WASHINGTON — New data reveals the number of women running in the 2026 elections is slightly up from 2024, but experts say there is still progress to be made with women’s representation in public office overall. 

The number of women running for governor has reached an all-time high this election cycle, and the number seeking a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives could also set a record, according to July 20 data from The Center for American Women and Politics, or CAWP. 

The center, part of the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University, collects data on women’s representation in federal, state and local government. 

The center also conducts research and runs educational programs on the role of women in politics. Its mission is to increase female involvement in public life. 

Women in the midterms

There are 85 women major-party candidates running for governor across 36 states this year, a number that significantly exceeds the previous record of 69, set in 2022. 

Fifty-one of those women are Democrats, another record, and 34 are Republicans. 

On the congressional level, 580 women are currently major-party contenders for the U.S. House, a figure that is just three away from the 2018 and 2020 record of 583 women candidates. 

That record could be broken once Louisiana reaches its candidate filing deadline for the House on Aug. 7, according to CAWP.  

The number of Democratic House candidates who are women has already reached an all-time high at 387. The remaining 183 women running are Republicans. 

In the Senate, 64 women from major parties are running for a seat, exactly half of them Democrats and half of them Republicans. The record for women Senate candidates was set in 2022 at 70. 

Fairly high numbers of women would need to emerge as Senate candidates in Maine and South Carolina to beat that record of 70, said CAWP Director of Data Chelsea Hill during a media briefing with other CAWP research experts on Tuesday.

A day before the briefing, Republican Sen. Darline Graham of South Carolina, who was sworn in July 14 to replace her late brother, Lindsey Graham, announced plans to run for a full six-year term following the encouragement of President Donald Trump. 

Although record numbers of congressional women candidates have not yet been reached in either the U.S. House or Senate, the overall number of women running for Congress is up compared to the last election cycle. 

In 2024, the number of women who sought seats in Congress dropped after having previously increased for three consecutive cycles, a phenomenon that CAWP later described as “evidence of stalled progress toward gender parity,” Hill said. 

Despite the increase in women seeking office over the years, female representation is still low when taken as a percentage of all candidates running for Congress and state governors. 

According to another set of CAWP data from July 20, women make up 27% of total candidacies for the U.S. House and 23.9% of the total for the Senate in 2026. About 25% of gubernationarial candidates are women. 

Milestones within reach 

But at the same time, CAWP experts said at the media briefing, there are many milestones women could achieve in the 2026 election cycle, including firsts for women in certain government positions and for “women of specific racial and ethnic backgrounds and within either party.” 

They pointed to current Sens. Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee, a Republican, and Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, a Democrat, who are both running to become the first women to serve as governors of their respective states. 

And Deb Haaland, the former U.S. secretary of the Interior currently running in New Mexico, could become the first-ever Native American woman governor in any state if she wins in November. 

At the congressional level, names such as Milat Keros, Aisha Wahab, Denise Powell and more have the potential to break barriers for women in public office. 

Keros is in place to become the first Black woman to represent Colorado, Wahab the first Middle Eastern or North African woman to serve from California and Powell the first Democratic woman to represent Nebraska in Congress.

At the end of the media briefing, CAWP Scholar and Director of Research Kelly Dittmar said the center’s 2026 candidacy data could be used as a tool to study and open up a broader discussion about women’s political pathways, nodding particularly to Blackburn and Klobuchar’s gubernatorial runs. 

“When we think about women moving to be chief executives of a state as a potential pathway to the presidency, (it’s) also something we need to always keep our eye on,” she said. 

CAWP’s data focuses on major party candidates and will continue to be updated regularly to account for upcoming state filing deadlines and congressional primary results. 

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As early voting starts next week in the Aug. 11 primary to determine who will be on the November ballot, Democrats hope to flip two U.S. House seats in Wisconsin.

Republicans took control of the House in 2022 and currently hold six of Wisconsin’s eight seats. The primaries feature several political newcomers and could offer insight into which wings of each party are exerting the most influence.

Here are the four House primaries we are watching in August:

Congressional District 1

Democrats are targeting this district to unseat four-term U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil, who defeated Democratic challenger Peter Barca in 2024 by 10 percentage points. Barca wasn’t new to Wisconsin politics, having served in Congress and the state Assembly as minority leader. He also served as secretary of the state Department of Revenue before his 2024 run.

“On paper, it’s a competitive district,” said Barry Burden, University of Wisconsin-Madison political science professor and director of the Elections Research Center. “The trouble is Steil is a really formidable incumbent.”

Because Steil, who succeeded former House Speaker Paul Ryan in 2019, has a fundraising advantage and is not a controversial figure, Burden said this district is much harder to flip regardless of national Democratic efforts. Since the start of his latest term, Steil has raised $3 million, received more than $2 million from other committees and has $6.1 million cash on hand.

ER nurse Mitchell Berman has established a clear edge in the primary. He has received multiple lawmaker endorsements, including Reps. Ann Roe, D-Janesville; Ben DeSmidt, D-Kenosha; and Tip McGuire, D-Kenosha. He recently launched a six-figure ad buy, highlighting his experience as a nurse working with veterans and his campaign on protecting health care and lowering costs. He has raised over $650,000 and has about $220,000 cash on hand.

Milwaukee Ald. Peter Burgelis suspended his campaign after the July 15 campaign finance filing deadline and offered to support Berman. Burgelis’ report showed he had raised just over $54,000 in the most recent quarter. He had been campaigning on lowering costs, making communities safer and defending voting rights.

Lorenzo Santos, a Navy veteran and the former Young Democrats of Wisconsin chair, previously ran for the seat in 2024, but suspended his campaign before the primary. His top priorities include raising the federal minimum wage to $26 by 2030, universal Medicare and supporting veteran mental health services. He has about $10,000. 

Miguel Aranda is the Whitewater Unified School District Board vice president and the associate director of PreCollege Programs at UW-Whitewater. His campaign emphasizes that he is the only Spanish speaker in the race, and his priorities include criminal justice and immigration reform, supporting unions and protecting Medicare. He has more than $13,000 cash on hand.

What we’re watching: In what’s supposed to be a good year for Democrats and a bad year for incumbents, will a relatively unknown Democratic nominee give Steil any trouble?

Congressional District 3

The top Democratic target in Wisconsin is U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden. The 2024 Democratic nominee Rebecca Cooke and former Eau Claire City Council President Emily Berge are running in the Democratic primary.

Burden said this is the only congressional district in the state seriously in play for Democrats. 

Van Orden has had a controversial political career after succeeding longtime Democratic moderate Ron Kind. He is known for his incendiary tweets and past clashes such as scolding teenage Senate pages in 2023 and confronting a La Crosse library worker over an LGBTQ+ book display in 2021. He also closely aligns with President Donald Trump, who won Wisconsin in 2024 but has since seen his approval ratings crater.

“He’s in real jeopardy,” Burden said. “This could be a district that Republicans lose.”

Cooke lost to Van Orden in 2024 by less than 3 percentage points. Burden said her high-profile endorsements, including U.S. Sens. Tammy Baldwin and Bernie Sanders and state Sen. Brad Pfaff, D-Onalaska, give her a leg up in the Aug. 11 primary. Cooke leads in fundraising at nearly $7.5 million in the latest quarter with $2.5 million cash on hand while Van Orden raised $5.2 million with $4.7 million in the bank.

Cooke has faced criticism for portraying herself as a political outsider while working as a Democratic fundraiser and as a political consultant for controversy-courting Minocqua Brewing Company owner Kirk Bangstad. She has more recently worked with the center-left think tank Third Way.

Her biggest campaign priorities include expanding Medicare, supporting farmers and lowering costs for working families. 

Berge is running for the seat for the first time. She has received endorsements from legislators including state Sen. Jeff Smith, D-Brunswick, and state Rep. Tara Johnson, D-town of Shelby. She touts her prior elected experience and supports universal health care and affordable housing. Berge has raised $686,000.

What we’re watching: What will Democratic turnout in the August primary tell us about Van Orden’s chances compared with 2024?

Congressional District 7

This far northern Wisconsin district has two loaded primaries as U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany wraps up three terms in Congress to run for governor. Five Republicans are vying to keep the seat red while three Democrats make their bids in what will likely remain a safe Republican district.

Wausau financial adviser Kevin Hermening, Chippewa County factory worker Jessi Ebben, Crescent business owner Niina Baum, Superior contractor Don Raihala, and Michael Alfonso, son-in-law of former congressman and current Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, are competing in the Republican primary. 

Alfonso leads the fundraising race at $1.25 million, with Ebben trailing behind with just over $460,000.

Hermening, a Marine veteran, has raised $103,000 for his campaign but also gave himself a $1 million loan. He is endorsed by lawmakers including state Sen. Romaine Quinn, R-Birchwood, and state Rep. Pat Snyder, R-Schofield. His top campaign issues include protecting Social Security and Medicare and supporting veterans.

Raihala said some of the biggest issues constituents have in the district are illegal immigration and the Jeffrey Epstein files, and he said he would continue to support deportations of immigrants lacking permanent legal status and the full release of the files.

Baum holds a more moderate view of immigration, saying that while she supports border security, she says immigrants are essential in Wisconsin and wants to create a “functional legal pathway” for workers. She also supports a data center moratorium and wants to uplift Wisconsin farmers. Baum has raised about $6,000.

Similar to Raihala, Ebben holds border security high on her priority list, as well as pro-life values, Second Amendment rights and strengthening rural communities. She also emphasizes her intense support for Trump, though she did not receive his endorsement for her campaign.

Trump’s endorsement went early in the race to Alfonso, 26, who also received endorsements from House Speaker Mike Johnson and four of the six Wisconsin Republican congressional incumbents. His top priorities include states’ rights, pro-life values and supporting school choice.

Burden said the Trump endorsement might not be enough to pull Alfonso through.

“Alfonso has these other liabilities,” Burden said. “His youth and inexperience are serious. He’s just old enough to serve in Congress and really has not had any experience being employed or working in party politics in any meaningful way.” 

The wealthy Republican Uihlein family split their donations in this district. Richard Uihlein donated to Alfonso’s campaign and gave $1 million to a PAC supporting him. But his wife, Elizabeth Uihlein, donated to Ebben’s campaign and gave $1 million to a PAC supporting her. Burden said this highlights the divide among party insiders whether to follow Trump’s lead or not.

What we’re watching: Is Trump’s endorsement enough to override concerns about inexperience and nepotism in northern Wisconsin?

Congressional District 8

Three Democratic newcomers are competing to unseat freshman U.S. Rep. Tony Wied, who won by about 15 percentage points against obstetrician-gynecologist Kristin Lyerly in 2024, in this solid Republican Green Bay area district. 

Mark Scheffler, a retired business owner, heavily campaigns on the idea of a “sustainable society,” which includes affordable health care, privacy rights and economic prosperity. He also prioritizes conservation and protecting the environment. Scheffler has raised just over $107,000, compared to Wied’s $1 million haul.

Rick Crosson is an Army veteran from Green Bay. His campaign says he wants to reform the Department of Veterans Affairs for more timely and quality treatment, fighting agriculture corporations to support small farmers and supporting rural reproductive health care. He has raised just over $63,000.

Democratic Socialist Katrina deVille, a transgender woman, advocates for a $22 federal minimum wage, universal health care and free child care. She also says she wants to file articles of impeachment against Trump on her first day if elected. She has raised just under $3,000.

What we’re watching: Can Democrats mount a credible challenge in northeast Wisconsin in what could be a blue wave year?

Here are four congressional races to watch in Wisconsin’s Aug. 11 primary is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Two Democrats vying for a shot at defeating Republican Congressman Derrick Van Orden courted party activists during a Thursday Democratic Party forum in Platteville.

The post Democrats vying for 3rd Congressional District face off in candidate forum appeared first on WPR.

There are always opportunities to share thoughts and help the industry move forward including serving as a committee chair or vice chair of the National Congress on School Transportation. Interested parties are invited to apply for open seats for the 18th NCST, scheduled for May 6-9, 2029 in St. Louis, Missouri.

The NCST, now meeting every four years, seeks to establish a national consensus on school bus standards, best practices and operational procedures. The 18th National Congress is ramping up with the formation of writing committees, and the National Association of State Directors of Pupil Transportation Services extended the deadline to serve on a committee to June 30.

“Writing Committee Chair or Vice Chair positions are not overly daunting,” NASDPTS said in an email to members. “If you have experience in one of the committee areas, you are welcome to apply.”

The email states that the position requires a commitment of around 10 hours per month in 2026 and 2027 with a “slight increase” in years 2028 and 2029 in formalizing proposals for new or updated standards.

“It should be noted that committees do not rewrite sections but only edit existing sections,” the email adds. “We will help walk you through the process, so if you’re new to the NCST or to being a chair or vice chair, we will set you up for success.”

NCST Develops Vehicle and Operational Standards

The National Congress is categorized by Vehicle Specifications and Operational Procedures Committees. The Vehicle Specifications Committee includes school bus specifications, specially equipped school buses, school bus inspections, emerging technologies, and alternative fuels.

Meanwhile, the Operational Procedure Committees consists of general operations, transportation for students with disabilities and special heath care needs, infants, toddlers and preschooler operations, school transportation security and emergency preparedness, activity bus operations and alternative transportation. Alternative transportation is the latest writing committee that was formed for the 17th annual NCST, which was held in Des Moines, last May.

Learn more about the selection criteria for the writing committee chairs and vice chairs in the NCST Manual of Operations. Questions can be directed to NCST Chairman Mike Bullman.

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Related: NHTSA Rulemaking at Heart of NCST Resolutions Focused on Safety
Related: St. Louis to Host 2029 National Congress on School Transportation
Related: 2025 National School Transportation Specs, Procedures Manual Released
Related: National Congress Finishes Early After 10-Year Hiatus

The post National Congress on School Transportation Seeks Writing Committee Chairs, Vice Chairs appeared first on School Transportation News.

At this writing, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency had yet to announce the final award round for the Clean School Bus Program. At the same time, could the school bus industry be bracing for the end of the Diesel Emissions Reduction Act?

Since 2008, DERA has been responsible for replacing over 8,500 older operating school buses with cleaner alternatives. The Trump administration last month released its fiscal year 2027 budget request and asked Congress to cut over 52 percent of EPA’s discretionary funding. Included is a call on Congress to cancel DERA, which for nearly two decades has funneled hundreds of millions of dollars to the school bus industry via national grants, rebates and Tribal government awards.

Any attempt to end DERA at least in the Oval Office is unlikely. Congress still must pass its own budget appropriations. And a bipartisan DERA reauthorization bill has been in the works for the past year, which would extend the program at $100 million a year through fiscal year 2029. But the attempt demonstrates ongoing scrutiny over fiscal spending and, more aptly, funding alternative energy.

The $5 billion Clean School Bus Program was going to sunset one way or another after this year. But placing DERA funding in the crosshairs is the last headwind the industry needs on school bus replacements, a consultant shared with me. Another consultant noted that about a decade ago at an industry conference he asked the audience how willing they would be to continue to buy electric school buses if DERA funding dried up. Not one hand raised.

The question remains a good one today, since the electric school bus cost discrepancy is still two or three times that of diesel school buses. It was never attractive to pay upwards of $475,000 for a large electric school bus, and that’s before factoring in the charging infrastructure. If the Clean School Bus Program and DERA both end, where is the incentive to go green outside of a handful of states?

The cost of everything has gone up. At STN EXPO East in North Carolina earlier this spring, an attendee told me new diesel school bus purchases were running over $150,000 each. That includes a surcharge of $12,000 to $20,000 to pay for the warranties on the 2027-compliant engines. (The EPA continues to re-evaluate and finalize a new proposed Phase 3 GHG rule, but OEMs have already completed all necessary R&D and manufacturing to comply with the low NOx emissions levels.)

The Iran war and blockage on the Strait of Hormuz have also created substantial uncertainty for district budgets. While locking in bulk diesel prices creates insulation from price volatility, a gallon was selling at 30-percent premium after the war began. Meanwhile, April’s national average at-the-pump price exceeded $5.40 per gallon. In California, it’s well over $7 a gallon.

We also learned at STN EXPO East that the price of propane also increased, but by about 20 cents per gallon, when the fuel was already a fraction of the cost of diesel. Despite that silver lining, the question remains, how many propane school buses can and will be made available to the market?

School districts and bus companies cannot take for granted federal funds to help them purchase new school buses. Instead, already-strapped local and state budgets will be relied upon. School transportation professionals and their leaders need to increasingly make the case with voters that new school buses are necessary to keep up with service levels.

At the same time, however, public school enrollments are falling. The Brookings Institute found that U.S. public schools lost 1.2 million students from 2019 to 2023, and they aren’t coming back. Parents are homeschooling their children. They are sending them to charter and private schools. And increasingly they as well as school districts are using non-school bus vehicles to do it.

How willing will voters be to approve millions of more dollars via bond measures and levies for school bus purchases? Student transportation leaders can make no assumptions.

Simply put, funding is not keeping pace with rising costs. In seeking to proactively understand and manage all these intersecting challenges, student transporters will need to lean heavily into optimizing and rethinking service models, routing and resource allocation to maintain service levels with fewer resources.

Editor’s Note: As reprinted from the May 2026 issue of School Transportation News.

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Related: EPA Commences Webinar Series as Clean School Bus Program Returns
Related: ‘Prepare and Pivot,’ Advises Texas Student Transportation Director
Related: EPA ‘Revamping’ Clean School Bus Program
Related: (STN Podcast E295) Something That’s Going to Work: Federal Updates + Future of School Bus Communications

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Tribal utility, localities, and consumer and environmental groups argue tax guidance illegally hurts renewable energy. WASHINGTON, D.C. (Dec. 18, 2025) – A broad array of groups with strong interests in clean and affordable energy sued the IRS and Treasury Department over new rules for tax credits that unfairly and illegally discriminate against wind and solar …

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The post New Federal Vehicle Charging Funds Halted appeared first on Alternative Energy HQ.

Current methods used to process hydrogen into a usable fuel are cost-prohibitive, but several new innovations are promising to open the door to cost-competitive green hydrogen. Hydrogen is well positioned to be the fuel of the future. However, a commercially viable transition to green hydrogen – the environmentally friendly version of the fuel – seems …

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