment,” Bhagavath said. “It’s quite common for patients to take out loans and second mortgages so that they can build a family. I’ve had patients taking a second job or moving south of the border to Illinois as they would get insurance coverage for infertility treatment.”

Dr. Lauren VanDeHey, a medical resident in obstetrics and gynecology, said that as a cancer survivor she underwent a procedure to preserve embryos to avoid the risk of damage from chemotherapy and radiation. She was able to get free medication and the cost of some of her in vitro fertilization services discounted, but is still faced with a $17,000 bill she and her husband  will have to pay off over the next several years, she said.

“I am fortunate I will be able to pay these debts off when I complete my medical training,” she said. “For others, taking on this expense is simply not an option. Support for this bill needs to be a bipartisan effort because cancer and infertility can affect anyone.”

Attorney General Josh Kaul speaks to residents of Marinette during a visit in 2019. (Photo by (Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

Attorney General Josh Kaul announced Tuesday he will run for reelection in 2026 — taking his name off the list of potential Democratic contestants in the race for governor.

“This is a pivotal time for our nation,” Kaul said in a written statement. “Some of our most basic rights are under threat. Severe cuts have been made to programs that provide opportunities and have helped communities move forward. It’s critical that we continue to have an AG who will stand up for our freedoms and the rule of law.”

Kaul was first elected to the office in 2018, when Tony Evers won his first term as governor. Both won second terms in 2022, although Kaul by a narrow margin.

After Evers announced in July that he would not seek a third term, turning the 2026 race for governor into a wide-open contest, Kaul was among the Democrats who were widely assumed would seek the nomination to succeed him. In his first press conferences after the Evers announcement, Kaul demurred when asked about his plans.

In the months since Evers said he would step aside, more than a half-dozen Democrats have announced they would campaign to be the state’s chief executive, while Kaul remained on the list of “potential” candidates.

“In Wisconsin, we’ve made meaningful progress, and we need to build on that progress,” Kaul said in his announcement statement. “As my track record shows, I’m committed to working to protect public safety and to looking out for the interests of Wisconsinites.”

“Josh Kaul has been a champion for Wisconsin and a bulwark against the MAGA extremist politicians and the Trump administration who have been trying to subvert our democracy, attacking our personal freedoms, and stealing from everyday working people,” Devin Remiker, chair of the Democratic Party of Wisconsin said in a statement. “Wisconsinites are fortunate to have Josh Kaul as Attorney General, and our state will be lucky to have him serve another four years.”

 So far the Democrats who have announced they will run for the open governor’s seat include Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez, former economic development CEO Missy Hughes, Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, state Sen. Kelda Roys (D-Madison) and state Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison). Milwaukee factory worker and baseball stadium beer vendor Ryan Strnad and former state Rep. Brett Hulsey.

AG Josh Kaul speaks at a town hall in Green Bay in April 2025. (Photo by Andrew Kennard/Wisconsin Examiner)

The Trump administration has backed away from a threat to demand that states cooperate with federal immigration enforcement if they want access to federal funds to aid crime victims, according to Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul.

Wisconsin was one of 20 states and the District of Columbia that sued the administration in August over a demand that states join in federal immigration enforcement efforts if the wanted access to Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) grants.

Fees, fines and penalties collected in federal court proceedings  are distributed under VOCA to states to use on victim services, including operating community-based organizations such as domestic violence shelters and rape crisis centers and victim-witness offices within county district attorneys’ offices. 

The Wisconsin Department of Justice estimated the state would have lost more than $24 million in grant funds if the threat had been  carried out.

The U.S. Department of Justice abandoned the plan after the lawsuit was filed, Kaul said Monday.

“This is funding that helps make a difference for victims of crime,” Kaul said in a statement. “The Trump administration shouldn’t have tried to tie states’ access to this funding to their assistance with immigration enforcement.”

A builder frames a house under construction. An Assembly committee advanced a dozen bills Thursday, with several aimed at expanding the construction of affordable workforce housing. (Spencer Platt | Getty Images)

A dozen bills, some aimed at addressing the need for affordable workforce housing according to their Republican authors, passed the Assembly’s Housing and Real Estate Committee Thursday, with all but three gaining bipartisan support.

Several of the measures have already been put on the tentative calendar for the Assembly floor session scheduled for Tuesday, Oct. 7.

AB 182, would modify Wisconsin’s low-income housing tax credit and require the Wisconsin Housing and Economic Development Authority (WHEDA) to ensure that 35% of the tax credits it allocates are for projects in rural areas of Wisconsin.

AB 449 would require local municipalities with zoning to permit accessory dwelling units on the property of existing single family homes.

AB 451 would create residential tax incremental districts, to encourage residential developments with the resulting increases in property tax collection used to fund infrastructure investment. That measure passed the panel 12-2.

AB 454 would establish a workforce home loan fund through WHEDA to provide gap financing for new construction or significant rehabilitation of a single family home for the borrower.

AB 455 would establish a grant program at WHEDA for the owners of apartment buildings to offset converting their properties to condominiums. In an unanimous vote, the committee approved an amendment from state Rep. Lori Palmeri (D-Oshkosh) requiring grant recipients to give current occupants in a building being converted an opportunity to purchase their unit.

State Rep. Ryan Clancy (D-Milwaukee) persuaded a majority of the committee, including four Republican members, to adopt an amendment allowing the proposed grants to be used for conversions to housing cooperatives as well as condominiums.

“Housing co-ops are an important alternative for households in our communities that lack the means to individually purchase and maintain stable housing,” Clancy said in a statement issued after the vote. “They provide the assurance of predictable costs, create the potential for innovative forms of cost sharing and cost reduction, and help strengthen the communities that embrace this well-proven model.”

Clancy’s statement also included a thank-you to the Republicans who voted with the committee’s five Democrats to pass the amendment, as well as the committee chair, Rep. Robert Brooks (R-Saukville), “for giving my proposed amendment to AB 455 a fair hearing.”

Clancy’s statement prompted Sen. Steve Nass (R-Whitewater) to email Republicans and Democrats in both chambers castigating Clancy and the Republicans who voted for his amendment for adding “communes” to the bill.

Four other bills involved largely technical matters, one lowering real estate transfer fees, one updating the requirements for renting mobile homes, one enabling subdivision developers to certify that improvements comply with state requirements, and one on changes in real estate practices for single- to four-family homes. All passed with unanimous or nearly unanimous votes.

Divided on party lines

Committee members split on a bill that would allow landlords to demand a written statement from a licensed health professional attesting to a tenant’s need for an emotional support animal.

The bill’s author, state Rep. Paul Tittl (R-Manitowoc), asserted at a public hearing that there was a “rising trend of emotional support and service animal misrepresentation in Wisconsin.” All nine committee Republicans voted for the bill and all five Democrats against it. 

On a second party-line vote, a bill giving developers an automatic rezoning right for residential projects if they met certain conditions passed with only the Republicans voting in favor.

The committee also passed on party lines legislation that would put off the effective date of Wisconsin’s updated commercial building code until April 1, 2026.

The building code update had been blocked in 2023, but a state Supreme Court ruling this July held that state laws giving the Legislature the power to block executive branch administrative rules indefinitely were unconstitutional.

After the Court’s ruling, the Department of Safety and Professional Services moved ahead to promulgate the new code, originally setting a Sept. 1 starting date. The department later postponed the effective date to Nov. 1.

In addition to the committee’s 9-5 vote Thursday on the bill postponing the date again, 29 Republican lawmakers sent DSPS Secretary-designee Dan Hereth a letter Wednesday also seeking to postpone the effective date to April 1. 

A nurse holds a vial of COVID-19 vaccine and syringe. (Getty Images)

Wisconsin clinics and hospitals are stepping up the rollout of the newest version of the COVID-19 vaccination.

UW Health started offering the new edition vaccine to patients Wednesday and will start scheduling COVID-19 shots beginning Monday.

The Madison-based hospital and clinic system previously began giving the vaccine to people older than 65, considered the highest-risk population for the respiratory infection, according to Dr. Jim Conway, an infectious disease specialist and medical director for the UW Health immunization program.

The 2025-26 version of the vaccine is “built around the most current, circulating strains of COVID that are out there,” Conway said in an interview Wednesday. “As we all learned during the entire pandemic, these strains are mutating constantly, and so they’re constantly changing . . . You try to keep up with what’s the most prevalent.”

Major pharmacy chains typically get the first available allotments of the vaccine and have already, Conway said. In the meantime, UW Health and other health systems have been preparing to offer the shot and preparing their scheduling systems.

The vaccine’s components are developed following discussions among health experts for the World Health Organization and other agencies, Conway said. Both the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) take part in those discussions.

In the weeks leading up to Sept. 19, when the CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practice (ACIP) opened its most recent meeting, public health professionals were apprehensive that the body might limit access to the COVID-19 vaccine.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr., secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services, has a long history of embracing unfounded claims critical of vaccines. Kennedy replaced the members of the ACIP with people viewed as skeptics of vaccination. Susan Monarez, appointed CDC director earlier this year by President Donald Trump, testified at a congressional hearing in September that Kennedy fired her for refusing to agree to his demand that she endorse ACIP’s recommendations without reviewing them.

Ahead of ACIP’s meeting, “we were all really nervous,” Conway said. Medical professional groups emphasized their endorsement of the COVID-19 shot to counter messaging from Kennedy and other HHS officials that appeared to cast doubt on the vaccine.

“Our professional societies make recommendations every year, but this year we really leaned into making sure people were aware of those and really were promoting those as … evidence-based, data driven,” he said.

When ACIP met just two days after Monarez’s testimony, the panel left in place the CDC’s recommendation for COVID-19 vaccinations from the age of six months to 64. While the panel’s recommendation highlighted concerns about risk, ACIP rejected a proposal to require a prescription for the shot.

“It’s actually in some ways reassuring that even people that may come across as skeptics and doubters at some level as they were repopulating the ACIP — even they couldn’t be swayed from how clear the evidence and the data is that these vaccines are really valuable and really safe,” Conway said. “It was a very pleasant surprise.”

Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers issued an executive order to ensure COVID-19 vaccine access and the state Department of Health Services followed up with a health order that functions as a statewide prescription for the shot. The Office of the Commissioner of Insurance also issued guidance that insurance companies in Wisconsin are expected to cover the vaccine without requiring a patient co-pay.

Conway said with those actions insurers began announcing in the last week their coverage plans, which set the stage for providers to set up their vaccine programs.

The first objective of a vaccine is “to prevent you from getting serious disease,” Conway said, so patients don’t have to go to a doctor, “or aren’t getting admitted to the hospital or aren’t getting in the ICU [intensive care unit] or aren’t going on a ventilator or, God forbid, aren’t dying. That’s the ultimate goal, and that’s what the vaccines are really very good at.”

If the shot prevents a person from getting sick from the virus at all, that’s a bonus,  “but we know that that’s never completely possible with these kinds of respiratory viruses,” he added. “But we know that even if you get ill, you’re much more likely to have a very, very mild case.”

Vaccination also helps prevent the spread of disease as it reduces the amount of virus infected people are shedding, Conway said. That can reduce the chances that others will be exposed to the virus, helping to protect people whose immune systems are suppressed due to age or an underlying medical condition.

With enough people vaccinated, that allows  community immunity — “what used to be called herd immunity” — to develop, Conway said. That reduces the risk of outbreaks, “but it also starts to protect the really vulnerable parts of your population.”

The vaccine’s availability came as good news Wednesday to Patricia Fisher, a graduate student and the mother of a six-month-old. Fisher was disappointed this week when the vaccine wasn’t available at her baby’s check-up.

“It’s not just about my baby,” said Fisher,  who is enrolled in a sociology Ph.D. program at the University of Wisconsin. “The community is safer if more people are vaccinated.”

Fisher has a master’s degree in public health. While her own research focuses on food systems, climate change and health, she said she’s learned enough about population health outcomes to make her alarmed at the prevalence of anti-vaccine attitudes.

“I find it really, really frightening how anti-vaccine some people are, and that people are particularly worried about [vaccines for] COVID, flu and RSV [respiratory syncytial virus],” Fisher said. “COVID is a very clear and present threat to infant health and so it’s very worrying to me.”

Between the national upsurge in measles that has surfaced in Wisconsin, surges in pertussis (whooping cough) in the last couple of years, influenza and COVID-19, “there’s a lot of threats out there,” she said. “I just didn’t think that infectious disease would be the thing about parenting that would be the most stressful, but it definitely is.”

On Wednesday she made an appointment for her child’s COVID-19 shot in mid-October. “I’m thrilled it’s going to be available,” she said.

Conway said the flood of both information and misinformation about the vaccine can overwhelm people. “Sometimes the natural human response is to just hunker down and do nothing,” he said.

He counsels patience and keeping messaging simple: pointing to the decades of data on the safety and effectiveness of vaccines along with the number of professional medical organizations that have made recommendations on the basis of scientific evidence.

“I think people should understand that there’s an opportunity here to protect themselves and their families from these really potentially very unpredictable diseases that can devastate individuals, families and communities,” Conway said.

Stephanie Johnson, whose husband died after living with Parkinson's Disease for 13 years, speaks at a news conference Wednesday, Oct. 1, about legislation to create a state Parkinson's registry. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

A bipartisan group of Wisconsin lawmakers announced legislation Wednesday to  create a statewide registry for Parkinson’s Disease.

Parkinson’s, a neurological condition that is characterized by tremors, but also by a variety of other symptoms, has been increasing disproportionately, according to Dr. Brian Nagle, a movement disorder specialist.

“It’s the second most common neurological disease after Alzheimer’s disease, but it’s the fastest growing,” Nagle said in an interview Wednesday.

The speed with which Parkinson’s diagnoses are increasing is outpacing the aging of the population, “which suggests that it’s not just due to our population getting older, but that there may be some sort of risk factor that is causing it to grow more rapidly,” Nagle said.

A statewide registry of Parkinson’s patients could help provide clues about factors, such as environmental conditions, that may be at the root of the illness, he said.

State Sen. Rachael Cabral-Guevara (R-Fox Crossing) and state Rep. Lisa Subeck (D-Madison) began circulating a draft bill Wednesday to create the proposed state registry.

“Right now, when patients and their doctors are looking for answers, we struggle a little bit,” said Cabral-Guevara, who is a nurse practitioner, at a press conference to announce the legislation.

“We simply don’t have the data that we need,” she said. “We don’t know who is infected. Where the disease is hitting the hardest. Are there environmental factors that impact this, that cause this, that make it progress even faster? That lack of the clear picture of this is a barrier.”

The legislation was the brainchild of Stephanie Johnson, director of the Parkinson’s Disease Alliance of Wisconsin. Johnson told reporters Wednesday that her husband, Rick, was diagnosed with Parkinson’s 15 years ago when he was 61. After living with the illness for 13 years, he died in December 2023.

“I think we typically think of Parkinson’s as tremors or shuffling,” Johnson said, “but Rick had dangerously low blood pressure that would cause him to pass out. He had cognitive changes that made it very, very challenging for him to communicate. And he had visual hallucinations and many other non-motor symptoms.”

Johnson said she was also diagnosed with Parkinson’s three months after her husband’s death — a finding that astonished her. Then she learned that in the neighborhood where they had previously lived for 20 years, they were two of six residents who developed Parkinson’s disease, she said.

“And I thought, this can’t be a coincidence,” Johnson said, “And I wondered, is this a disease cluster? I didn’t know.”

“We don’t have a systematic way of tracking the incidence and prevalence of Parkinson’s in Wisconsin,” Johnson said.

The proposed legislation is aimed at filling that gap. The bill’s authors have named it in memory of Johnson’s husband at her request.

Fourteen U.S. states have some form of registry for Parkinson’s Disease, with some tracking other conditions as well, according to the Michael J. Fox foundation, a national research nonprofit named for the TV actor who was diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease when he was 30.

The draft legislation calls for the establishment of a registry at the Department of Population Health Sciences at the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Medicine and Public Health. The registry would include a website with annual reports on the incidence and prevalence of Parkinson’s Disease in Wisconsin.

Health care providers would file information with the directory about patients they treat for Parkinson’s or closely related conditions. If patients don’t consent for their information to be shared, the incidence would be reported and nothing else, according to the bill.

Parkinson’s Disease is the subject of “a lot of mysteries,” Subeck said. “The reality is we are not going to get closer to curing Parkinson’s unless we do the research, unless we collect the data, and unless we enable that data to be used in meaningful ways.”

Rachel LaCasse-Ford, right talks to Sen. Tammy Baldwin about her use of the Affordable Care Act marketplace to buy insurance during a meeting Baldwin held with small business owners and others in Mount Horeb, Wisconsin, on Sept. 25. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

Matt Raboin owns Brix Cider, a farm-to-table restaurant, and brews apple cider in the Dane County village of Mount Horeb.

His wife’s full-time job with benefits provides the family with health insurance, but for Raboin, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has made an important difference for some of his employees.

“We don’t offer insurance ourselves,” Raboin said during a recent round table discussion set up by Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wisconsin). “A lot of small businesses in small towns aren’t in a financial place to do that.”

Like Raboin, some of his employees get their coverage through a spouse or because they also work another full-time job that provides benefits. But over the years, the ACA and the HealthCare.gov marketplace created under the law have been a critical source of health coverage for many of his employees, Raboin said.

Recently he polled a number of them. One memorable response came from a part-time employee who also has a part-time job with a local church. She buys her health insurance on HealthCare.gov. Thanks to an increase enacted in 2021 in tax credit subsidies, she’s been able to afford the premiums, Raboin said she told him.

“So without it, she’s like, ‘I can’t keep working for you. And I don’t think I keep working for my church. I think I have to find a different job,’” Raboin recalled.

The ACA and HealthCare.gov have made it possible for millions more Americans and thousands more Wisconsin residents to obtain health insurance.

But less visibly, the health care marketplace that the ACA created has also helped support many small businesses. If the enhanced tax credit subsidies that lowered the cost of health insurance for millions over the last three years aren’t renewed, small business owners and employees say they could be especially hard hit.

Nearly half of people who get their health insurance through the HealthCare.gov marketplace are self-employed or small business owners, or else work for small businesses, according to KFF, an independent nonprofit that researches and reports on health policy.

To expand access to health care, the ACA created the HealthCare.gov marketplace to make buying health insurance easier for people whose jobs don’t provide coverage and who don’t qualify for government programs such as Medicaid.

To make coverage more affordable, the law provides tax credit subsidies for people with incomes up to 400% of the federal poverty guideline. Those subsidies were increased in 2021 and expanded to people with higher incomes.

The enhanced subsidies will expire at the end of 2025 unless Congress extends them — driving up the cost of health insurance for millions.

The enhanced subsidy “saves more than 230,000 Wisconsinites an average of $500 every single month,” Baldwin said during a Zoom press conference Tuesday.

For Chrysa Ostenso and her late husband, the enhanced subsidies lowered their premiums from nearly $2,000 a month to about $300 a month, Ostenso said.

Ostenso lives in Ladysmith, Wisconsin, where she and her husband operated an optometry clinic for more than three decades, raising four children along the way.

“We always struggled to afford health insurance but of course we had to buy it,” Ostenso said in an interview. “As a family of four kids with a small business, you can’t go without health insurance.”

The family’s high deductible plans required them to pay $6,000 a year out of pocket before insurance would cover their health care. By 2020, when the children were grown and the health plan just covered Ostenso and her husband, they were paying $1,979 a month, she said.

They hadn’t qualified for the original ACA subsidies. When the enhanced subsidies were enacted in 2021, however, Ostenso said their premiums went down to $300 a month, increasing to $500 a month in subsequent years.

“It actually meant freedom to go to the doctor, because we were spending so much money on our premiums [previously] that we actually couldn’t afford to go to the doctor,” she said.

Standoff over extending subsidies

In the weeks leading up to Tuesday night’s federal shutdown, Democrats in Congress demanded that Republicans rescind sweeping changes to Medicaid that were part of the major tax- and spending-cuts megabill that President Donald Trump signed July 4.

They also demanded an extension of the enhanced ACA subsidies.

Baldwin has coauthored legislation that would make the enhanced subsidies permanent. She spent part of the just-concluded congressional recess traveling Wisconsin and meeting with people who expect to see their health costs go up sharply if the increased subsidies end.

During Tuesday’s press conference, Baldwin related a conversation with a  bakery owner who worried about how she and her family will afford health insurance, “but also that increased costs on the [HealthCare.gov] exchange will mean that her employees at her bakery may have to quit to work for big companies that offer insurance.”

During Baldwin’s press conference, Gigi Gastevich, an artist who owns a retail space in Stoughton, said the ACA and the enhanced subsidies had made it possible for her to launch and grow her business.

Gastevich is a 15-year cancer survivor. When starting her business, she qualified for BadgerCare — Wisconsin’s main Medicaid program — which covered the ongoing medical monitoring she requires as a cancer survivor.

In 2025, with her income above the limit for BadgerCare, she found an insurance plan on HealthCare.gov that included her existing health care professionals in its network and had an affordable deductible.

The plan’s premium was $481 a month, Gastevich said, but the enhanced subsidy  brought it down to about $100 a month.

Without the subsidy, she said, she will have to switch plans — possibly losing her long-standing group of providers if they aren’t in the network. She said her choices include taking a high-deductible plan that would put some of the regular care she’s been recommended as a cancer survivor out of reach financially; or closing down her business. 

“[That] would mean not only abandoning my dream of entrepreneurship and being a self-employed artist, but taking away an income source for the dozens of artists and artisans whose American-made work I sell here,” Gastevich said.

It would also forestall her plans to scale up her business to sell her own line of textiles and employ others. “I won’t be able to do that if my health and well-being is tied to being on an employer-based health care plan,” she added.

Uncertain future

During her tour of the state, Baldwin stopped in Mount Horeb on Thursday, Sept. 25, where she spoke with Brix owner Matt Raboin and four other business owners as well as local health care providers.

The round table took place at the Upland Hills Health Mount Horeb clinic. The urgent care clinic is part of a broader system that includes a hospital in Dodgeville and clinics in surrounding communities.

Dr. Mark Thompson, Upland Hills CEO, said system executives expect to see about $400,000 a year in additional uncompensated care based on projections of people leaving the insurance rolls because they don’t think they can afford the new ACA premiums.

Jay Goninen sat in as a board member of the Upland Hills system, but he’s also an employer for whom the ACA has made it possible to provide health benefits.

Goninen owns a business that helps connect the auto repair industry with high schools and technical schools. For the last few years, he’s opted to have employees of the firm purchase health insurance on the ACA.

The company pays a portion of the cost. Goninen likens the arrangement to a common practice of employers who offer a group health plan and split the cost with their employees.

“I do really worry about just the individual person and their ability to afford to live right now, in general,” he told Baldwin. “It is tough.”

In addition to worrying about what will happen to employees who bought coverage at HealthCare.gov if they lose their subsidies, Raboin said he’s also concerned about the broader ripple effect in the community.

“Our clients aren’t rich,” Raboin said. “Not everybody can go out to eat all the time, and if you start taking away that expendable income, that’s less people coming out to eat. So I think it would depress the whole economy.”

Rachel LaCasse-Ford owns a campground with her husband and also heads the Mount Horeb Chamber of Commerce.

“I’ve never really had a job that offers health care,” LaCasse-Ford told Baldwin. “I’ve always worked in small business, so we have always used health care from the ACA.”

The enhanced tax credits “definitely benefited” the couple, she said. “And if those go away, that will make our budgets tighter, and it will make things more challenging for us.”

With every new job, LaCasse-Ford said, she considers its impact on their health coverage and whether she can stay with a nonprofit employer such as the chamber, work for a small business, “or if I need to look for a larger employer that offers benefits.”

Former WEDC CEO Missy Hughes launched her campaign Monday to seek the Democratic nomination for Wisconsin governor. (Hughes campaign photo)

Missy Hughes, Wisconsin’s former top economic development official, says she offers a distinctive choice in the 2026 Democratic primary for governor — an effective non-politician with a strong economic track record.

“Listen, I’m not a politician. I’m different than other folks you’ve seen run for governor. That’s the point,” Hughes says in her launch video released Monday morning.

Hughes, a lawyer who served as Wisconsin Economic Development Corp. (WEDC) CEO and secretary for six years, becomes the seventh Democrat to join the field for the party’s nomination after Gov. Tony Evers announced in July that he will not seek a third term in 2026.

“I think right now, there’s a moment where we’re looking for a Democrat who understands the economy, who understands how to build the economy, who understands how to move Wisconsin forward, and so I happen to have the chance to meet that moment,” Hughes told the Wisconsin Examiner in an interview Monday. 

“As governor, I’ll create a Main Street economy that includes you and works for you,” Hughes says in the launch video. “Where we strengthen our Main Streets, make sure Wisconsinites have higher wages and housing they can afford, our families have child care and health care that doesn’t break the bank, and our public schools prepare our kids for the future.”

Hughes was an executive for 17 years at Organic Valley before Evers appointed her to lead the WEDC. In her campaign video, she says that the cooperative, which markets organic dairy products sourced from more than 1,800 farms across the U.S., topped $1 billion in revenue during her tenure.

She took the reins at the WEDC Oct. 1, 2019, where she headed Wisconsin’s negotiations with major employers expanding their operations or relocating to the state. She resigned Sept. 19, 10 days before launching her campaign.

During her tenure at the agency, “major companies like Milwaukee Tool, Microsoft, Eli Lilly, Kikkoman and more committed to invest over $10 billion and create 45,000 good-paying jobs across Wisconsin,” the Hughes campaign stated in a debut email.

Hughes also raised the department’s profile in small business and local community economic development. The WEDC oversaw many of the state’s COVID-19 relief programs, which focused heavily on small business recovery from the short but sharp economic hit brought on by the pandemic.

Among the highest profile efforts was the Main Street Bounceback, which directed $10,000 grants to more than 9,500 small businesses across Wisconsin.

The WEDC is also the lead state agency involved in Wisconsin’s successful application for federal support to establish a technology hub centered on the state’s biohealth sector.

Hughes is the second Democrat with an Evers administration background to seek the party’s nomination in the August 2026 primary. Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez was the first to enter the race, declaring her candidacy less than 24 hours after Evers announced he was not running.

Other declared hopefuls are Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, state Sen. Kelda Roys (D-Madison) and state Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison). Milwaukee factory worker and baseball stadium beer vendor Ryan Strnad and former state Rep. Brett Hulsey are also seeking the nomination.

Hughes told the Wisconsin Examiner that economic concerns and how she’s addressed them in her career are central to her case. 

“I think the economy is something that Wisconsinites think about day to day,” Hughes said. “No matter what, we know that folks are going to be thinking about those issues, those kitchen table issues that are really important to how they live their lives every day.”

Her campaign message that she’s “not a politician” aims to convey “that I’m in it to serve the people of Wisconsin and to support them as they go through their daily lives trying to make ends meet and have a little bit of fun at the same time,” Hughes said.

“I’m not someone who has spent a career working in politics and working to shout louder than the person standing next to me,” she said. From working with farmers to community economic development projects, “my job has always been about having economic impact and helping people to succeed.”

While centering an economic message, her campaign has also nodded broadly to themes of personal freedom and democracy that have been the foremost concerns of some voters. 

In the video, over shots of the White House and then a gleaming urban office tower, Hughes says, “I’m not going to go looking for a fight, but I’ll stand up to anyone, from the White House to Wall Street, who comes after your rights or tries to make your life harder.”

Hughes reiterated that message in the interview, adding that she  believes it’s possible to cut through political  polarization. 

“Certainly, folks are talking about what rights are on the table, how we’re interacting with each other and either supporting our rights or taking them away,” she said. 

From her home community near Viroqua in Southwestern Wisconsin to her  travels around the state, Hughes said people are yearning for greater harmony. 

“Everyone is just so exhausted by the division and the ongoing fighting and they want someone who says, ‘Let’s come to the table. Let’s find common ground,’” Hughes said. 

“I feel like there’s a complete path to victory that involves making sure that we’re building a strong economy, and at the same time, we’re bringing people together so they can talk about their differences, and they can work on projects and have an impact together.”

This report has been updated.

The offices of the Wisconsin Department of Workforce Development, in Madison. The department administers the state unemployment insurance program. (Wisconsin Examiner photo)

A change to unemployment compensation that would penalize people who receive federal disability payments has made it into a draft bill to revise Wisconsin’s unemployment insurance law — despite vocal opposition from Democrats in the state Legislature.

For people who receive Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) income, the change would sharply reduce their jobless pay if they lose work. For many, it could wipe out their unemployment compensation entirely, according to Victor Forberger, a veteran unemployment insurance lawyer.

The SSDI provision is part of the agreed-upon draft legislation that was approved Wednesday by the Unemployment Insurance Advisory Council.

The council includes an equal number of management and labor representatives and was established in 1932 to give labor and management an equal voice in shaping the state’s unemployment insurance (UI) program. The council’s members negotiate and draft changes to the state’s UI laws every two years.

On Wednesday Forberger called the council’s 2025 draft bill “a terrible deal for workers.”

Less than a week ago, the Department of Workforce Development (DWD) walked back an earlier proposal to penalize SSDI recipients who apply for jobless pay. The return of a similar provision in the draft bill caught critics by surprise.

“I was pretty shocked when I heard about it this morning,” said state Rep. Christine Sinicki (D-Milwaukee), a vocal critic of the earlier proposal. “I thought it was put to rest.”

The SSDI unemployment pay ban

Since 2013, under a law enacted in then-Gov. Scott Walker’s first term, people who receive SSDI income are automatically disqualified from collecting unemployment insurance — despite the fact that many SSDI recipients hold part-time jobs and would otherwise qualify for jobless pay if they get laid off.

In July 2024 a federal judge ruled that 2013 law violated two federal laws: the Americans with Disabilities Act and the Rehabilitation Act. The ruling came in a lawsuit that a team of lawyers including Forberger filed on behalf of SSDI recipients who were denied unemployment compensation when they were thrown out of work.

This summer, the judge, William Conley, ordered DWD to stop disqualifying unemployment compensation applications simply because an applicant also receives SSDI.

In August, Conley ordered the department to reconsider the applications of people denied UI because of the ban since 2015 and to award them the jobless pay they would have qualified for without the ban. Conley also ordered DWD to repay applicants who had originally received jobless pay, then had it clawed back after the department belatedly found that they were also SSDI recipients.

Also in August, the joint labor-management advisory committee reviewed a dozen proposed changes in state unemployment insurance law requested by DWD.

One of those proposals was to repeal the 2013 state ban on unemployment pay for people on SSDI. The memo noted the court’s ruling invalidating the ban.

But that proposal also called for offsetting an SSDI recipient’s weekly unemployment pay by the weekly value of the SSDI income. The memo acknowledged that the proposal would probably eliminate unemployment compensation for most SSDI recipients who applied.

“In 2024, the average SSDI payment in Wisconsin was $1,500 per month,” the DWD proposal memo stated. “The average weekly SSDI payment for UI purposes is calculated at $346.20 per week. This weekly amount will in many cases fully reduce the UI benefit a SSDI recipient can receive.”

The memo concluded, “In summary, most SSDI claimants will not be able to receive UI benefits. While some may be able to receive UI benefits, it is expected that the weekly UI payment would be small.”

Offset proposal walked back — then returns

The proposal sparked backlash from Forberger and Democratic lawmakers. On Sept. 18, DWD submitted an amended version of the proposal to the advisory council.

The revision removed the offset provision entirely and called for simply repealing the ban on jobless pay for SSDI recipients.

The department noted in its amendment memo that the process of paying past unemployment insurance applicants under the court order had begun, and that those payments were being made without a deduction for SSDI income.

“The Department is amending its proposal to repeal the SSDI disqualification provision and remove the offset provision,” the Sept. 18 memo stated. “This will align with the effect of the court’s order that is now allowing claimants who receive SSDI to be eligible for the full amount of their weekly benefit without a reduction for any SSDI received.”

At the Unemployment Insurance Advisory Council’s meeting on Wednesday morning, the body approved a draft bill for updates to Wisconsin’s UI law on a unanimous vote.

The draft includes a repeal of the SSDI unemployment compensation ban. Despite DWD’s Sept. 18 memo, however, the draft includes language that claws back some of an SSDI recipient’s jobless pay.

“If a monthly social security disability insurance payment is issued to a claimant, the department shall reduce benefits otherwise payable to the claimant for a given week by one-half of the amount [of a] security disability insurance payment that is allocated for that week,” the draft bill states.

While the offset in the draft bill is half what the original DWD proposal called for, Forberger said Wednesday that even the 50% offset would likely mean no unemployment pay for many SSDI recipients.

Sinicki and state Sen. Kristin Dassler-Alfheim (D-Appleton) introduced a bill of their own earlier this month to repeal the ban.

“Receiving SSDI should not prevent working Wisconsinites from receiving unemployment insurance if they’re laid off,” Dassler-Alfheim told the Wisconsin Examiner on Wednesday. “That’s why Rep. Sinicki and I have proposed legislation to remove that ban from state statute, and I’m really hoping that we can see it across the finish line and put this problem to rest once and for all.”

The draft bill is the product of provisions worked out by each caucus — management and labor — in separate closed sessions. The Wisconsin Examiner contacted two senior representatives in the labor caucus of the council for comment Wednesday on the process, but received no response.

“I’m looking forward to finding out how this language got in there,” Sinicki told the Wisconsin Examiner Wednesday afternoon.

“If that language is in there, it is in violation of the Americans with Disabilities Act and you know the courts have already said that. I’ve already said that,” Sinicki said. “And now they’re just going to end up right back in court with this. It makes no sense to me.”

Sinicki has long championed the advisory councils for unemployment insurance as well as for workers comp for negotiating legislation that represents the interests of both labor and management. She’s often chided Republican lawmakers who have authored and passed bills affecting either of those systems without going through the councils.

This time, “I’m struggling with it — I’ll be honest — because it is the agreed-upon bill,” Sinicki said of the unemployment insurance draft. “But first of all, as a Democrat and as somebody who prides herself in the fact that we take care of our most needy, I can’t vote for this.”

Sinicki said the legislation after it’s introduced is subject to being amended like any other bill, and that she would expect an amendment removing the offset proposal.

By tradition, the bill that comes from the advisory council is introduced under the names of the committee chair and the minority party ranking member on the Assembly’s labor committee — which is Sinicki.

Unless the draft is changed, however, “I will not be putting my name on this bill,” she said.

Megan Hufton, seen here with her sons AJ, left, and Asher, center, is education and training specialist with the Autism Society of South Central Wisconsin. (Photo courtesy of Megan Hufton)

Megan Hufton’s two sons, AJ and Asher, both have been diagnosed with autism. Neither speaks.

But she doesn’t see autism as the “horrible, horrible crisis,” President Donald Trump described at a Washington, D.C., press conference Monday. 

Nor does she agree with Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who said at an April press conference that “autism destroys families” and is an “individual tragedy as well.”

Hufton said Monday that the message she hears in such statements is that “it’s going to be a horrible, horrible tragedy” if a family member is autistic. “It’s not the way I describe our family or our lives at all.”

People with autism, their family members and advocates said the messages coming from the Trump administration are harmful and wrong. 

”People with autism are being identified as [a] population of people whose existence the government seeks to prevent or change into people who are more ‘normal,’” said Beth Swedeen, executive director of the Wisconsin Board for People with Developmental Disabilities (BPDD), in a statement Monday. “Autistic Americans have the same unalienable rights as all Americans, the right to life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. We all find different ways to achieve these things, and it is the individual, not the government, who decides our own worth.”

“People with autism have always existed,” said BPDD Chair Sydney Badeau. “We are part of what humanity looks like, and we are amazing.”

In interviews, four Wisconsin residents with autistic family members and an adult autistic self-advocate expressed similar views.

After years in which attitudes towards autism and understanding of people with autism have been improving, “this is taking everything back,” said Heather Murray, a Waunakee child care provider whose 20-year-old son has grown up with autism.

“It’s frustrating to hear it still being called a disease,” Murray said. Autism encompasses a broad spectrum of behaviors that might come with mild or severe disabilities for some people, she said, but it’s not a disease that can be cured.

“It is a way of being,” Murray said. “It is who they are. You can’t take the autism away from them.”

Jenny Price of Madison has a 16-year-old son who is autistic. An active volunteer in advocating for Wisconsin parents whose children have disabilities, Price said she’s been paying attention to how Kennedy has talked about autism since he took office at HHS.

Kennedy has said “that autism is something to be feared, it is epidemic, it steals our children, it ruins families — which are all things we know are not true and I just find it pretty unhelpful,” Price said.

At the Monday press conference Trump and Kennedy focused on claims that linked the use of Tylenol (acetaminophen) during pregnancy to autism. Medical experts said the evidence does not support those claims.

“Current research shows an association, but it is limited and inconclusive,” said Rechelle Chaffee, executive director of Autism United of Wisconsin, based in the Milwaukee suburb of Wauwatosa. “Autism we know is not caused by a  single factor. It’s caused by multiple variables.”

In addition to being the parent of two autistic teens, Hufton is the education and training specialist for the Autism Society of South Central Wisconsin.

“Some of the strongest scientific evidence that we’ve seen shows that there is no causal link” between acetaminophen and autism, Hufton said. “We support scientific based research, but also we want to make sure that research is grounded in science, it’s grounded in compassion and respect for these individuals, and really just making sure that we’re promoting inclusion.”

Trump also made references to debunked claims linking vaccines to autism.

“We’ve studied vaccines,” Hufton said. “They’ve been studied for decades and the research doesn’t support this claim. So it definitely makes us concerned about this messaging that is once again just kind of implying that there’s this single cause of autism and the fear behind it.”

Chaffee said that while $418 million was spent in 2020 on autism research, just 8% of that went to research on improving the quality of support and services for people with autism and their families.

“That’s not a significant amount of money going to improve the lives of people,” she said. “That is a missed opportunity to say the least.”

Price doesn’t expect that to improve in the current administration.

“Are they doing research into what supports or what types of programs make the lives of people with autism better? It’s pretty clear they’re not,” Price said. “Are they going to look for ways to support kids with autism or other learning disabilities in school? No, they’re going to remove anything with the word inclusion from the Department of Education grants.”

Erin Miller, 40, is a resident of Milwaukee’s south suburbs and has lived with autism her whole life. 

“I’m really growing weary of all of the speculation around what causes it.” Miller said.

She wants to see more research on how to help people who have autism and are trying to live full lives now. Those include research on subjects that range from accommodations for autistic women in nursing homes, to research on sleep to improving education services and employment practices that recognize the needs of autistic people.

“I would like to see more practical services that improve our life today,” Miller said. 

Lumber stacked for milling in northern Wisconsin. Lawmakers are proposing state support for a plant that would turn wood debris into aviation fuel. (Wisconsin Examiner photo)

Lawmakers from northern and north-central Wisconsin are circulating a bill supporting Johnson Timber Corp. in Hayward to build a processing plant for aviation fuel made from logging debris to establish a processing plant in Wisconsin.

The legislation would reward the company with a $60 million tax credit and access to $150 million in borrowing through Wisconsin’s bonding authority.

Republican lawmakers wrote in a memo circulated Monday seeking cosponsors that the proposal would create 150 jobs and generate $1.2 billion a year in income after three years of operation.

The processing plant in Hayward would be built by Johnson Timber Corp., in partnership with a German company, Sen. Mary Felzkowski (R-Tomahawk) said at a press conference in the state Capitol Monday morning. The German partner is Synthec Fuels, according to Felzkowski’s office.

Wisconsin along with Michigan and Minnesota are all vying for the project, Felzkowski said, “and the state that helps will be the first state” to get the facility and probably the headquarters for the overall processing operation.

She said the process of converting logging waste into aviation fuel was comparable to how corn is grown for and converted into ethanol.

“We will be taking that wood product and turning it into a carbon offsetting and reduction scheme for international aviation,” Felzkowski said.

As drafted, the bill would authorize the Wisconsin Economic Development Corp. (WEDC) to create a manufacturing zone for aviation biofuel derived from wood matter and to issue up to $60 million in tax credits for a business operating in the zone.

The bill requires the business to source 80% or more of the wood used from Wisconsin and invest at least $1.5 billion in the project.

The bill also provides for the business to borrow up to $150 million for the project using Wisconsin’s tax-free bonding authority.

At the press conference, lawmakers, Sawyer County officials and a timber industry representative billed legislation as a “forestry revitalization” measure.

Paper and pulp plants in Wisconsin Rapids, Park Falls and Duluth, Minnesota, have all gone out of business in the last five years, accounting for about 30% of the pulp produced by Wisconsin’s timber industry, said Henry Sheinebeck, executive director of the Great Lakes Timber Professionals Association.

“We’re growing at a minimum two times more [timber] than we’re harvesting,” Sheinebeck said.  Enabling the timber industry to cut down and make use of more trees would preserve and improve the health of forests in the state, he said.

The association and the paper industry are the joint recipients of an unrelated $1 million grant in the state 2025-27 budget to draw up a statewide forestry industry strategic plan.

Eleven Democratic senators, including Wisconsin's Tammy Baldwin, have written Federal Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr, shown here at an event in Sioux Falls, South Dakota in July. The senators' letter criticizes Carr for his comments about taking action against ABC Television in response to Jimmy Kimmel's comments about the killing of Charlie Kirk. (Joshua Haiar/South Dakota Searchlight)

Democratic senators including Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wisconsin) have written to the chair of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to criticize the agency’s chairman’s attacks on late night TV host Jimmy Kimmel.

ABC television, part of Disney, suspended Kimmel’s show indefinitely Wednesday after criticism of the comedian’s remarks that FCC Chair Brendan Carr made on a right-wing podcast.

On his program, “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” Monday and Tuesday, Kimmel made several comments about last week’s shooting of Charlie Kirk, including the statement that “many in MAGA land are working very hard to capitalize on the murder of Charlie Kirk.”

The Associated Press reported the suspension was announced after a group of ABC affiliates said they would not air Kimmel’s program and after Carr suggested on the Benny Johnson podcast Wednesday that the FCC was considering taking action against the network.

In a letter Thursday, 11 Democratic senators, including Baldwin, told Carr, “You proceeded to threaten that the FCC ‘can do this the easy way or the hard way,’ and telegraphed that ‘there’s going to be additional work for the FCC ahead’ unless ABC affiliates ‘find ways to change conduct and take action, frankly, on Kimmel . . .’”

“It is not simply unacceptable for the FCC Chairman to threaten a media organization because he does not like the content of its programming — it violates the First Amendment that you claim to champion,” the senators wrote.

“The FCC’s role in overseeing the public airwaves does not give it the power to act as a roving press censor, targeting broadcasters based on their political commentary,” they added. “But under your leadership, the FCC is being weaponized to do precisely that.”

The letter calls Carr’s statements “a betrayal of the FCC’s mission,” suggesting that he was trying to police speech and “force broadcasters to adopt political viewpoints that you favor,” and “requiring them to act in ‘Trump’s interest’” rather than in the public interest, as called for in the Federal Communications Act.

The letter notes that Nextar — which operates 23 ABC affiliates according to the AP and has a merger pending before the FCC — announced it would take Kimmel’s show off the air. Disney then announced it was suspending Kimmel’s show indefinitely.

“This is precisely what government censorship looks like,” the senators wrote.

Carr’s comments were an about-face from a 2022 post on X, when he defended late-night comedians and political satirists and “rightly rejected government censorship as a threat to our First Amendment protections,” the senators wrote. “But as FCC Chairman, you now have apparently forgotten these principles.”

The letter demands that by Sept. 25, Carr answer three questions in writing: about the FCC’s public interest standard and its definitions of political bias; whether the agency has communicated with Disney, ABC or their affiliates about Kimmel and his show; and what he meant by “the hard way” and “the easy way” in his podcast remarks.

The letter was led by Sen. Edward Markey (D-Massachusetts). In addition to Baldwin it was signed by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Sens. Maria Cantwell (D-Washington), Ben Ray Lujan (D-New Mexico), Lisa Blunt Rochester (D-Delaware), John Hickenlooper (D-Colorado), Gary Peters (D-Michigan), Jacky Rosen (D-Nevada), Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii) and Amy Klobuchar (D-Minnesota). 

Unemployment benefits application (photo by Getty Images)

The state labor department has backed away from its controversial proposal to change state unemployment insurance law that critics say would have perpetuated discrimination against people with disabilities.

A newly amended proposal from the state Department of Workforce Development (DWD) calls for repealing Wisconsin’s ban on jobless pay for people who receive Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) income.

The proposal follows a federal court ruling that found the ban violates two federal laws protecting people with disabilities.

Until this week, however, DWD’s proposal to repeal the ban included an additional provision: While a person receiving SSDI payments would be eligible for unemployment insurance after losing a job, disability income would “offset” — cancel out — some or all of the individual’s unemployment compensation.

The SSDI proposal was one of a dozen changes to the state’s unemployment insurance law that DWD submitted to the joint labor-management Unemployment Insurance Advisory Council earlier this year. The council, a long-standing body with equal representation from business and labor, negotiates changes to the state’s unemployment insurance laws every two years.

On Thursday, DWD submitted an amended version of its SSDI proposal. The new version repeals the ban on jobless pay for SSDI recipients and omits the offset provision.

“This is wonderful news for everyone involved and for the state of Wisconsin in general, disabled or non-disabled,” said lawyer Victor Forberger.

Forberger has specialized in representing people whose unemployment insurance claims have been rejected. He was one of the lawyers who sued DWD in federal court in 2021 to overturn the state law banning jobless pay for SSDI recipients.

Jobless pay ban violates federal law

U.S. District Judge William Conley ruled in July 2024 that the jobless pay ban violated the Americans with Disabilities Act and the Rehabilitation Act.

Even after that ruling, DWD continued to deny unemployment claims made by people on SSDI. This July 14, Conley ordered DWD to stop disqualifying SSDI recipients from unemployment compensation.

In August, the judge ordered DWD to pay jobless benefits to eligible applicants who were denied because they received SSDI payments between Sept. 7, 2015 — when the SSDI-unemployment ban law was last revised — and July 30, 2025. Conley also ordered DWD to pay back people who had collected jobless pay but then ordered to pay back the money because they were on SSDI.

The federal Social Security Administration program allows and encourages disability insurance recipients to work part-time if they are able to.

During the administration of Gov. Scott Walker, however, DWD asserted in a  proposal that disability payment recipients who applied for unemployment insurance were probably “double-dipping” and committing “fraud.” The ban on unemployment pay for SSDI recipients was enacted in 2013, during Walker’s first term, and revised in 2015 during his second term.

DWD proposes unemployment insurance changes

Earlier this year DWD drafted 12 proposed revisions to Wisconsin’s unemployment insurance law for the joint labor-management Unemployment Insurance Advisory Council to consider.

The department’s SSDI proposal called for repealing the ban on jobless pay, but also called for offsetting an SSDI recipient’s unemployment compensation on the basis of the disability income.

When Forberger read the DWD proposal and saw the offset provision, he wrote about it on his blog about unemployment insurance policy and wrote to the labor caucus members of the advisory council urging them not to support it.

The offset provision was still part of DWD’s SSDI repeal recommendation when the department presented its proposals to the advisory council in August.

The offset provision surprised state Rep. Christine Sinicki (D-Milwaukee) when it came to her attention. Sinicki has often scolded lawmakers when they introduce bills to change the unemployment compensation system without sending them through the joint labor-management council.

“I’ve always been a stickler for, you vote yes on the agreed-upon bill [from the advisory council] because it was a compromise between both parties,” Sinicki told the Wisconsin Examiner on Thursday. But when she learned of the offset provision, “I made it very clear that I would not vote for any bill that had that in there.”

Sinicki along with Sen. Kristin Dassler-Alfheim (D-Appleton) have authored their own proposal to repeal the SSDI jobless pay ban after the court ordered DWD to stop enforcing it. Both said they opposed DWD’s offset proposal and that they were glad to see that the department scrapped it Thursday.

‘Discrimination. Full stop.’

“What’s happening right now is discrimination. Full stop,” Dassler-Alfheim said in a written statement to the Wisconsin Examiner. “That’s why the federal judge ruled against it, that’s why Representative Sinicki and I have proposed legislation to remove it from state statute, and I’m glad to see that DWD has put forth this amendment” removing the offset.

Three proposed budgets from Gov. Tony Evers included recommendations to end the SSDI jobless pay ban, but with an offset provision as well. Those largely went unnoticed at the time, and were removed along with hundreds of other Evers proposals by the Republican leaders of the Joint Finance Committee during budget deliberations.

It wasn’t clear Thursday what prompted DWD to remove the offset provision from its latest proposal. The department memo to the joint advisory council said that it was already complying with Conley’s order to process benefit claims for SSDI recipients and would do so for previously-denied claims without an offset.

Amending its proposed change in the law to remove the offset provision “will align with the effect of the court’s order that is now allowing claimants who receive SSDI to be eligible for the full amount of their weekly benefit without a reduction for any SSDI received,” the memo states.

Sinicki said that while she was outspoken about her opposition to the offset provision, she had not directly communicated that either to DWD or to members of the advisory council.

A spokesperson for Dassler-Alfheim said she also had not been in direct contact with DWD or the Evers administration about her opposition to the offset.

AFT/Wisconsin President Jon Shelton addresses union leaders from Universities of Wisconsin campuses before the group briefly attended the Board of Regents meeting Thursday. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

Universities of Wisconsin faculty and staff employees seeking a voice in UW operations have gained the ears of a number of UW regents, a union leader said Thursday, and want their request for recognition put on the Board of Regents agenda in October.

In March, American Federation of Teachers/Wisconsin leaders had hoped to confront the regents with their campaign to give faculty and staff employees a voice. Their efforts to meet in person then were thwarted.

AFT/Wisconsin’s immediate aim is to gain an agreement from the regents that would enable the union and university management to “meet and confer” over compensation and working conditions for faculty and academic staff in a non-binding process.

AFT/Wisconsin President Jon Shelton said Thursday that “a lot has happened” to advance the union’s goals since the March demonstration.

“We’ve started to have some really productive conversations with a number of individual regents,” Shelton told the Wisconsin Examiner just before a rally outside the University of Wisconsin-Madison building where the regents were meeting Thursday.

“We’d really like to see a meet-and-confer policy on the agenda in the Board of Regents’ October meeting,” said Shelton, a professor at the UW-Green Bay. “We’ve communicated that to the Board of Regents and feel like we’re really making progress.”

The rally preceded a silent demonstration at the start of the regents’ meeting Thursday in the Gordon Dining and Event Center on the UW-Madison campus.

A couple of dozen union members and supporters took seats in the meeting room in the 20 minutes or so before the meeting started at 1 p.m. They sat silently during the opening remarks, which started with an admonition from Board President Amy Bogost that any disruption “will be handled swiftly with responsible individuals subject to disciplinary action and/or citations for the disruption.”

At about 2 minutes into the meeting, the union group stood and silently walked out when Universities of Wisconsin President Jay Rothman spoke to address the regents.

The campaign for union recognition took shape two years ago at a summit by faculty and campus advocates seeking “to do something about the diminishing conditions in the education system,” Shelton said at the rally before the meeting.

“And one of the things that we decided to do that day was to push for union recognition in the education system,” he said. “And for too long our voices as workers had been ignored by administration after administration after administration on campuses across the education system.”

A university system spokesman said Thursday that campuses rely on shared governance for faculty and staff input.

“Leadership at our universities and at the Universities of Wisconsin Administration meet regularly with shared governance groups to consult on a wide range of matters,” said Mark Pitsch, director of media relations for the Universities of Wisconsin. “These shared governance groups are authorized by state statute and regent policy as the official, elected bodies to represent faculty and staff.”

Campus union leaders contend, however, the shared governance system is ineffectual.

Speaking at the rally before the regents’ meeting, Lauren Gantz, an English professor at UW-Stevens Point, said there has been “very little discussion in shared governance” to work out details of a partnership with another college, and “no real concern for the working conditions of our faculty and academic staff” in the arrangement.

Gantz, who is co-president of an AFT faculty and staff union at UW-Stevens Point, said in an interview that among the top issues for faculty and staff seeking union representation was workload.

“We’ve lost a lot of personnel, both faculty and academic and university staff,” Gantz said. “We’ve had repeated discussions about the burnout conditions on our campus, and we’d like to be able to actually take some concrete steps to deal with that rather than slapping a Band-Aid on things.”

A rally speaker, Stephanie Spehar, former president of the faculty and staff union at the UW Oshkosh, said that when the university was confronted with a deficit of $18 million in 2023, “our administration did not consult with any of us workers” about how to address the deficit. “If they had done that, if we had meet and confer, I think we would have had very different outcomes,” she said.

Shelton said in an interview the union’s meet-and-confer proposal includes provisions that would require the union to demonstrate support from 35% of an individual university’s faculty and staff on a petition or a total of 500 people.

“This is not like some small minority of people who are pushing for this,” he said.

The union is asking for meet-and-confer discussion because collective bargaining is currently off limits as a result of the 2011 law known as Act 10, stripping most public employees in Wisconsin of most union rights. Although the law is now the subject of a lawsuit and a Dane County circuit court judge found it unconstitutional, the law remains in effect while the case is appealed.

The meet-and-confer is just a first step, however, Shelton told the rally. “And then next year, it’s flipping the Legislature” from a Republican majority to a Democratic one “and pushing for a collective bargaining bill in the UW system,” he said. “Because every single worker deserves to have a seat at the table and collective bargaining.”

Corrine Hendrickson rolled out her campaign Wednesday for the Democratic nomination in the state Senate 17th District. (Campaign photo courtesy of Hendrickson)

Calling affordability the top issue, child care provider and advocate Corrine Hendrickson launched her bid Wednesday to be the Democratic nominee for the state Senate’s 17th District seat in 2026.

“A lot of people are getting priced out of their homes because property taxes are too high, because our state refuses to invest in the local school districts, the local fire districts, municipalities, highways, counties — and so the local people have to absorb the cost themselves or go without the services,” Hendrickson said in an interview.

“And so communities that are doing OK are increasing their own property taxes, but it’s pricing people out of their houses,” she added. “Other communities can’t do that.”

The 17th District encompasses Crawford, Grant, Green, Iowa and LaFayette counties and the southwestern corner of Dane County. Sen. Howard Marklein (R-Spring Green) currently represents the district.

Hendrickson formally filed to run Sept. 2, but rolled out her campaign Wednesday with an announcement in a local park in her hometown of New Glarus.

Two other Democrats have announced campaigns in the district: State Rep. Jenna Jacobson (D-Oregon) and Lisa White of Potosi, a small business owner.

Hendrickson said most of the counties in the district have lost population — a symptom of unmet needs in rural Wisconsin.

“Something that we really need to look at is the infrastructure of our communities and how do we bring businesses and people back in and how do we make them vibrant again,” she said. “And we really just need to start investing — and that means fair taxation.”

It also means funding services such as quality child care, Hendrickson said, rather than saddling parents with the entire cost.

Hendrickson has been steeped in the child care issue, operating a home-based family child care business for 18 years, and founding with her friend and care provider colleague, Brooke Legler, the advocacy organization WECAN to push for more state child care funding. The name stands for Wisconsin Early Childhood Action Needed.

While the 2025-27 state budget included some direct child care funding for the first time, Hendrickson is among providers who were frustrated that the amount — $110 million for one year — fell short of the nearly $500 million that providers spent months campaigning for. After the budget was signed, she closed her child care operation at the end of August because she felt the state support wasn’t enough to sustain it.

While virtually every Democratic hopeful for the state Legislature has mentioned child care support as a talking point, Hendrickson said she brings to the subject “the personal lived experience” of a care provider.

But she said she has also gained knowledge from care providers and child care experts across the country and studied how states such as Vermont and New Mexico have begun to include broad support for child care in their state budgets.

“I have the opportunity to talk to people within the actual field and bring the ideas to them and say, ‘how does this actually work for you in your business?’” Hendrickson said.

As a candidate her agenda is broader than child care, and as an elected official, she would consult the expertise of others on public policy, she said.

“We shouldn’t have to be experts in everything,” Hendrickson said. “We should know experts in everything that we can then turn to and ask — whether they voted for us or not — like, is this a good idea? Does it solve the problem? Does it create new problems?”

Hendrickson served one term on the New Glarus school board from 2020 to 2023. She also has been involved in her community, leading Cub Scouts, active in parent-teacher organizations and building WECAN with Legler, she said.

In this photo illustration, a pharmacist holds a COVID-19 vaccine. States and clinicians are working on getting correct information on vaccines to vulnerable groups amid shifting federal guidance. (Photo illustration by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

The state health department is recommending COVID-19 vaccines for all Wisconsinites 6 months and older and authorizing pharmacies to give the vaccine without an individual prescription.

In addition, Wisconsin’s insurance regulator issued guidance to health insurance companies that the shots are to be provided without a patient co-payment.

Both department declarations were issued Tuesday following Monday’s executive order from Gov. Tony Evers to protect vaccine access.

At the Department of Health Services (DHS), Dr. Ryan Westergaard, chief medical officer and state epidemiologist for communicable diseases, issued a standing medical order recommending the vaccine for all eligible Wisconsin residents this fall. With the order, no prescription is needed, DHS said.

The health department said its recommendation for the vaccine follows guidance from the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, and the American Academy of Family Physicians.

States, public health organizations and agencies have been stepping in to recommend the vaccines for COVID-19 and for other communicable diseases following a shift at the federal Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) away from vaccine recommendations under the administration of President Donald Trump and HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

Kennedy, who has long embraced anti-vaccine views, has replaced the members of a CDC committee on vaccination with vaccine skeptics, and the body is expected to consider softening or eliminating some recommendations for the COVID-19 vaccine and some childhood immunizations. 

The Food and Drug Administration has narrowed its recommendations for the COVID-19 vaccine to people 65 or older, while public health advocates have called for maintaining the vaccine schedule for all ages.

The DHS order states it “is also intended to authorize vaccination for other groups for whom professional society guidance supports vaccination — such as children, adolescents, pregnant people, and healthy adults under 65 — even though these uses are considered ‘offlabel.’”

“Everyone in Wisconsin should be able to make the choice to protect themselves and their families against COVID-19, and that choice should be based on the best available science and medical recommendations,” DHS Secretary Kirsten Johnson said in a department statement. “As the federal government limits access to the vaccine, we want to reassure Wisconsinites that recommendations from our nation’s leading medical associations are clear, and we will work every day to support access to care and resources to help families make the best decisions on how to protect themselves from illness and disease.”

The Office of the Commissioner of Insurance (OCI) said in a bulletin that based on “the evidence-based guidance” from DHS and state laws against discrimination in insurance coverage, “the commissioner continues to expect that all governmental self-funded and fully insured group health plans and individual health plans will cover, without cost sharing, all costs associated with administration of COVID-19 vaccinations for all policyholders.”

University of Wisconsin-Madison Professor Lingjun Li, left, and Ph.D. candidate Lauren Fields show off some of the crabs used in Fields' research project on how neuropeptides relate to feeding. The NIH, which funded the project, canceled it in April. (Photo courtesy of Lingjun Li)

Lauren Fields was less than four months into a research project funded by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) when she got an email message from her program officer at the federal agency.

A doctoral candidate in chemistry at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, Fields has been studying the biochemistry involved in the feeding process of  a common crab species. She and her faculty supervisor believe the project can shed new light on problems such as diabetes and obesity in human beings.

The two-year research project started in early January 2025. But the April NIH message told Fields the funding was being cut off. It didn’t explain why.

“It just said changes to NIH/HSS policies and priorities,” Fields says. NIH operates under the umbrella of the federal Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).

Fields contacted her program officer on April 9. “I tried to kind of probe further with my program officer and I didn’t get any further than that,” she says.

She and her project supervisor have a working hypothesis, however. Fields’ project was funded under an NIH program to ensure that more researchers come from backgrounds that have been historically under-represented and underserved. She won the award as a native of Appalachia and a first-generation college student. 

This past spring, that program was quietly shelved after an executive order from President Donald Trump on his first day in office put an end to all federal programs involving diversity, equity and inclusion.

Trump’s order called such efforts “radical and wasteful.” But Fields’ supervisor, UW Professor Lingjun Li, says measures to broaden the field of researchers can help ensure higher quality and more useful research findings.

“We believe that different, diverse backgrounds can actually bring unique and different perspectives to make our research enterprise better and stronger,” says Li. Li is on the faculty at the UW School of Pharmacy as well as at the Chemistry Department in the UW-Madison School of Letters and Science.

Feeding crabs to understand human biochemistry

Fields’ project examines the feeding behavior and process in the Jonah Crab, widespread in the coastal waters of North America. She wants to know how neuropeptides — molecules that send signals through the nervous system —  prompt them to start and stop feeding.

“Crabs actually have one of the most well characterized systems to understand feeding behavior in the animal kingdom,” Fields says. That’s why UW has been making use of the species in its research.

Fields says research such as hers is directly relevant for human conditions that relate to eating — “anorexia, obesity, diabetes — conditions like that.”

For example, the medication semaglutide, which includes the high-profile brand Ozempic and is used for diabetes control and to curb obesity, is understood to work by mimicking the neuropeptides involved in the human feeding process.

Thanks to similarities between the neurotransmitters in crabs and the neurotransmitters in mammals, researchers can use what they learn “from our humble crabs to understand feeding behavior in higher order organisms,” she says — including people.

The project as it was designed also made it possible for Fields to track the entire research process instead of it being spread out through several different labs. That’s not always possible, she says.

“So I do feed the crabs,” Fields says. “I do dissect the crabs and prepare the samples from the tissue and all the way through.”

She records mass spectrometer readings that produce relevant information about the neuropeptides at the center of her research, then analyzes the data at the end to make sense of the whole feeding process.

A personal connection

Fields feels a personal connection to the research because of where she grew up. “Appalachia has historically higher rates of diabetes and heart disease, also mental health disorders, and it’s also been kind of really impacted by the opioid epidemic,” she says. “These are things that I grew up with, that’s a very real part of my everyday experience.”

And that background “is something that I keep in the back of my head,” Fields says. “Even on a hard day, it tells me what I’m working towards is helping the people back home overcome these types of things and have new alternative solutions that are maybe more affordable.”

Fields’ project was funded through an NIH fellowship program known as F-31,  directed at pre-Ph.D. researchers, and a specific category within that program set aside as diversity awards.

According to a now-expired NIH description, the F31 Diversity awards were made “to enhance the diversity of the health-related research workforce by supporting the research training of predoctoral students from diverse backgrounds including those from groups that are underrepresented in the biomedical, behavioral, or clinical research workforce.”

In her own research field, examining Alzheimer’s disease, Li says there’s “abundant evidence”  that the condition affects different ethnic groups differently — both in the outcomes it produces and in the biomarkers that are used to track the progression of the illness in a patient.

“The intention is to really help to address some systematic inequities in biomedical research,” Li says.

A more diverse research workforce can elevate the importance of considering a more diverse group of patients, helping researchers “really get a full understanding of the disease,” she says. “And there’s a lot of talk about precision medicine, personalized medicine and certain types of treatment that will be more effective to certain populations than others.”

Fields says that to qualify for the diversity research grant, “you have to jump through several hoops to really illustrate to them that you are somebody that has faced challenges that would warrant the diversity fellowship.”

But the academic qualifications are no less rigorous than what the regular F-31 grants require, she adds. Fields first applied in December 2023 and went through the process of refining the application before it was finally approved. The funding officially began in January 2025.  

“You have to be in the very strict, top percentage of the applications that were submitted to even get funded,” Fields says. The sudden decision to cut her project short leaves “a message that has been kind of hard to swallow.”

A short-term reprieve

Fields did get a short-term consolation: While the project was canceled in April, she was told her funding for the current calendar year, $37,165, remained intact through December. But she was also told that the funds “can be terminated even earlier, which fortunately has not happened,” she says.

She has been able to continue the project, but she’s also had to accelerate it considerably.

“It’s now, OK, we need to hurry up and do the research with the time that we’re allotted,” Fields says — even as she has to watch over her shoulder in case the money is cut off sooner. “You have to move as fast as you can, or as efficiently as you can, because you don’t know when the rug is going to be pulled out from under you.”

The prospect of other funding to make up for the second year loss, also $37,165, is unlikely.

“That was a conversation that we’ve had several times along the way,” says Fields. “When I found out that it was terminated [NIH officials] said, ‘Oh we would love to help you apply for other opportunities,’” she recalls.

Considering how much time elapsed between her original application and the grant’s arrival, however, “it’s a little tricky,” Fields adds. “I think they were really just trying to be supportive, but at the same time, not super practical.”

Private funding seems an unlikely prospect, Fields and Li say, with competition escalating while federal options are being curtailed.

“Research funding in general is a lot more difficult to get,” says Li. “It’s pretty hard to find replacement funding right away.”

In the meantime, Fields’ next step is to seek a post-doctoral fellowship — a task made more challenging because of widespread academic hiring freezes prompted in the wake of federal research funding cancellations.

She still has her eye on a career in academia, where she hopes to pursue research on personalized medicine for people in Appalachia.

Li says Fields is far from alone in her experience. Some colleagues across the country who were awarded fellowships through the diversity program saw their awards canceled “either right before or just a couple of months after when they started,” Li says, and their projects have ended before they even started.

“There are quite a few people. A range of research groups and programs are being affected,” Li says. “This could have even a longer-term impact on our country’s biomedical research.”