The depth and breadth of Republicans’ stunning losses in Tuesday’s blue wave are still coming into focus. Unprecedented Democratic wins in red states including Texas, Kansas, South Carolina and possibly Mississippi ushered in a new era. Democrats won big majorities in the House and Senate. They gained control of governorships and legislative chambers across the country, including in Wisconsin. 

Perhaps most dramatic was what didn’t happen. Menacing threats of armed federal agents at the polls melted away as Republicans crumbled. President Donald Trump accepted the results. So did Wisconsin’s Republican gubernatorial candidate Tom Tiffany, who voted against certifying the 2020 presidential election, but who conceded early and graciously this week.

Fear itself was vanquished on Tuesday. The dread of an authoritarian government poised to crush dissent with coercion and violence yielded to ordinary citizens voting, by the millions, to oust a self-dealing, out-of-touch party led by a malignant narcissist busy enriching himself at the people’s expense.

Just days before the election, voting rights groups in Wisconsin sent a letter to Attorney General Josh Kaul urging him to provide additional guidance to election workers in case federal agents showed up to seize ballots and tamper with election results.

Instead, voting went smoothly and the results, a massive rebuke to President Donald Trump and his party, now stand.

The lesson of the 2026 midterms was that regular people are not powerless in the face of this aggressive, anti-democratic regime. There is still time and hope left for our country. 

That, more than any particular surprise win, was the biggest thrill of the night.

In Wisconsin, Democrats took over both houses of the Legislature and David Crowley celebrated a convincing, historic win as the state’s first Black governor. Jan. 6 rallygoer and MAGA blowhard U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden was shown the door. The 2026 change election also swept away incumbent U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil, who lost to Mitchell Berman in the 1st Congressional District. As Erik Gunn and Heather Asiyanbi report, Berman broke Steil’s four-term winning streak and Republican control of the district stretching back more than three decades, through the Paul Ryan era. 

Berman represented the mood of the country’s fed-up electorate. An emergency room nurse dismayed by seeing patients who could not afford health insurance, he took on the smooth-talking, well heeled Steil on his support for Medicaid cuts, tariffs and his record of coddling the very wealthy and corporations, voting in lock-step with President Donald Trump. Corruption and the abandonment of regular working people were the themes of the 1st District race and of the midterms generally. Not, as Republicans hoped, trans people, “woke” politics and a debate about the decorative aesthetics of the Cheesecake Factory.

It turned out people were too fed up to be distracted from their own very real struggles by these culture war topics. Nor were they dissuaded by the massive infusion of cash from billionaires Elon Musk, Dick and Elizabeth Uihlein and Diane Hendricks.

There will be plenty more struggle ahead. But it’s a good time to bask in the glow of the complete rout of fear, hate and division as our inevitable national political atmosphere. 

In Wisconsin, Democrats set an example for what it means to overcome division. Francesca Hong, after narrowly losing the primary on a progressive, democratic socialist platform, worked hard to help elect Crowley — despite the hard feelings among many of her supporters who felt he big-footed her by getting back in the race after dropping out and narrowly winning with Gov. Tony Evers’ endorsement.

Angela Lang, founder and director of Black Leaders Organizing for Communities, told Isiah Holmes at Crowley’s joyful, raucous victory party that Crowley’s personal history — being evicted along with his parents, who struggled with poverty and addiction when he was a child — and his efforts as Milwaukee county executive to do right by people who have also struggled, moved her.  “I’ve always been nervous. Because sometimes Wisconsin doesn’t always do the right thing. But I always knew it was possible and I’m glad to know that the rest of Wisconsin felt it was possible, too,” she said.

So much is possible if the majority of us unite against the corrosive politics of the Trump era and look out for our shared interests.

This week, it became suddenly clear that a bad era is coming to an end, and a new era of possibility is dawning. 

Democrat Mitchell Berman defeated Republican U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil in Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District Tuesday night in a race to become the first Democrat in the seat in more than three decades. 

The Associated Press called the race for Berman at 11:48 p.m. With 95% of the ballots counted, Berman had more than 52% of the vote to Steil’s share of just under 48%.

Berman’s victory breaks Steil’s four-term winning streak that began with the incumbent’s first election in 2018 and a Republican winning streak for the 1st District seat that began with the 1994 election.

In his victory speech, Berman gave a nod to Wisconsin’s recent World Series championship team.

“I have to give a special shout out and a special thank you to the Milwaukee Brewers for reminding the entire country what Wisconsin can do when we set our minds to it,” he said.

Berman harkened to his job as a nurse and the themes of affordability and healthcare that have been central to his campaign, along with his message focusing on working-class representation in Congress.

“As an ER nurse, I’ve seen patients rationing their medication because they didn’t know they’d be able to afford their next refill. I’ve seen working families, including my own, do everything right and still get squeezed to the ground. And I came into this race to fight for them,” Berman said. “This is about working-class communities coming together to advocate for change.”

The 1st District, which stretches from Lake Michigan to South Central Wisconsin, has been on Democrats’ congressional wish list for most of the last three decades, but it has been out of reach that whole time despite periodic attempts to flip the seat. It covers Kenosha, Racine and most of Walworth counties along with the eastern half of Rock County and the southern third of Milwaukee County. 

Republican and former U.S. House Speaker Paul Ryan easily won 10 terms. Steil, a corporate lawyer and former Ryan aide, embarked on a similar trajectory, winning by nine or 10 percentage points in 2024 and 2022 and even wider margins in his two previous elections. 

After Berman won a crowded Democratic primary in August, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee added the district to its list of seats targeted to flip from Republican to Democrat. In the final weeks of the campaign, Berman’s campaign pointed to polling showing the two candidates tied or Berman slightly ahead. 

Steil entered the general election with a significant fundraising advantage. Federal campaign reports through Oct. 14 showed Steil had raised approximately $6.4 million, compared with about $2 million for Berman.

Berman, an emergency room nurse who worked for 11 years at the Veterans Administration, entered the race in August 2025, saying his experiences with patients who could not afford basic medical care had helped convince him to run.

Berman, a resident in the Racine County town of Raymond, had previously been involved in local government disputes, including organizing a recall effort against two Raymond School Board members and filing an open meetings lawsuit against the school district in 2024.

Despite Steil’s election track record, there were signs more than a year ago of voter discontent, when several hundred voters at a noisy listening session in Elkhorn frequently shouted him down while he sought to defend the sweeping Republican tax and spending bill that President Donald Trump signed into law in July 2025.

Berman accused Steil of abandoning commitments to protect Medicaid by supporting the 2025 bill, which included tax cuts that largely favored the wealthy and corporations and made cuts to Medicaid and other safety-net programs over the next decade.  Steil defended the legislation as a measure to lower taxes, strengthen border security and tighten Medicaid eligibility requirements.

Berman focused his campaign on rising costs, particularly in healthcare, and with a message that portrayed Steil as out of touch with the needs and concerns of voters in the district. He also criticized Steil for supporting tariffs that Trump imposed early in his second term, charging that they were contributing the rising prices for consumers. 

Steil campaigned on his legislative record, highlighting Republican tax cuts, efforts to strengthen election security and legislation aimed at restricting stock trading by members of Congress. Steil defended the 2025 law, which included a temporary break in federal income taxes on qualifying tips and overtime pay and expanding tax deductions for seniors.

He also highlighted his work as chairman of the House Administration Committee on legislation requiring proof of citizenship to register to vote in federal elections, and his Stop Insider Trading Act, which passed the House but stalled in the Senate.

The Berman campaign contrasted Steil’s stock trading proposal with tougher legislation that has stalled in Congress.

Berman talked about treating underinsured and uninsured patients during his emergency room shifts. He also highlighted connections between Steil donors in banking, crypto currency, industries involved in data center development and housing investment with his votes on bills that benefited those industries. 

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Democrats flipped both of Wisconsin’s battleground congressional districts Tuesday, winning the long-Republican-held 1st District as well as the 3rd — part of a blue wave that flipped control of the U.S. House and Senate. 

As of midnight Tuesday, Democrats were on their way to winning a solid majority in the House and control of the Senate by flipping seats in Iowa, Kansas, Ohio, Maine, North Carolina, South Carolina and Texas. Races in Alaska and Michigan were too close to call. House districts that Republicans had gerrymandered over the past year in Florida, North Carolina and Texas were proving to be “dummymanders.”

Democrats poured tens of millions of dollars into races across the country in an effort to flip Republican-held seats and regain control of both chambers of Congress. The party sought to capitalize on growing dissatisfaction with the economy and President Donald Trump, whose approval rating has fallen to a historic low.

Eleanor Powell, a University of Wisconsin-Madison political science professor, said Democratic control of Congress will create a new dynamic for the rest of Trump’s term. 

“We’re going to see a pretty different dynamic in the rest of President Trump’s term,” Powell said. “We’re also likely to see a fair bit more congressional oversight of what the executive branch has been doing.”

Wisconsin’s 1st and 3rd congressional districts were both among the targets of national Democrats seeking to flip Republican-held seats, with the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee including both races in its “Red to Blue” program. The program provides selected candidates with additional financial and campaign resources. 

Powell said the outcomes of the two races would help determine the size of the next congressional majority. She described the 1st Congressional District race as a “bellwether” for the size of a potential Democratic wave.

Democrat Mitchell Berman defeated four-term U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil in Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District, flipping a seat that has been held by Republicans for more than three decades in southeast Wisconsin. He declared victory shortly before 11:30 p.m. Tuesday, with AP reporting 93% of the votes and Berman leading by 4.6 percentage points. 

The district emerged as an unexpected battleground and received national attention from Democrats trying to gain control of the U.S. House. Berman campaigned on his more than two decades of experience in health care and positioned himself as an outsider who could relate to working-class voters. 

Steil spent nearly $6.4 million in the race compared to Berman’s more than $1.6 million, according to October Federal Election Commission filings. Outside groups spent more than $17.9 million on the race, including about $6.1 million opposing Berman and about $6 million opposing Steil. Another $4 million supported Steil and nearly $1.7 million supported Berman.

In the 3rd Congressional District, Democrat Rebecca Cooke defeated U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden by about 6.5 percentage points in a rematch. Van Orden has faced multiple controversies and remained closely aligned with Trump throughout his campaign. 

The district was represented by moderate Democrat Ron Kind for more than two decades before Van Orden was elected in 2022. Cooke previously challenged Van Orden in 2024 and lost by 3 percentage points. Van Orden conceded around 10 p.m. when AP reported Cooke with an 8-point lead and about 70% of the vote in. 

Cooke spent more than $12.2 million in this election cycle, while Van Orden spent over $8.4 million, according to October FEC filings. Outside organizations poured more than $30.1 million into this race. Of that, about $13.6 million went toward opposing Van Orden and more than $11.2 million toward opposing Cooke. Another $2.7 million supported Cooke and $2.4 million supported Van Orden.

Other Wisconsin congressional results:

Congressional District 2

U.S. Rep. Mark Pocan ran unopposed in the general election. He has represented the Madison-area district since 2013 and will begin his eighth term in Congress in January. 

Congressional District 4

U.S. Rep. Gwen Moore won a 12th term in the Milwaukee-focused district, defeating independent Arthur Burks and Republican Tim Rogers. 

Congressional District 5

U.S. Rep. Scott Fitzgerald won reelection, defeating Democrat Andrew Beck. Fitzgerald will serve his third term in Congress.

Congressional District 6

U.S. Rep. Glenn Grothman won reelection to a seventh term, defeating Democrat Brad Smith, Green Party candidate Matthew Arndt and independent candidates Mike Thurow and Elizabeth Anne Fitgibbon. 

Congressional District 7

Republican Michael Alfonso won Wisconsin’s 7th Congressional District, defeating Democrat Fred Clark. Alfonso, son-in-law of former 7th Congressional District representative and U.S. Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, will replace U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, who lost his race for governor. 

Congressional District 8

Freshman U.S. Rep. Tony Wied won reelection in the northeastern district against Democrat Rick Crosson.

Democrats flip two Wisconsin battleground congressional districts as blue tsunami wipes out Republican majorities is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District incumbent U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil (R-Janesville) and his Democratic party challenger, Mitchell Berman, parried for an hour Tuesday in their only face-to-face encounter scheduled before the Nov. 3 election.

The debate took place in the studio of Janesville radio station WCLO and was moderated by Tim Bremel, who hosts the station’s daily morning talk program.

Steil is a corporate lawyer who has represented the 1st District since 2019. Berman is an emergency room nurse who won the Democratic nomination in August. The two took contrasting approaches during the hourlong exchange.

Berman has focused his campaign on rising costs, including for healthcare, and Tuesday he returned several times to the 2025 massive tax and spending bill — the One Big Beautiful Bill Act — that Steil voted for. The Republican-authored legislation cut taxes for the wealthy while cutting funding for Medicaid and other safety-net programs over the next decade.

“Our healthcare has been gutted and has become unaffordable, and we’re seeing politicians in Washington enriching themselves and working at the behest of their corporate donors and special interests,” Berman said in his opening remarks. “That’s why I got into this race, and we need to change and make Washington work for working people again.”

Steil defended his vote and said he has been working “to clean up Washington.” He accused Berman, and Democrats in general, of lying about the 2025 bill’s impact and also appeared to accuse Berman of positions that the challenger never took.

Bremel’s first question cited a poll that put inflation and the cost of living at the top of voters’ concerns. He asked the candidates to identify “one specific federal policy you would prioritize to improve household finances for the residents of the First District.”

Berman called for repealing “blanket tariffs” levied by the Trump administration. “We know that tariffs are a tax on the American people, and everyone knows we’re paying more for everything at the store right now because of that,” Berman said. Steil “has voted to continue these blanket tariffs eight times, and that, to me, I think is unconscionable.”

When it was his turn, Steil praised the Trump administration’s embrace of fossil fuels to “unleash American energy.”

Steil highlighted provisions in the 2025 tax law that cut taxes on overtime pay and tips, a new $6,000 tax deduction for people 65 or older, and another measure that makes changes to the federal child tax credit, expanding it for some families.

“My opponent opposes that tax relief,” Steil said of Berman in a follow-up comment. Berman took exception to that charge.

“Those components of tax relief that my opponent just talked about, I don’t oppose,” Berman said. He asked Steil, however, why those four provisions “for regular working class people” are set to expire after 2028 while the bill’s “tax relief for billionaires was made permanent.”

Steil ignored the direct question. “We just have a firm disagreement,” he told Bremel. “I’m working to reduce taxes for people here in South Central and Southeastern Wisconsin,” he added, and reiterated Berman’s opposition to the 2025 bill without answering the question Berman had posed.

Healthcare costs

Bremel’s next question, focusing on public concerns about healthcare costs, asked the two for their first priority in making “changes to the federal healthcare system,” including how it would be paid for.

Steil again defended his vote on the 2025 bill, accusing Berman of putting out “false information” about the Medicaid provisions. The Republican congressman said the bill “results in an increase in $1 billion in federal money coming to the state of Wisconsin for Medicaid.”

The $1 billion refers to additional Medicaid matching funds to the state under a provision in the 2025-27 Wisconsin budget. That boost resulted from a deal reached between Democratic Gov. Tony Evers and Republican leaders in the state Legislature. State lawmakers and the governor rushed the budget to be signed before the federal provision took effect, which would have cut Wisconsin off from the additional money without the state budget change.

Berman didn’t address that issue, but countered that in contrast to the $1 billion Steil touted, the federal bill cut “a trillion dollars from Medicaid over the next 10 years.” He also cited projections that 270,000 Wisconsinites could lose insurance coverage after the expiration of enhanced subsidies to lower the cost of Affordable Care Act marketplace health policies.

“I know what that looks like when people are showing up to the hospital underinsured and uninsured, and that cost gets shifted to folks who have insurance,” Berman said.

Steil said the bill’s Medicaid work requirements on “able-bodied, childless adults of working age” would strengthen the program. He also credited the federal bill for “removing illegal immigrants from receiving free taxpayer-funded healthcare.

According to the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University, undocumented immigrants and many immigrants with legal status were already prevented from getting Medicaid coverage.

“This legislation creates red tape, which makes it more difficult for people who qualify for those benefits to obtain them, and so they lose their benefits,” Berman responded.

Berman said nothing about Medicaid and immigrants, but Steil replied, “My opponent is arguing to use your taxpayer dollars for illegal aliens. That was very clear right there.”

Replied Berman, “I don’t believe that’s what I said.”

Campaign finance

In response to another question, about campaign finance and congressional ethics, Berman cited his endorsement by the campaign finance reform group End Citizens United.

“We are a grassroots-funded campaign, and we don’t take any corporate PAC money,” Berman said.

Steil contended that Berman’s claim was a lie because an ad in which the Democrat said he doesn’t take corporate PAC money was paid for by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. “What do they take? Corporate PAC money,” Steil charged.

“If you look at my FEC reports, there is no corporate PAC money,” Berman said, referring to his campaign’s filings with the Federal Election Commission.

Steil’s most recent filings show his campaign has $1.6 million in corporate PAC donations, 31% of the $5.3 million he raised in 2025-26, according to Open Secrets, an independent group that tracks money in politics analyzing FEC data.

On Social Security and Medicare, Steil said the programs should be protected by “rooting out wasteful spending.”

Berman responded by observing that Steil had voted against 2022 legislation authorizing Medicare to negotiate prices on select drugs with pharmaceutical companies, and that the Trump administration had cut jobs from the Social Security Administration, making it more difficult for people to navigate the system.

“Our current administration pardoned multiple people who committed egregious Medicaid and Medicare fraud,” Berman added, “and I was wondering if my opponent would denounce that.”

In response, Steil referred to “significant, record-breaking arrests and convictions in Milwaukee County” relating to Medicaid fraud, but added that “there’s a lot more work to do to root out the waste, fraud, abuse in these federal programs.”

On immigration, Berman called for “transparency and accountability” in the federal agencies responsible for immigration enforcement, “making sure these organizations are following the law and getting the most heinous criminals off of our streets and focused on those folks.”

Steil said immigration policies should be linked to “workforce needs” in the U.S. “I don’t support amnesty,” said Steil. “It sounds like my opponent does.”

Reading Time: 6 minutes

When Mitchell Berman received an email from Elon Musk asking him to justify his job as a front-line emergency room nurse at the Department of Veterans Affairs, he began thinking more seriously about how he could make a difference beyond the hospital. 

The email came as the Department of Government Efficiency, commonly referred to as DOGE, began making cuts and hiring freezes in spring 2025. More than a year later, Berman is still working emergency room shifts, but is now campaigning as the Democratic challenger to four-term Republican U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil in Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District.

“I kind of realized if we really wanted to help improve things for folks, not even just at the VA, but for people in our communities, it was going to take somebody from the ground floor standing up and fighting for it,” Berman said. 

The southeastern district is emerging as an unexpected battleground as Democrats look to capitalize on a shifting political environment and political newcomer Berman attempts to unseat Steil, who has represented the district since 2019. 

Recent polling from Democratic-aligned organizations shows a close race, leading to increased national attention and campaign spending. Democrats point to dissatisfaction with President Donald Trump’s policies and congressional Republicans’ continued support of them as reasons the traditionally Republican district could be more competitive, while Steil noted he has faced significant Democratic spending in the district before and has continued to win. 

“We’ve seen national Democrats spend millions of dollars in southeast Wisconsin before,” Steil said. “My strategy remains the same: Go speak directly to voters about the issues that are in front of us, and we have ultimately been successful in earning the support of the majority of voters four times in a row in the southern part of the state.”

About 38% of registered Wisconsin voters approve of Trump’s job performance, according to a Sept. 30 Marquette Law School Poll.

An Oct. 3 poll conducted by Democratic-aligned House Majority PAC showed Berman leading Steil 48% to 47% among likely voters. The poll also found 56% of respondents viewed Trump unfavorably. A Sept. 29 poll from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) found the candidates tied at 48%. 

The Cook Political Report, a nonpartisan election analyst, recently shifted the district from “Likely Republican” to “Lean Republican.” 

In 2024, a Congressional Leadership Fund poll found Steil leading his challenger Peter Barca, a former member of Congress and Assembly minority leader, by 10 percentage points less than a month ahead of the general election, and Steil went on to win by that much. 

Recent election results, however, show differences in how voters in the district have supported presidential, congressional and Supreme Court candidates. Trump carried the district by 4.5 percentage points in 2024. But liberal Supreme Court candidates have won the district by at least 6 percentage points in elections since 2023. 

Democratic political strategist Joe Zepecki said the national political environment could make the district more competitive than it has been in previous elections. 

“When the political environment is as bad for either party as it is bad for Republicans right now, races that didn’t seem plausible a year ago suddenly get very real,” Zepecki said. 

Zepecki said Steil could have difficulty distancing himself from the administration as voters react to Trump’s actions. 

“The way that Trump’s choices and congressional Republicans’ refusal to do anything about it is really hamstringing candidates like Steil, who otherwise would be viewed as safer than he finds himself today,” Zepecki said. 

Republican political strategist Bill McCoshen, however, said Democrats appear to be “potentially overreacting” to what he said appears to be a favorable national environment for their party. He said he was surprised Democrats are targeting the district. 

“Will that national environment still be there in three or four weeks? We don’t know. So I guess as they’re trying to put more seats in play right now, and then they’ll narrow it down to the ones they think they have the best shot at in the final two weeks,” McCoshen said. 

Who has the advantage?

Steil in 2026 benefits from advantages in name recognition and financial resources compared to his opponent, McCoshen noted. 

A campaign finance report from Oct. 15 showed Steil with more than $4.2 million in his campaign chest, compared with about $338,000 for Berman. 

But Berman’s campaign has received additional support from national Democrats. In September, Berman was added to the DCCC’s “Red to Blue” program, which provides selected Democratic candidates with additional fundraising and organizational support.

Barca was also added to the program during his 2024 campaign. He said the designation helped raise national money because people want to invest in candidates they believe can win. 

He said the political environment changed significantly since he ran. 

“The whole focus (in 2024) was putting Biden and Harris on the defensive and because even though things were improving, people didn’t really sense that big of an improvement,” Barca said. “And now though, I mean, it hasn’t been this bad since I think the recession of ’08. So as a consequence, I think it’s a completely different environment than it was.”

Outside groups have also started pouring money into the race, bringing more national attention to the district.

The House Majority PAC has a $2.7 million ad buy planned for this district, according to AdImpact. Steil has still outpaced Berman in overall advertising spending, with about $5.9 million compared with more than $3 million for Berman, WisPolitics reported. The DCCC also made a joint ad buy of more than $270,000 for the Berman campaign. 

Republican-aligned groups are also pouring money into the race. The No Going Back Pac, backed by Trump, spent over $400,000 on Steil along with crypto-backed Super PAC Wisconsin Working PAC spending over $500,000.

But Barca said spending may not be enough to overcome a broader political shift if voters remain displeased with the policies supported by Steil and other congressional Republicans. 

“This is one of those potentially wave years where money can’t save you,” Barca said. “When you’ve got people hopping mad, and especially given they can connect the dots and tie what’s going on directly to policies that Steil has supported, I think that hurts dramatically.”

Candidates make their case to voters at home

While the political environment and campaign spending have drawn national attention to the race, both candidates are focused on emphasizing their message to voters in the district through their policy priorities and differing visions.

Berman, a political newcomer with more than two decades of experience in health care, is positioning himself as an outsider who can relate to working-class voters. 

“I’m the true definition of a working-class candidate. I’m still working shifts in the emergency room as we run the campaign because I have a mortgage to pay,” Berman said. “Unlike Brian Steil, who sort of left for D.C. and kind of forgotten where he comes from, this is my home, and I’m invested in seeing our community do better.”

Berman said his experience in health care has shaped both his campaign and his decision to enter politics. Zepecki said this background could give him an advantage in a race where health care costs are a major concern for voters.

 “I think he is exactly the kind of candidate you want at a time when health care costs are among the most severe pain points that families are dealing with,” Zepecki said.

Berman has called for lowering health care costs, restoring Affordable Care Act subsidies and reversing Medicaid cuts included in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. He is also campaigning to raise the minimum wage, protect reproductive rights and provide more funding for environmental protection. 

He criticized Steil’s support for Trump’s tariffs and the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, saying Steil’s support for policies like these have made life more difficult for Wisconsin residents. 

Steil has emphasized securing the border, protecting older adults, supporting law enforcement and that he is “a strong supporter of life,” which signals support for the anti-abortion movement without mentioning the hot-button issue. He also highlighted legislation he supported, including the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which reduced taxes on tips, overtime and Social Security and increased the standard deduction. 

Both candidates emphasized affordability as the top issue for voters in the district, but disagree about the route to addressing it. 

Steil said Berman’s policy proposals would put more of a financial burden on taxpayers while Berman said Steil has failed to deliver on promises to lower costs.

“Brian Steil has made a lot of promises to folks here in this district,” Berman said. “He’s been running cycle after cycle on lowering costs, making health care affordable, protecting Social Security, and he, in fact, has not done any of those things.”

Steil pointed to his support for legislation that’s helped lower costs, such as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, and legislation to produce more domestic oil and gas to lower household energy and living costs for Americans. 

“There’s more work to be done, and I think what you see is a contrast in policies between the radical left at the national stage, supported by my opponent, that would make life more expensive for families here in Wisconsin versus our policies to lower the costs for hardworking families,” Steil said. 

The candidates do share some common ground. Both have emphasized supporting veterans, with Berman drawing on more than a decade of experience working at the VA. Both have also emphasized protecting Social Security.  

Steil, having won four previous times, said the district has always been competitive and that his strategy remains the same as it has been even with continued efforts by Democrats.

“It’s a swing area of the state, a swing area of the country, which is why my focus is always on the grassroots and on direct voter outreach,” Steil said.

As Republicans face a mounting Democratic wave election, Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District becomes a battleground is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

In front of a friendly crowd at a small-town community center last week, Democratic 1st Congressional District candidate Mitchell Berman launched into the pitch he’s made countless times in the last several months.

“Growing up in rural Wisconsin, I never saw running for Congress on my bingo card,” Berman told the room full of supporters in the Rock County community of Milton.

The son of a roofing contractor and a foundry worker, a first-generation college graduate and an emergency room nurse, he wove together stories from his daily work and his own family’s experience grappling with the healthcare system.

Berman ticked off a litany of priorities he’ll pursue in  the House of Representatives if he is elected and if Congress returns to a Democratic majority in November.  Those included restoring funds cut from federal healthcare programs, supporting union organizing, raising the minimum wage and taking steps to shore up Social Security in the face of threatened cuts in less than a decade.

“Well, we only have 21 days to go. We are in the final stages of this race,” Berman said. “We have always looked at this district as having an opportunity. But right now we’re one point up in the polls.”

A cheer and applause burst from the crowd.

“We are continuing to build momentum,” Berman said. “We are filling rooms like this across the district because people are sick and tired of the partisan politics. They are ready for people to go to Washington and actually get things done.”

Berman is the latest in a string of Democrats who have hoped to turn the 1st CD back to a Democratic seat after decades of Republican representation, including by U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil (R-Janesville) for the last eight years.

Steil is a former corporate lawyer and one-time aide to his popular predecessor, former House Speaker Paul Ryan. When Ryan gave up the seat in 2018 after two decades, Steil easily topped the Democratic challenger, union activist Randy Bryce, whose candidacy drew national attention.

While the margins have narrowed in the ensuing three reelection campaigns, Steil has continued to maintain a solid  advantage — leading the Cook Political Report to label the district “likely Republican” for most of the current term, until recently shifting it to the less-definitive “lean Republican.”

In 2026 Democrats are leaning harder into their campaign to wrest the district from its long-time GOP dominance.

Berman’s campaign sees in the polling trends and the Cook Political Report shift evidence that the seat is winnable thie year. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee added Wisconsin’s 1st District to a list of races targeted for special attention — and some party spending — this fall.

U.S. Rep Mark Pocan, who has endorsed Berman and spoke at the Milton rally, says this year’s cycle has changed the dynamic of the district, and the race.

In his previous terms, Steil “did his very best to be as flavorless as possible,” Pocan says. “He wasn’t upsetting anyone and he’s a nice guy but he didn’t have positions.”

Steil joins Tiffany rally

Steil’s campaign declined to make him available for an interview despite repeated requests over the last week. The campaign also declined to respond to a list of questions about criticisms that have been lodged against him in the race.

Steil has continued to cultivate an upbeat presence in the district, documented on his office’s social media with visits to local fire departments, healthcare facilities and factories.

He also joined last week’s Waukesha County rally with Republican candidate for governor Tom Tiffany, sponsored by the GOP-aligned Hunter Nation organization, whose members are lobbying for passage of legislation that would create a controversial sandhill crane hunt.

Taking his turn at the podium, Steil excoriated “how radicalized the Democratic party has become, where they are going after all aspects of our culture” — zeroing in on controversies over whether trans girls should be allowed on girls’ sports teams.

“They want to come after our hunting rights,” Steil said, although not spelling out specifics. Steil also condemned “higher taxes on the Democratic side.” 

“This is not your grandfather’s Democratic party anymore,” Steil said. “This is a radicalized, activist socialist party that we are seeing on the left.”

Drilling home the Tiffany rally’s get-out-the vote message, Steil urged the crowd to “run on the assumption that the Democrats are going to vote in full strength in the liberal core cities in Wisconsin.” To counter that, he said, “We need to get that message out to our friends, our family, our neighbors, our coworkers, folks in church on how important this election is and how important it is that people like us get out and vote.”

Pocan interprets the shift in Steil’s profile during his latest term as an attempt to advance within the Republican party. “So instead of quietly rubber stamping Donald Trump, he’s now doing it more vocally,” Pocan says.

Drawing a contrast

While Steil has emphasized an image of Democratic radicalism, Berman’s campaign is drawing a contrast  between the Democrat’s working-class background and the Republican incumbent’s history as a corporate lawyer and his voting record in Congress.

“My dad owned a small roofing business that he built from the ground up,” Berman told the Milton crowd. “My mom, she worked long hours in the foundry. But they instilled in me the values of hard work, perseverance, and they taught me to always stick up for the little guy.”

He pointed to a resume that included working part-time at UPS — a union job — to help make ends meet in college, working off student debt after he graduated, and then making a career in healthcare, including 11 years as a Veterans Administration nurse — a job he had to quit because he couldn’t run for political office as a federal employee.

It was at the VA “where I started to recognize that a lot of these issues that we were having didn’t stem from me and my coworkers not having the capability to deliver the type of care that patients deserve,” Berman said. “But we were being handcuffed at the bedside by bad policies that were trickling down from Washington.”

Cuts to the VA health system early in President Donald Trump’s second term exacerbated those issues, he said. “That’s when I realized it was going to take somebody from the ground floor, from the bedside, standing up and fighting for change if we actually wanted to succeed.”

Berman said an insurance company denied his mother a colonoscopy in her late 40s despite a doctor’s recommendation because she wasn’t yet 50. At 49 she got the procedure in an emergency, he said, and was diagnosed with late stage colon cancer.

“So that same insurance company that denied that preventive procedure then began increasing our premiums,” Berman said. “At that point they could no longer afford insurance. Medicaid was the safety net that caught my mom.”

The massive tax and spending bill — the One Big Beautiful Bill Act — that Trump and the Republican majority in Congress enacted in mid-2025, with its cuts amounting to nearly $1 trillion over the next 10 years to Medicaid, along with other provisions, are a key talking point for Berman, who points out that Steil voted for the cuts.

The war in Iran that has driven up gasoline and diesel fuel prices and tariffs that have hobbled farmers also contribute to escalating difficulty for families in the 1st District, the state and across the country, Berman told voters in Milton.

He blames Steil for not voting to block the tariffs or end the war.

“You know, I don’t think it’s too much to ask for all representatives to be in Washington working for us, making Washington work for working people, because that’s what they should be doing,” Berman said. “So, while he’s making it more difficult for us, we’re here at home, struggling, trying to put food on the table, trying to make rent.”

Spotlight on  Steil’s record

With increasing tenure, Steil has advanced to new leadership roles, expanding his opportunity to advance his legislative priorities. His higher profile has also made him a bigger target for Democrats.

In January, as chair of the Committee on House Administration, which oversees federal election-related policies, Steil introduced the Make Elections Great Again Act.

Federal law generally delegates election administration to the states, minimizing the authority of the federal government. The Steil legislation would impose new national requirements on states, including mandating photo IDs in all states and setting new restrictions for what qualifies as a legal ID.

Among many other requirements, the bill would also compel states to check every 30 days on whether existing registered voters are still eligible. It would “improve voter confidence, bolster election integrity, and make it easy to vote, but hard to cheat,” Steil said when he introduced the legislation.

The bill has not advanced. The Trump administration and Republican leaders instead focused on the SAVE America Act, which included similar requirements for voter citizenship verification and other limits. The SAVE America Act stalled in the U.S. Senate after passing the House.

Voting rights groups condemned the SAVE Act and also rejected Steil’s bill.

“Election officials — including in Wisconsin — have shown again and again that elections are secure,” said Samuel Liebert, Wisconsin state director for All Voting Is Local, when Steil introduced his measure. “Codifying suspicion into law doesn’t strengthen democracy; it undermines public confidence and puts election workers in harm’s way.”

Oversight, votes and campaign donations

Steil also chairs the House Subcommittee on Digital Assets, Financial Technology, and Artificial Intelligence — a panel that, among other things, oversees the crypto currency industry.

Earlier this month, the crypto PAC Fairshake launched a pro-Steil ad in the Milwaukee media market, reserving $735,914 in airtime for the ad, WisPolitics reported. According to Tech Influence Watch, an independent organization that tracks tech political spending, crypto interests have spent $1.3 million to support Steil in the 2026 election, a mix of campaign donations and independent spending.

In a post on X earlier this month, Steil wrote approvingly of a Commodities Futures Trading Commission announcement of advanced rulemaking on regulations for crypto transactions and crypto asset markets.

Steil “advocates for clear digital asset regulations, emphasizing consumer protection. His support may influence regulatory frameworks moving forward,” reported the outlet Coinfomania, which covers the crypto industry.

Steil’s campaign did not respond to a question about what his call for “clear regulations emphasizing consumer protection” would mean in concrete terms.

He is one of a bipartisan group of 21 lawmakers who cosponsored  legislation on regulating the crypto industry that the industry had sought. After passing the House, the bill foundered in the Senate, in part due to Democrats’ objections over President Donald Trump’s profiteering from crypto transactions, HuffPost reported.

At Berman’s Milton rally, however, Pocan suggested the outcome of the proposed legislation would be looser regulation for crypto businesses — “making sure they don’t have enough regulation so they can continue to operate in that dark realm.”

The Milwaukee Courier linked Steil’s votes to campaign donations from interested industries. The bills involved were not enacted. The donors included Blackstone, a corporate owner of rental housing nationwide, which made its contribution around the time Steil voted on bills cutting rental assistance and increasing mortgage fees; banking and credit businesses around the time of a vote to reduce regulations including on banking firms; and mortgage companies around the time of a vote that would have raised fees for borrowers.

Steil’s campaign did not respond to a question about the donations and bills identified in the Courier reports.

The Berman campaign has highlighted the findings. A TV ad also highlighted earlier reporting on Steil’s votes for federal tax breaks for data centers and donations totaling $300,000 to his campaigns from related industries.

Curbing Congressional stock trading

Besides the issue of the crypto industry’s pro-Steil ads, the Berman campaign has targeted the spot’s message, crediting Steil with writing a bill “banning members of Congress from trading stocks.”

A measure Steil authored, the Stop Insider Trading Act, prohibits members of Congress and their families from buying new stocks and hikes the penalties for violating an existing law against failure to disclose stock purchases and insider trading.

After passing the U.S. House, Steil’s bill stalled in the Senate when it failed to clear 60 votes to move forward to a vote in the chamber. In a Facebook post, Steil blamed Democrats for blocking the bill.

But Pocan says that when Steil’s bill was introduced, it effectively halted the momentum for a stronger, bipartisan measure banning members and their families from buying, selling or owning stock.

Their bill was on a trajectory to garner  enough support to force a House vote on the measure, Pocan says. That stalled after Steil introduced his bill, which would allow members to continue to own or sell stock and included a provision that allowed them to buy stock if they were reinvesting dividends.

“That is the opposite of a stock ban bill, but he’s taking credit for it,” Pocan told the crowd in Milton.

Even in the face of repeated Democratic disappointments in the district that go back decades, Pocan contends the 2026 race offers a new context. Voters’ disenchantment with Trump is part of that, but Democrats are also betting on a message that highlights the incumbent’s record in terms that resonate with people this year.

“I think those are all stances in a year that corruption is a big issue,” Pocan says. With his status as an outsider rather than a politician, “I just think Mitchell Berman in many ways is the right candidate right now.”

Lilly Goren, a political scientist at Carroll University in Waukesha, sees too many unknowns to offer a clear prediction. 

“I think the potential things that could make a difference — and I don’t know if they will — are that the map is slightly different, and whether the Blue Wave, if it comes to pass, will be sufficient to bring an upset to such a consistently Republican district,” Goren says.

There have been anecdotal reports that Trump supporters are ignoring survey calls, which could mean pollsters aren’t hearing from voters who could make a difference in the result. 

On the other hand, Trump’s record-low approval ratings “suggest that Republican support is not necessarily out there and enthusiastic,” Goren adds. “The question becomes, also, whether people come out and vote, or whether they stay home.”

Baylor Spears contributed to this report.

U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil’s investments helped make him millionaire, nearly doubling his net worth from $812,000 to nearly $1.9 million since he went to Congress, Wisconsin Watch reports. According to the financial data tracking platform Unusual Whales, Steil’s stock portfolio was the fourth most profitable among members of Congress in 2025, outperforming the S&P 500 by 62.5%. Yet Steil is running as a watchdog on congressional stock trading. 

“You deserve a Congress you can trust, that’s working for you. … I’m leading the charge to ban members of Congress from trading stocks,” Steil says in a campaign ad now running in Wisconsin’s suddenly competitive 1st Congressional District.

The ad refers to Steil’s Stop Insider Trading Act, which failed in the Senate this week. Steil blamed Democrats for blocking his attempt at “ethics reform” and vowed to keep fighting.  But Wisconsin’s Democratic Sen. Tammy Baldwin called the bill a “sham,” pointing out that there are much stronger bills that, unlike Steil’s, require members to divest their stock holdings.

Steil’s bill allows members of Congress to keep and sell stocks. It places no restrictions on their purchases of cryptocurrency holdings, betting in prediction markets or trades in industry-specific mutual funds or private stock offerings from corporations. 

These giant loopholes drew the attention of Steil’s colleague U.S. Rep. Joe Neguse of Colorado, who grilled Steil on the shortcomings in his bill during a House Rules Committee hearing on July 20. 

“There are many bills that have been introduced … that would ensure that the sale and the purchase of stocks is banned, and this bill does not do that,” Neguse pointed out. He and Steil debated whether a disclosure rule in Steil’s bill is a sufficient safeguard (Neguse didn’t think so), and why the bill didn’t cover prediction markets. 

The Senate unanimously passed a ban on members and staff participating in prediction markets, just one week after a U.S. special forces soldier was charged with using classified information to bet on the capture of the Venezuelan president. Members of Congress have access to all kinds of sensitive information they could use for personal gain by placing bets on wars, economic crises or elections, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer warned. Why can’t the House pass the same ban, Neguse asked. Steil replied that he has been working on a separate bill concerning prediction markets, which are a “new and novel technology.” 

“It took the Senate a day!” Neguse shot back. “It’s a one-page resolution. It literally is a paragraph. It just says members of the Senate are banned from participating in prediction markets.” Neguse suggested that the House adopt the Senate’s language and pass the same resolution immediately. 

Instead, Steil has crafted a narrow bill that imposes fines on members and their families if they bet on specific government policy matters that come to their attention through their congressional work. Like his narrow stock-trading bill, which avoids making members give up lucrative investments, the Stop Lawmakers from Predicting Act takes a permissive view of members interested in playing in prediction markets unless there is a specific, demonstrable conflict of interest that a member’s colleagues on the House ethics panel deem worthy of a fine.

At best, that’s a different goal than the “Congress you can trust” Steil talks about in his campaign ad. Instead of protecting the public from corrupt public officials who seek to profit from their privileged perch, Steil is intent on not making things too uncomfortable for his fellow members sitting on cushy portfolios.

It says a lot that Steil’s prediction market bill and his Stop Insider Trading Act both have the full support of President Donald Trump. As Baldwin points out, Trump is exempt from Steil’s proposed restrictions on stock trading, even though Trump made 21,000 stock trades and added $2.2 billion to his personal wealth in just the first year of his second term.

This is the real hole in Steil’s claim to be an ethics watchdog in Congress. His compromised reform proposals don’t come close to making up for the heavy lifting he has been doing in office carrying water for Trump. He has been a chief enabler for a president who is setting new records for unethical behavior as he uses his office to enrich himself. Along with his weak efforts at “ethics reform,” Steil has been pushing new voting restrictions dear to Trump’s heart. His proposed national Voter ID Act is even more restrictive than Wisconsin’s toughest-in-the-nation voter ID law, barring the use of student IDs to vote and potentially disenfranchising millions of eligible voters who don’t meet the requirements. 

Steil does not present as a rage-filled MAGA warrior. Like his mentor, former House Speaker Paul Ryan, he has repeatedly won reelection by comfortable margins while projecting a friendly, thoughtful image in his home district, even as his work in Washington diverges from his constituents’ interests. But as crises pile up, it’s getting harder to put a pleasant gloss on loyalty to an administration that is rapaciously devouring the nation’s wealth while trying to disenfranchise its citizens. 

Wisconsin’s 1st CD has attracted national attention recently as the political landscape gets tougher for Republicans even in solidly red House districts. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee added Steil’s reelection race to its Red to Blue list and an internal DCCC poll conducted Sept. 21-23 — with a margin of error of 4.4% — found the race is a dead heat between Steil and his challenger, former VA hospital nurse Mitchell Berman, with the two candidates tied 48-48 among likely voters, a plurality of whom identified as Republicans.

A new Berman campaign ad, paid for in part by the DCCC, which now sees Steil as a target, emphasizes Steil’s stock portfolio. In it, Berman declares, “Public service shouldn’t be about getting rich.” Steil couldn’t have said it better himself.

With less than 50 days before the midterm elections, national figures and groups of both parties have increased their attention on Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District, where incumbent Republican Rep. Bryan Steil is running against former VA hospital nurse Mitchell Berman. 

The focus on the 1st CD race comes as the national map of competitive congressional districts has expanded with Democrats increasingly challenging Republicans in areas where President Donald Trump won handily in 2024. A national Marquette Law School poll of likely voters released earlier this week found that Democrats are leading on a generic ballot by 13 points. 

Trump’s super PAC, MAGA Inc., is spending heavily in a number of districts that Trump won by more than 5 points two years ago, The New Republic reported Thursday, signaling that Republicans are being forced to devote resources to defending previously safe seats. 

In Wisconsin, Trump’s PAC plans to spend $90,000 boosting Steil and just $21,000 boosting U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden in the state’s 3rd Congressional District, the New York Times reported. The 3rd CD has previously been one of the most hotly contested seats in the country. 

On Tuesday, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee announced that it was adding Berman to its “Red to Blue” program, signaling a coming influx of national financial and infrastructure support. 

“Wisconsinites in the First Congressional District are tired of Bryan Steil’s votes to make life more expensive for working people while also ensuring that he, his wealthy donors, and Donald Trump can enrich themselves,” Democratic Party of Wisconsin spokesperson Rachel La Due said in a statement. “Mitchell Berman joining the DCCC’s ‘Red to Blue’ program shows what Wisconsinites have seen for years: Bryan Steil has failed to stand up for working families, work to lower costs, or make healthcare more accessible.”

Since Trump’s return to office, Steil has regularly been involved in high profile political efforts, including as one of the lead authors of the bill, championed by Trump, to implement strict national voter ID requirements. 

Steil was first elected in 2018 following the retirement of former House Speaker Paul Ryan. Republicans have won the district by large margins in every congressional election since 1998. 

In 2018, with the seat open for the first time in more than two decades, the DCCC supported Randy Bryce’s run against Steil. Steil still won that race by more than 12 points — in a year in which Democrats won back control of the House nationally. The 1st CD has not been represented by a Democrat since Peter Barca in 1995. 

Zach Bannon, a spokesperson for the National Republican Campaign Committee, said in a statement that Berman’s campaign is “out of touch” with voters in the district. 

“Liberal activist Mitchell Berman is completely out of touch with southeast Wisconsin, pushing a radical far-left agenda that puts politics ahead of common sense,” Bannon said. “While Berman marches in lockstep with the extreme left, Congressman Bryan Steil continues delivering real results for hardworking Wisconsin families.”