Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley announced Wednesday that he is dropping his bid to be governor, a decision that narrows the Democratic primary field for the second time in recent weeks. 

Crowley, a former state lawmaker who has served as the top executive of Milwaukee County executive since 2020, launched his campaign in September, saying his executive experience  would serve him well in the governor’s office and that he wanted to work to address the state’s affordability crisis. He pitched himself to voters as someone who could build bridges among communities across the state.

“It has become clear that I will not be the Democratic nominee for Governor, so today I am stepping out of this race, but I am not stepping away from the work. Politics should not be about who talks the loudest. It’s about showing up, working with anyone who wants to solve the problem, and delivering results people can see in their own communities,” Crowley said in a statement.

The news of Crowley’s exit, first reported by WisPolitics, is the second in recent weeks as former Wisconsin Economic Development Corporations CEO Missy Hughes dropped out at the end of June. It leaves the Democratic primary a five-way race between Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez, former Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, state Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison), state Sen. Kelda Roys and Joel Brennan, the former head of the Department of Administration under Gov. Tony Evers. 

While Crowley appeared to be building some momentum at the beginning of the campaign, including leading the Democratic field in early finance reports, he was also unable to break into the top tier in the polls. In a February Marquette Law School poll, he had the support of 3% of voters. In a straw poll conducted by WisPolitics at the Democratic Party of Wisconsin convention last month, he came in fourth behind Rodriguez, Hong and Roys.

Unlike Hughes, who endorsed Rodriguez, Cowley did not issue an endorsement when he ended his campaign. 

Crowley said the most important thing for Democrats to do is to unite behind whoever wins in August and defeat U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, the presumptive Republican candidate who has the endorsement of President Donald Trump. 

“Tiffany’s record in Washington does not reflect Wisconsin’s values, and the people of this state deserve a governor who will fight for working families, protect our natural resources, invest in our communities, and be beholden to the people of our state, not Donald Trump,” Cowley said. “While I will not be the candidate, I will still do everything in my power to ensure that we win in November.” 

Crowley said that the state’s next governor needs to focus on the basics including “making this state affordable, making sure care shows up for families before a crisis instead of after and building real opportunity from the classroom to a good-paying job.”

A host of high-profile Democrats called for Graham Platner, the party’s nominee to take on Republican U.S. Sen. Susan Collins of Maine in November’s election, to drop out of the race as they tried to save the party’s chances to retake the Senate majority.

In the wake of Politico’s explosive Monday report that an ex-girlfriend of Platner’s alleged he sexually assaulted her in 2021, the political newcomer’s supporters in Congress and Democratic circles in Washington, D.C., rescinded their endorsements and sought a new candidate in the race that is seen as crucial to Senate control. 

The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee said it would pull all its resources from the race as long as Platner was the nominee, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer called for him to drop out and Sen. Bernie Sanders, a Vermont independent who gave a critical early boost to Platner in the race for the Democratic nomination, said he told Platner directly he should “step aside.”

Even Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin said Platner should withdraw.

And key outside Democratic groups, including Planned Parenthood, the Sierra Club, and the Sanders-founded Our Revolution PAC, also withdrew their endorsements after the Politico report came out.

Platner has denied the accusation and, as of Tuesday afternoon, was still the Democratic nominee. But he raised the possibility he would leave the race Monday, saying in a short direct-to-camera video that he was “taking the time to reflect on the best path forward.”

Under state law, he must withdraw by July 13, and the party would have until July 27 to replace him.

Four Senate seats

Monday and Tuesday, national Democrats seemed eager to move on from the oysterman and first-time candidate, who gained nationwide attention for both his energetic economic populist campaign and his personal scandals, in an effort to preserve one of the party’s best chances to pick up a Senate seat this year. 

Democrats need to flip four Senate seats to win control of the chamber, with Collins the only Republican up for reelection in a state President Donald Trump lost in 2024. 

Elections forecasters generally considered the Maine race a toss-up before the latest news about Platner.

The Cook Political Report rates a North Carolina seat being vacated by retiring Republican Thom Tillis as leaning toward Democrats, while Republican incumbents facing strong Democratic challengers in Alaska and Ohio are tossups, as is an open race to replace Democrat Gary Peters in Michigan.

If Collins wins reelection, Democrats would have to sweep those races and pick up at least one seat currently seen as favoring the GOP to tilt the balance in the Senate, now controlled by Republicans with 53 seats.

The national environment generally gives Democrats an advantage, given Trump’s poor poll ratings and trends that favor the party not in the White House in midterm elections. 

But Collins’ electoral strength — she outperformed Trump by 15 percentage points in 2020, the last time she was on the ballot, to remain the only New England Republican in the Senate — has beguiled Democrats for decades. 

Quick consolidation 

Replacing Platner and quickly coalescing around another candidate could be the party’s best chance to keep the map competitive.

Rodell Mollineau, a Democratic strategist and co-founder at D.C.-based ROKK Solutions, said Maine Democrats should be mindful of the party’s loss in the 2024 presidential race following the replacement of President Joe Biden with Vice President Kamala Harris at the top of the ticket.

“A replacement could win if everyone gets on the same page quickly,” he said in a Tuesday interview. “Drawing from some of the lessons of 2024, it would be helpful if there could be a process where voters do not think that this person was thrust upon them and they had a choice.”

Several potential replacements have expressed interest since the Politico story published.

Former state CDC Director Nirav D. Shah, who finished second in the gubernatorial primary last month, said he had fielded “hundreds of encouraging messages” and that he was evaluating his next move.

Jordan Wood, who finished third in the primary for the U.S. House seat held by retiring Rep. Jared Golden, indicated he would appreciate consideration.

“If my fellow Maine Democrats decide through an open and democratic process that I am the best candidate to defeat Susan Collins, I would be humbled by their trust,” Wood said in a statement.

Our Revolution, which supports progressive candidates, warned “the Democratic establishment” to heed primary voters’ wishes if and when a replacement is selected. 

The Hill reported Tuesday the group is backing former state Senate President Troy Jackson, who finished third in the gubernatorial primary.

Spokespeople for Platner’s campaign did not return messages seeking comment Tuesday.

This story has been updated.

The Maine Democratic Party and several prominent state and national lawmakers are calling on U.S. Senate candidate Graham Platner to drop out of the pivotal race to defeat Sen. Susan Collins after a Politico report of allegations of sexual assault against him.

That includes members of Congress who previously endorsed him, including U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna of California and Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts who both rallied with Platner ahead of the primary.

“I’ve been very clear that sexual assault or violence against women is a red line,” Khanna wrote on social media platform X. “These allegations are very serious and credible. Graham Platner should drop out from the race. I am withdrawing my endorsement.”

Senate Majority PAC, also announced it was directing resources away from the Maine Senate race in light of the latest allegations. Majority Forward, the nonprofit arm of the super PAC had spent nearly $6 million in anti-Collins ads to help Platner as of June 9, the New York Times reported. Planned Parenthood Action Fund also withdrew its support, with President and CEO Alexis McGill Johnson saying while the organization “remains committed to protecting access to care for Mainers and all Americans, we also unequivocally believe women.”

On Monday, Jenny Racicot, 41, who dated Platner on and off for two years, told Politico that he entered her home in 2021 uninvited while intoxicated and forced himself on her while she repeatedly told him to stop. Platner denied the allegations, calling them categorically untrue. But he also said in a video on social media that he and his campaign are “taking the time to reflect on the best path forward.” 

He postponed several campaign events scheduled for Sunday and Monday.

The oysterman and military veteran has faced a series of controversies during his campaign including alleged unsettling behavior toward previous romantic partners, but the accusations in the Politico story published on Monday amount to the most serious. 

The Maine Democratic Party referenced those allegations in its statement asking Platner to step down.

“The Maine Democratic Party leadership stands with women and survivors, and that principle does not bend based on party affiliation,” said Chair Charlie Dingman, Vice Chair Imke Schessler and Executive Director Devon Murphy-Anderson in a statement. “We respect the women who made the hard decision to come forward. Speaking up is often costly.”

Maine House of Representatives Speaker Ryan Fecteau also echoed those calls in a separate statement.

“Today’s revelations, on top of months of allegations and controversies, make it clear that Graham’s campaign cannot be successful,” he said. “The movement that Graham’s candidacy has inspired and helped build is one that has been needed for a long time. In order to carry the movement forward, to give power back to the people, and to defeat Susan Collins in November, I am calling upon Graham to drop out.”

Democratic gubernatorial candidate Hannah Pingree along with her former competitors also rescinded their support. Pingree along with former Senate President Troy Jackson and Secretary of State Hannah Pingree touted Platner’s endorsement in the ranked-choice primary. On Monday night, all of them released statements urging him to withdraw. 

“Graham Platner tapped into something real — voters hungry for change showed up with real passion and energy,” Pingree said. “That energy doesn’t have to go away. It needs a new candidate to carry it forward.”

The latest accusation against Platner comes a week out from Maine’s ballot deadline, which his campaign said in a statement “is not a coincidence,” also pointing out that the earlier accusations of troubling behavior came out a week before the primary election. 

According to Maine law, a candidate can withdraw on or before the second Monday of July in an election year. A political action committee may make a replacement nomination for the general election, no later than 5 p.m. of the fourth Monday in July. 

If Platner does not withdraw 70 days before the election — which is Aug. 25 — his name will still appear on the ballot.

One year ago, President Donald Trump signed the first piece of legislation Republicans in Congress had introduced at the start of his second term.

Passed using the complicated budget reconciliation process that enabled GOP lawmakers to enact the legislation without Democratic votes, HR 1 paired $4.5 trillion in tax cuts over 10 years with $1 trillion in cuts to federal healthcare programs as well as other initiatives to cut federal spending.

With the legislation’s first birthday on July 4, critics of the Trump administration and Democratic politicians have been using every opportunity to highlight the legislation’s role in driving unpopular results.

Healthcare cuts are among the most prominent of those outcomes. They include a series of changes to Medicaid — the state-federal health insurance program for people at or below the federal poverty guideline, with annual incomes of just under $16,000 per year for a single person or $33,000 for a family of four.

For medical and hospital care, Medicaid is called BadgerCare in Wisconsin. Medicaid also covers long-term care services for people who qualify, including home healthcare for the elderly and people with disabilities, and goes under a variety of names including Family Care and IRIS.

On Tuesday, the anti-Trump political activist group Indivisible and members of the healthcare union SEIU Wisconsin gathered in front of the Wisconsin Republican Party headquarters in Madison with an out-of-service ambulance to denounce  cuts to healthcare attributed to HR 1.

“We are here to give voice to the millions of Americans who have lost access to healthcare and to the tens of thousands of Wisconsinites who have lost healthcare,” said Jean Grow, co-leader of Indivisible’s Milwaukee chapter.

The group aimed its barbs not just at Trump but at Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, the party’s nominee for governor in the November 2026 election, who voted with the rest of his party in the U.S. House of Representatives for HR 1.

“Who in this state is primarily responsible for these cuts? Tom Tiffany,” Grow said, to hearty jeers from the crowd of about two dozen during the lunchtime protest.

HR 1 also cut the federal nutrition assistance program SNAP — known as FoodShare in Wisconsin — by 20% by 2034, about $187 billion.

The changes will pass on to most states a portion of the program’s costs, which the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities in Washington says could lead “the lowest-income people, including children, older adults, veterans, and people with disabilities” in every state to lose access to food assistance.

The so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act “has been brutal for Wisconsin families,” said Secretary of State Sarah Godlewski, a Democrat who is running for lieutenant governor, at a press conference Wednesday at the Democratic Party’s Capitol Square offices that focused on Tiffany’s record.

“We know that the impact it’s going to cause — things like potentially 270,000 Wisconsinites are going to lose healthcare,” said Godlewski. “We know tens of thousands of Wisconsinites are going to lose access to FoodShare.”

While Trump and GOP congressional leaders initially called HR 1 the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” critics quickly mocked it as “the Big Ugly Law” or variations on that theme. In September, the Republicans rebranded the bill as “The Working Families Tax Cut.”

The CBPP, however, found that the tax cuts are “tilted to the wealthiest households.”

The Congressional Budget Office “finds that the new law’s program cuts and tax cuts will make households with incomes in the bottom 20 percent of the income scale worse off: they will lose more from the cuts in health coverage, food assistance, and other programs than they will gain in tax cuts,” the  CBPP reported in February.

For the bottom 10% by income, average annual incomes will fall by $1,200 — 3.1% — the CBPP reported, citing the CBO. Meanwhile, the top 10% will see their annual incomes rise $13,600 on average.

HR 1’s advocates said the healthcare spending reductions would only address waste, fraud and abuse.

Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wisconsin) said during a virtual press conference in June that the changes — such as new work-reporting requirements for some Medicaid participants — would impose administrative burdens and red tape that will block people who are qualified to receive benefits.

“They’re trying to kick people who are fully eligible off the program,” Baldwin said. The press conference was organized by the advocacy groups Protect Our Care and Main Street Alliance.

Most of the Medicaid changes won’t take effect until 2027. Enrollment in the program has already been dropping, however. Federal data tracked by the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families show that in Wisconsin, more than 75,000 Medicaid recipients had left the program in the first five months of 2026.

Dr. Kristen Dall-Winther, a family physician in Birchwood, Wisconsin, also took part in the press conference with Baldwin.

“I see how access to affordable healthcare can make the difference between something that’s a manageable condition and a medical crisis. I also see the difficult choices patients are forced to make when healthcare becomes too expensive, which it generally, universally is now,” Dall-Winther said. “When funding is reduced, healthcare providers face greater financial strain, especially in rural areas where many of our facilities are already operating on razor-thin margins.”

David Crowley is no stranger to crowded political races. Before becoming Milwaukee’s first African American county executive in 2020, he had to emerge from a hotly contested primary that included Democratic Sen. Chris Larson (D-Madison), former state Sen. Jim Sullivan, Glendale Mayor Bryan Kennedy and then-county board chairman Theodore Lipscomb. Both Larson and Crowley advanced to the general election, which Crowley narrowly won. Over six years later, Crowley again finds himself in a Democratic primary, this time for the governor’s office, packed with experienced policymakers. 

Crowley’s opponents this time  include Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez, state Sen. Kelda Roys (D-Madison), state Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison), former Department of Administration chief Joel Brennan, and former Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes. In a straw poll at the Democratic Party convention in mid-June, Crowley placed fourth, with Rodriguez and Hong finishing first and second and Roys placing in third.

“Even though they’ve done great work in their respective roles, the one thing they’ve never done is actually run government,” Crowley said of the other Democratic candidates during an interview at Pilcrow Coffee in Milwaukee. “I’m the only executive in this race. And what’s also different for me is that I know what it means to be accountable and responsible for my actions and decisions, and how they’re going to affect the masses and the people that I represent.” Another key difference, he added, is that he’s got the  “receipts.”

Crowley highlighted how under his tenure, close to 1,000 units of affordable housing have been created across Milwaukee County. The past four years have also seen drug overdose deaths decrease by 40% with the expansion of harm reduction strategies. In 2023, the county also saw the largest property tax cut in its history, totalling $21 million. 

“What sets me apart is the fact that I’ve delivered for folks,” said Crowley. “And I continue to deliver for folks, and I’ve been able to do it in some of the most contentious times, if you will — especially with how partisan we are nowadays — as a lead Democrat representing the largest and most diverse community in the state of Wisconsin.”

In his first statewide race, Crowley said he wants to avoid labeling himself. “I’m a voting Democrat,” said Crowley. “I’m a Democrat that gets things done.” Crowley scoffs at ideological purity tests and the buzz about a rift among Democrats who identify as Socialists versus those who see themselves as moderates. “This is about how do you fight back against the Trump administration, but more importantly not just reacting, but how do we become more proactive when it comes down to Democratic policy that we need to push so we can actually win?”

Crowley is leaning on his  track record in his campaign. His platform is laid out in what he calls his  “Badger Basics Plan” which includes:

• Bringing universal childcare to Wisconsin, and working to cap childcare costs at 7% of household income 
• Establishing universal K-4 across Wisconsin, giving kids a better foundation of learning before entering the school system 
• Making sure that school districts have the funding, staff and resources that they need
• Expanding Badgercare as a public health option, and increasing reimbursements 
• Repealing Act 10 and restoring the collective bargaining rights for workers 
• Implementing restrictions on data centers and Artificial Intelligence (AI), while making sure AI enhances productivity rather than replacing job opportunities 
• Supporting programs for vulnerable people, especially the victims of domestic violence

When he’s not busy with his full-time day job running the county, he has been campaigning all over the state. “We have been everywhere,” he said. “I think we’ve done 40-plus forums around the state already, whether we are in southeastern Wisconsin, or Taylor County, or in Brown County, or in Marinette County, or Wausau, La Crosse. We’re traveling everywhere not only to spread the message, but more importantly to listen.” When he was a young organizer, Crowley likes to say, he learned that “if you don’t have a seat on the table, you’re on the menu.” 

Confronting questions about race

In his travels, Crowley said, he believes he can overcome negative racial perceptions some voters have about him and  the county he represents. “It’s not a real concern for me,” he said of the history-making task of becoming Wisconsin’s first Black governor. “They already trust me to deliver because I’ve been doing it as a county executive and I’ve done it as a state representative.” 

In fact, Crowley feels that the question of race comes up mostly in the state’s more diverse communities. “We have been conditioned, because we have been listening to the Republican talking points for so long, to where we have internalized it more and we use it as a reason as to why we can’t get certain things done,” he said of all the conversation about Wisconsin’s racial divide. “And honestly, I think it stops us from getting comfortable with being uncomfortable. Building those relationships, going outside of our geographic comfort zone to talk about the things that we have done here, in one of the largest urban centers in the entire country, and how we can bring those best practices to communities across the state. What’s good for Milwaukee is good for every single town, village, and city in the state of Wisconsin.” 

Crowley points out that Wisconsin elected Tammy Baldwin, its first openly LGBTQ U.S. Senator. Wisconsin voters also elected “a skinny kid with a funny name by the name of Barack Obama,” he said. “We have been put into a box. It’s our job to think outside that box. It’s our job to shatter that glass ceiling and focus on how we’re going to deliver. Because people don’t care where you’re from. People don’t care what you look like. People don’t care who you love. They care about whether or not you’re going to care for them, and deliver real results moving forward.” 

The fact that he performed well in his election to his current post in suburban areas built up Crowley’s confidence. “I know they’ll vote for me, because they voted for me twice already,” he said. “That’s the type of experience that we need to not only stand up to Donald Trump, but that’s going to be proactive and be on the offense to deliver for the 6 million people that call Wisconsin home.”

Going around the state, Crowley has met people who want their voices heard on important issues from childcare and healthcare to lowering utility costs and making housing more affordable. He said he’s learned that even in a divided state like Wisconsin, people agree on more than they realize. “I think that in this particular political climate, as things become more polarized, no matter if you’re the far left or the far right, I think we can all agree that government isn’t working,” he said.  “And right now, we need to make sure that we are electing individuals who are not just going to fight back against policies that are going to leave families behind, but how are we going to be proactive in making sure that we’re pushing policies to make sure that when the tides rise, all of us rise.”

Data centers

One of the hottest issues in local communities around the state is the rise of giant data centers, proposed in communities across Wisconsin, and needed to feed the energy demand of a rapidly expanding artificial intelligence infrastructure. By 2023, a United Nations report found, global data centers will require the same amount of water annually as the 1.3 billion people who live in Sub-Saharan Africa, and require enough electricity to equal the annual needs of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nigeria combined. Communities in Wisconsin have been pushing back on data centers due to concerns about increased utility costs, environmental fallout and the trajectory of AI. 

Crowley said “it’s asinine” that the Legislature ended its recent session without doing anything to regulate data centers. 

Crowley, who is not opposed to data centers, said it’s crucial that the state develop a “framework” to protect natural resources and the people of Wisconsin.

Earlier this year, the Wisconsin Public Service Commission approved an energy rate, requiring data centers to pay 100% of their own energy costs. Data centers should also have to pay 100% of the cost of the energy grid upgrades they require, Crowley said, as well as any infrastructure upgrades. He also wants to tie their development to investments in renewable energy. “I want to see more energy opportunity that doesn’t cost us any money,” he said. “Wind doesn’t cost us. Sunlight doesn’t cost us.” If Wisconsin invests in renewables, “moving forward it won’t be a huge drain on resources for ratepayers, or for these utility companies.” 

Crowley also said that as governor he would require data centers to use union labor, project labor agreements and community benefit agreements. He added he wants to explore  how data centers could be leveraged to benefit public schools, communities and already existing industry.

As the leader of a county that has experienced the rise and fall of heavy industry, he said he thinks about  how to plan ahead 50-100 years with data centers, to prevent them becoming empty shells, like abandoned Rust Belt factories, in the communities where they are built. He also feels that moving forward, Wisconsin needs to be “intentional” when it comes to giving out tax exemptions and tax credits for data centers, which have already been given $2 billion in tax exemptions. Crowley said that it’s not just the surge of up-front jobs which build the data center to consider, but also the smaller number of long-term jobs on the back-end. Protections need to be put in place to make sure communities are getting ahead, Crowley said. 

Education and school choice

Crowley describes himself as a strong advocate for  public schools. He, his wife, and his three daughters are all public school graduates But, he said, he also doesn’t believe in eliminating Wisconsin’s entire private school choice system outright. Half of the kids enrolled in school in Milwaukee go to public school while the other half go to private or charter schools. If charter schools were eliminated, that would create a strain on an already stressed public school system, Crowley said. He said he believes in accountability for choice schools and recognition that public schools have a greater responsibility and level of accountability, since they are required by law to serve every child who comes in the door. 

Working across the aisle

Crowley is optimistic that, as a Democratic governor, he can work with Republicans in the Legislature, especially since, he says, new voting maps will help depolarize the state. He believes that the old maps forced people into separate corners. “We have to focus on partnerships and collaboration if we want our state to move forward,” said Crowley. He also feels that Democrats need to be prepared to play offense and be proactive. He said voters will need to be patient with a Democratic governor as the party adjusts to its new identity after this year’s elections. With the new voting maps, Democrats have an opportunity to gain a majority in the Legislature as well as the governor’s office for the first time in almost 30 years. 

“We have a lot to prove as Democrats,” Crowley said. “We have a lot to prove as leaders of our community, to show that we can govern, we can win elections moving forward, and we can plan for the long term.”

Editor’s note: The Examiner is running periodic profiles of the contenders in the Aug. 11, 2026 gubernatorial primary as well as the candidates in the general election Nov. 3. 

State Sen. Kelda Roys (D-Madison) wants voters to know that she has plans and bills.

In Wisconsin’s six-way Democratic contest for the gubernatorial nomination on August 11, Roys says, “It’s a big differentiator in this primary that I have by far the most experience in and around state government.” 

“And I don’t just have bullet points that some consultant generated for me,” she adds.

Roys is taking her second shot at running for governor. She came third in the 2018 Democratic primary behind Gov. Tony Evers and Mahlon Mitchell, president of the Professional Fire Fighters of Wisconsin, with a campaign centered on abortion rights and an online ad that went viral in which she breastfed one of her children. This year she again faces a crowded primary field.

The five other candidates who will be on voters’ ballots are Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez, former Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, state Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison), Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, and former head of Gov. Tony Evers’ Department of Administration Joel Brennan. Missy Huges, former head of the Wisconsin Economic Development Corp., dropped out Monday.

Roys is betting that the political experience she has gained since her last run can help her break through with primary voters. 

In a March Marquette Law School poll, 18% of Wisconsin voters said they recognized her name and 1% of Wisconsin Democratic primary voters said they would vote for her, putting her behind five other candidates and tied with Hughes.

Roys doesn’t put much stock into those results. 

“Polls are a reflection of who has spent money and the vast majority of people are not paying attention and will not start paying attention, much to my chagrin…until much later in the summer,” Roys said. In her December campaign finance report, Roys reported raising more than $355,000. The next reports aren’t due until July. “It’s important to be able to have the resources to reach voters and communicate with them when and where they pay attention,” she said.

Roys thinks Democratic voters will ultimately prioritize governing experience and detailed policy proposals in a crowded field and will go her way when they learn about her. 

Roys came in third in a straw poll conducted by WisPolitics at the Democratic Party of Wisconsin convention — behind Rodriguez and Hong. Breaking into the top three was a marked improvement compared to her standing in previous polls.

Last week, Roys sought to build on the momentum, investing $500,000 in a statewide ad buy to try to swing voters her way. 

In the ad, Roys pulls two of her children along with her on a bike ride through Madison, laying out her experience and talking about her plans for the state.

“For 25 years, I’ve worked to make Wisconsin better for my kids and yours. As a state senator, attorney and small business owner, I’ve delivered for Wisconsin,” Roys says in the ad. “As governor, I’ll protect our democracy from Donald Trump’s regime, lower costs and open the state healthcare plan so anyone can buyin and fully fund our schools. Let’s ride.” 

Roys, an attorney who also runs an online real-estate brokerage platform and who previously served as the executive director of NARAL Pro-Choice Wisconsin, often highlights her experience outside government as part of her pitch to voters.

According to a press release, her ad will target Democratic primary voters across the state “based on robust polling and research identifying Roys’ target voters.” She is the second candidate to make a statewide ad buy after Brennan. 

Roys, who first was elected to the Senate in 2020 and serves on the Joint Finance Committee, currently represents one of the bluest districts in the state. It includes downtown Madison, the UW–Madison campus and the near-west and east sides of the city. 

During the 2025–26 legislative session, Roys authored 177 proposals. Those policy ideas have become the platform of her campaign. 

Since joining the budget-writing Joint Finance Committee in 2023, Roys has been deeply involved in state budget debates, though her ability to advance legislation was limited in the Republican-controlled Legislature.

Schools are the “defining fight” 

Roys told the Examiner in an interview in April that school funding would be the “defining fight of the next budget.” 

She highlighted the legislative record of U.S. Rep Tom Tiffany, the Republican candidate who is running for governor with President Donald Trump’s endorsement. When he was first elected to the Wisconsin Legislature, she said, “He attacked public education and put in the most devastating cuts in the history of the state to public schools. Our kids have never recovered from that.” 

Roys says that the state’s projected $2.5 billion budget surplus is money that has been “stolen” from public schools and their students. She, along with other Senate Democrats, voted against a $1.8 billion tax-cut and school-funding deal negotiated by Evers and Republican leaders that would have provided $300 million for special education, $300 rebate checks to taxpayers and property tax relief. She said sending out checks to people would be like setting the surplus on fire. 

“This is a last-ditch, desperate attempt by Republicans to try to hold on to their dying power,” Roys said. “I can’t imagine why a Democratic governor would want to go along with that.” 

Roys told the Examiner that “our kids getting shortchanged again” is the thing that would make her veto a state budget and that she wants the entire surplus put back into the public school system. She often ties her focus on education to her upbringing in rural Taylor County, where she grew up in a remodeled one-room schoolhouse and attended the local public school.

“It was never contemplated that we wouldn’t be going to public school. We got a great education,” Roys said.  Attending one of her child’s parent-teacher conferences recently she said she was struck that “what my kids are getting is just not close to what I had: the class sizes, the learning opportunities. They’ve got one-to-one Chromebooks, but they have art once a week for a third of the year, music is once a week, gym is once a week. It’s not good.” 

Her positions on education won her the endorsement of the Wisconsin Education Association Council (WEAC) in April. She called it the “most important endorsement that’s going to happen in this Democratic primary.” 

“They have the most reach. They have the most resources. They have the moral authority, representing 70,000 educators and public school support professionals across the state of Wisconsin. And people in this state love their public schools,” Roys said, adding that she “earned it because of my policy positions, because of my plans for public education, and because I think they recognized that this election is in some ways existential for our public schools.”

Roys, with one of her five children sitting on her lap, answered questions and discussed prominent issues with a group of teachers at a bar in Muskellounge and Sporting Club in Madison on April 24.

Molly Grupe, a member of WEAC, said she was thrilled the WEAC board took action on the endorsement, saying that waiting too long can blunt the impact and now they can start organizing educators to get out the vote. 

“So smart. So quick. So prepared. I mean, she just knows what she’s talking about,” Grupe said. “I just think Kelda is really poised to exercise power as a strong woman and a Democrat. We’ve never had a woman governor in the state, which is crazy.” 

Kelly Peggy Sullivan, the vice president of the Monona Grove Education Association who helped organize educators for the Friday event, said she was happy to bring people out to learn more about Roys’ campaign. 

Sullivan said “funding cuts and voucher schools and de-professionalizing parts of our profession” has had an impact on schools, and that there needs to be a candidate who’s going to prioritize public education and make schools stronger for children.

“It’s very clear that she has some of the best understanding of what we’re dealing with on a day to day basis, and what we’ve kind of struggled with over the last 15 years with the Republicans in control,” Sullivan said.

Roys has said she wants to bring the state’s voucher program to a “responsible” end. She has said she has a three-step plan.

“I’m not calling for immediate elimination but we are spending nearly $700 million each year on unaccountable, discriminatory, non-transparent voucher programs that the evidence shows on balance perform no better than public schools.” Roys said.

The plan includes implementing additional accountability, transparency and nondiscrimination requirements for any private or charter school that receives public funds; no longer covering the costs for students enrolled in the Wisconsin Parental Choice Program; and then slowly ending the Milwaukee and Racine Parental Choice Programs over the span of about 20 years.

Roys said that under her plan students currently participating in the Milwaukee and Racine Parental Choice Programs and their siblings would be able to complete their education in the program, but additional students would not be able to enroll. 

“These are kids who have already faced some significant challenges and it would be highly disruptive to just make them change schools…We know that having a stable school environment is important for them,” Roys said. “Over time, as these kids… graduate, you are gradually reducing the number of kids who are enrolling in voucher programs. At the same time, you’re increasing the capacity and the quality of the public schools, so that more and more Milwaukee parents will feel excited about their kids attending the public schools in their district.”

Roys added that any voucher school would have the option to convert to a public instrumentality charter school if they wanted to continue to receive public funds even as the voucher program ended.

Childcare, healthcare and taxation  

Roys said understanding how state government is structured and funded is essential to advancing priorities including expanding healthcare and childcare access and reducing costs for families.

“We live in kind of a garbage political culture that values reality TV, aesthetics over competence and substantive knowledge, but I actually think that’s pretty bad for a governor,” Roys said.

Roys also served in the state Assembly, the last time Democrats held a trifecta in Wisconsin. Her legislative experience is shaping her plans for how she would approach the job as Wisconsin’s top executive, especially as Democrats are seeking to flip the Assembly and Senate this year.

Roys supports providing universal access to early childhood education by ensuring that no family pays more than 7% of their income for childcare. She says that can be done by expanding the Wisconsin Shares program to bring in more federal money and legalizing and taxing cannabis. She said the working title for her program is “get baked for babies.”

To help Wisconsinites struggling with high costs, Roys has said she wants to increase the minimum wage. She has co-authored legislation that would place the minimum wage, currently $7.25 an hour, at $15 an hour with a path to make it $20 by 2030. Another of Roys’ proposals, which she is hoping differentiates her from other candidates focused on expanding Medicaid and a public option, is opening up the state employee health insurance plan to allow private citizens and businesses to buy into coverage. She’s calling it “KeldaCare.”

Roys began circulating a cosponsorship memo for the idea in bill form as SB 1096 on Feb. 12. She announced the campaign platform the same day.  A Legislative Fiscal Bureau memo on the bill warns that the plan could reduce the state’s “bargaining leverage” with health insurance companies and could “increase administrative complexity and increase premium volatility.” 

Roys has said she would “restore” the top tax rate as governor so the state’s wealthiest pay more. In 2013, Wisconsin’s highest individual income tax rate was 7.75% before being reduced to 7.65% under Republican lawmakers.

“It’s not fair for working people and retirees and the middle class and young people just starting out to have to pay our fair share of taxes and the wealthiest among us don’t. It’s not fair for small businesses to bear the brunt of providing public services,” Roys said. “Meanwhile big multinational corporations, not only do they not pay their fair share… oftentimes, we’re shoveling money at them. We’re giving them huge tax credits.” 

Roys says she is the “proven fighter” people want 

While Roys has positioned herself as a sharp critic of Republicans and the Trump administration, she said she would still work with lawmakers across the aisle as governor.

“I understand that as governor — this is no kings. So this is going to be an open discussion that I am going to have as we craft the budget together with public input and public oversight, and in conjunction with the Legislature who are governing partners,” Roys said. 

Roys noted in an interview that she hasn’t always agreed with people in her own party. “I believe that my job is to do what I think is right to the best of my ability after listening to the people whom I represent, which I always consider to be the entire state of Wisconsin.” She ran for the U.S. House of Representatives in 2012, losing to now-U.S. Rep. Mark Pocan, and took a shot at becoming the Senate minority leader in 2023, losing to now-Senate Minority Leader Dianne Hesselbein (D-Middleton).

Roys has sought to position herself as the firebrand candidate who will be able to take on the Trump administration. If she makes it through the primary, she’ll need to win in a purple state where statewide elections are often decided by a razor-thin margin of about 20,000 votes, including when Trump won the state in 2024. 

Roys told the Examiner that her strong positions will help her in Wisconsin, not hurt. 

“The most important thing right now is that we are in a really scary and pivotal moment for this country,” Roys said. During the campaign, Roys has confronted Tiffany’s support of Trump, including at one of his press conferences outside the state Capitol that she filmed and made into a campaign ad. 

“People want a proven fighter. Someone new or inexperienced and a mealy-mouthed moderate is not going to cut it in this moment… If we have someone that isn’t capable of being aggressive and making Tom Tiffany accountable for his horrible record of hurting Wisconsinites… we’re not gonna win.”

Editor’s note: The Examiner is running periodic profiles of the contenders in the Aug. 11, 2026 gubernatorial primary as well as the candidates in the general election Nov. 3. 

Dinga said he has found friendship, love and community in central Wisconsin, even as he continues to wrestle with what it means to truly belong.

The post Cameroonian immigrant reflects on race, belonging and Wisconsin in new memoir appeared first on WPR.

Delegates at the Democratic Party of Wisconsin convention over the weekend expressed optimism about winning trifecta control of state government in November even as many activists remained undecided in the party’s seven-way gubernatorial primary.

William Garcia, the chair for the 3rd Congressional District, has not made up his mind who he will support, though he said that it’s “becoming more realistic that we’re going to gain all three of those” branches of government, “and be able to really transform Wisconsin government in a way that helps Wisconsin working people.”

“It’s hard. It’s a difficult, difficult decision, and most people I talk to here have not made up their mind yet,” Garcia said of the convention.

Evers says Tiffany would leave Wisconsin in bad shape

On the first day of the convention current elected officials  weighed in on what Democrats need to do to win this year. Party members also expressed gratitude to outgoing Gov. Tony Evers, who opted not to seek a third term, creating Wisconsin’s first open gubernatorial race since 2010.

A tribute video recapped Evers’ two terms in office starting with his first election in 2018 when he defeated former Republican Gov. Scott Walker, his leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic, his support for LGBTQ+ Wisconsinites, the adoption of new voting maps, ending a Republican gerrymander in 2024 and his support for abortion rights following the overturning of Roe v. Wade.

“You’ve probably heard of a guy named Tom Tiffany,” Evers said to booing from delegates, referring to the Republican U.S. representative running for governor. “Maybe you haven’t. We can’t all be the most popular elected official in the state,” he said, a nod to his positive numbers in  statewide polling from Marquette Law School.

“Talk about someone who will give you the willies,” Evers said of Tiffany. He warned that Wisconsin “will end up even worse than this position and where we were when I took office eight years ago” if Tiffany wins in November. 

Evers said Tiffany has spent his time in Congress “saying, ‘no’ to Wisconsin, and ‘yes’ to Donald Trump.” He listed Tiffany’s votes to cut Medicaid, to allow Affordable Care Act tax credits to expire, against the CHIPS and Science Act, which funneled federal money to Wisconsin, and in opposition to the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. 

In the weeks leading up to the convention, Democratic divisions were on display as lawmakers and Evers publicly clashed over their differences on a tax cut and school funding deal negotiated by Evers and Republican leaders, which legislative Democrats helped defeat. Evers said he was sure Senate Minority Leader Dianne Hesselbein (D-Middleton) had “people wrapped around her finger by giving them jobs that they want” and that there wouldn’t be another vote on the deal if she was against it. Those divisions were on ice during the convention, as Evers said Democrats need to come together to win in November.

“All of this is on the line if Tom Tiffany makes it to the East Wing. We cannot let this happen,” Evers said. “I know how to win, so take it from me. Our Democratic candidate for governor will need every single one of us when they win the primary, and immediately from day one, we’ll not have time for anyone to be sitting on the sidelines.”

Dems ‘might even flip more’ Senate seats 

Throughout the convention, Democrats expressed optimism about winning majorities in the Senate and Assembly for the first time in 15 years.

In the Senate, Democrats currently hold 15 of the 33 Senate Districts. They need to hold their current districts and flip two additional districts to win a majority.

Hesselbein said on Saturday evening that Democrats’ path to a majority will come via flipping four districts: Senate District 5, an open district currently represented by retiring Sen. Rob Hutton (R-Brookfield), Senate District 17, currently represented by incumbent Sen. Howard Marklein (R-Spring Green), Senate District 21, an open district currently represented by Sen. Van Wanggaard (R-Racine), and Senate District 25, an open district currently represented by Sen. Romaine Quinn, who plans to run in a different district this year.

“Who knows with all this nonsense we see from Trump and the chaos, mass confusion coming out of D.C., we might even flip more,” Hesselbein said. 

Trevor Jung, who most recently worked as the transit director for the city of Racine, is seeking to flip the 21st Senate District. He told the Examiner that he felt an optimism among Democrats at the convention that bodes well for “a lot of hard work, knocking on doors, talking to voters, and winning in November” and is sure Democrats are united. 

“Regardless of what’s happening in the halls of the Capitol, you saw here [Saturday], you know, everybody standing on their feet for a governor who has done an excellent job for the people of Wisconsin,” Jung said. “I think what people are thinking about is in less than six months we’re going to have a completely different state government with a different governor, different leadership, and that’s when we’re going to be able to really solve a lot of these problems.”

Since Jung entered the race, Wanggaard, the district’s longtime Republican incumbent, announced he would not run again. Republican businessman Jim Croft is also running for the seat.

“We are making the cost of living and the economy the No. 1 issue in this election,” Jung said.

Assembly Minority Leader Greta Neubauer (D-Racine) joined the convention Saturday evening via a video message with her daughter, Ingrid, who was born a week ago. 

“It is time for new leadership. In Wisconsin, leadership should put the people first. This is the moment that we have worked tirelessly for, and we finally have an opportunity to win a Democratic trifecta in November,” Neubauer said. “It is going to take all of us to get this done between now and November. We have to help people imagine a different future for our state. People need to know that we can build a Wisconsin where they are not one medical emergency away from going broke, where their kids can thrive at their public school and where we can all raise a family when we win.” 

Democrats in the Assembly need to capture an additional five seats to flip the body.

Garcia said the state’s new legislative maps are helping Democrats’ chances of winning in the Legislature, especially in the Assembly.

“The Assembly races look so much different because Republican resources are stretched so thin,” Garcia said. “Because now that we’ve got these fair maps, now that they have to spend money on every race, you can tell that they’re making decisions like, we’re not going to spend money on this race.”

Gubernatorial candidates work to win over support 

The top of the ticket is still unsettled with the primary fast approaching in August. Democratic Party of Wisconsin Chair Devin Remiker put a positive spin on the crowded field, saying  Democrats’ general election nominee “will have earned it.”

“They will have worked hard. They will not just have had a Truth Social tweet that went from Donald Trump that anointed the nominee like on the Republican side with Tom Tiffany,” Remiker said in his speech Saturday. “This is really what a healthy party looks like. This is what a party with new ideas, energy and leadership looks like.” 

“We have 143 days,” Remiker added. “All gas, no brakes.” 

In March, a Marquette Law School poll found that 65% of Democratic primary voters were undecided. At the convention, Democratic hopefuls were focused on trying to win over party activists

The seven Democrats who will appear on the primary ballot include former Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, state Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison), Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez, Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, former Wisconsin Economic Development Corp. CEO Missy Hughes, former head of Gov. Tony Evers’ Department of Administration Joel Brennan and state Sen. Kelda Roys. 

On Saturday evening, delegates had the opportunity to meet candidates in their themed hospitality suites, including “Kelda’s Classroom” and “The Mandela Effect”, a remake of a Wisconsin dive bar and Crowley’s “Disco Night with David.” Hong’s hospitality room had the lights turned low, music playing and the Knicks vs. Spurs game playing on a wall.

Each candidate had about five minutes on Sunday afternoon to pitch themselves to party activists. Many criticized Tiffany and Trump as they outlined their visions for the state.

Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez called herself the “proven winner” who can beat Tiffany, saying he is “afraid of fired-up Democrats ready to win this November.” She said that now is the time to stand up to “MAGA extremists like Tom Tiffany, who does whatever Trump tells him to do, rubber-stamping tax breaks for billionaires.”

“Since I’ve been your lieutenant governor, I’ve done what any nurse would do: Show up, listen, care, be there where it counts and stay until the job is done,” Rodriguez said. 

Brennan started by acknowledging “what’s happening in our country.” 

“We have a president who blows up the economy on a whim. It is relentless. It is intended to make us feel overwhelmed, like there’s nothing we can do,” Brennan said. “But here’s what I know about Wisconsin Democrats. We don’t quit. We’ve seen this before in Wisconsin.”

Brennan mentioned former Gov. Walker, saying he “gutted the public sector” and “hollowed out schools.” He emphasized the work he did with Evers as the head of the Department of Administration to rebuild the state after eight years of a Republican trifecta.

“We are not going back. For the first time in the generation, it stops,” Brennan said. “The Democrats can stop playing defense and go on the offensive.”

Crowley didn’t mention Trump until the end of his allotted time, starting instead with his “Badger Basics” policy pitch, which centers on “affordability,” “care” and “pursuing opportunity.” He proposed cutting the “minimum markup” law on gas to help lower prices. He also described  his background growing up in a low-income family in Milwaukee. 

“I learned that when systems fail, it’s families who pay the price,” Crowley said. “I’m tired of politicians who spend all their time talking about problems and none of their time solving, and here’s the reality: winning elections matter y’all, because none of these ideas actually become reality unless Democrats win this upcoming November.” 

Crowley added that bad poll numbers for Trump do not mean a Democrat will automatically win the governor’s office in November. He said the state needs a nominee who will “build a coalition that reaches every corner of the state of Wisconsin” and addressed head-on the question of his race as an African American candidate in a largely white state. 

Wisconsin has never elected a Black governor. 

“As I travel, people always ask me, ‘David, can a Black candidate become governor?’” he said. 

Someone in the audience shouted out: “Hell yeah!” 

“If it’s a candidate that has a plan that’s built on proven public policy, not whatever the latest poll says is popular,” Crowley continued. “Then, yes, the answer is simple, y’all.” 

Cindy George, chair of the Trempealeau County Democrats, told the Examiner Saturday before the speeches that she made her decision about supporting Crowley in the primary after hearing from each candidate in person at their county party meetings. 

“That’s how I really get my vibe about people, is just to meet them in person, because you don’t really get their true nature looking at a website or looking at a piece of paper,” George said. “He really had that good, well-rounded experience.” She added that “he wants to work across the table, and that’s the only one I’ve really heard say that.” 

“That’s not why I solely picked him, but I love that aspect because I think we need to get back to that. That’s one thing that’s been lost with the Trump agenda,” George said. “It’s my way or the highway with them.”

Barnes highlighted his background as an organizer and his childhood in Milwaukee before moving to the national moment. He said he’s running for governor to do things the “Wisconsin Way” by taxing the rich, freezing utility rates, funding public schools, passing universal child care, and providing healthcare access to Wisconsinites. 

“I know firsthand that we’re living in a rigged system. Everybody in this room knows that we’re living in a rigged system, and we see the rich become richer and richer… Donald Trump is the most corrupt president in the history of our country and Wisconsin continues to pay the price,” Barnes said. “From day one of this campaign, my focus has been taking the fight directly to Donald Trump’s hand-picked rubber stamp Tom Tiffany.” Barnes added that Tiffany is “corrupt.”

Roys took note of the national political moment before telling the audience that she has bills and plans, including opening up the state’s health insurance plan and investing the state budget surplus in schools, to help make Wisconsin a “beacon of progress” again. She also touted an endorsement from former Lt. Gov. Barbara Lawton and from the Wisconsin Education Association Council (WEAC), the state’s largest teachers union.

“This is a terrifying moment. Our democracy is under existential threat. Our economy… is controlled by the wealthiest, most powerful corporations in the world,” Roys said. “We have the power to change that.”

Alexander McDonough, a 20-year-old delegate from Vernon County who supports Hong and attended with his grandmother Christine McDonough, told the Examiner that Roys’ speech stood out to him, but not for positive reasons. 

“I’m just so used to, like, fear-mongering, and like, this giant gloomy shadow above head, and it was just kind of like, I don’t know, I’m completely null to it at this point,” McDonough said.

McDonough said Hong’s “politics of hope” appears powerful to him.

“So many young people, such as myself, are totally apathetic to any sort of politics or community engagement, and to have that candidate I can funnel that hope and just instill that vision of the future is so valuable,” McDonough said.

Hong, a Democratic socialist, sought to draw a parallel between her candidacy and Wisconsin legacies including Vel Phillips, the first woman elected to statewide office, Fighting Bob La Follette, a leader of the national progressive movement from Wisconsin, and environmentalist Gaylord Nelson, the founder of Earth Day.

“People before us, who imagined a better world and fought like hell to realize it, these folks were called unreasonable, impractical, and unelectable,” Hong said. “Today, they are considered visionaries because possibility is found only by our ambition.

Hong declared her support for a moratorium on data center construction and for universal child care and paid family leave. 

“I am the only candidate in this race who takes income and power inequality seriously,” Hong said. “When we acknowledge that [people] are getting screwed over, but that a better world is possible, they show up. We talk a whole lot of games about opposing Trump. That’s not enough to win a trifecta,” Hong said. “If we don’t build the power and organize the people required to deliver a better Wisconsin, if we don’t give people something that they can believe in, we’ll go back to fighting for survival every single election.”

Striking a different tone, Hughes spoke about her background working for Organic Valley, a farmer-owned cooperative and the Wisconsin Economic Development Corporation, and also told delegates that Wisconsin needs to fund public schools, build housing and create a healthcare system that works for everyone.

“We have work to do. Every bit of that work, will take resources, and we have to think about where those resources are going to come from,” Hughes said, adding that Wisconsinites “will trust us to deliver economic justice, but they know that in order to have economic justice, you have to have economic growth, and we have to deliver a candidate to them who has a proven record of results of building economic growth.”

At a forum hosted by the Madison West High School civics club, former Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes told students that he would be the strongest Democratic candidate for governor because of his previous statewide experience.

“This will be an incredibly competitive race. It already is. The general election is going to show up fast and furious,” Barnes said in April. “I am the only person who has ever competed at that level.”

Barnes was referring to his 2022 U.S. Senate race, which he lost to Sen. Ron Johnson by about one percentage point. Barnes is now seeking Wisconsin’s top executive office and arguing that nearly winning that Senate seat combined with his statewide experience has uniquely prepared him to take on U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, Republican candidate for governor endorsed by President Donald Trump.

Barnes entered the race in December and he’ll need to get through a crowded Democratic primary to make it onto the November ballot. It’s unlikely the rest of the Democratic candidates will drop out to clear the field for him as they did in the 2022 Senate race. Other Democratic candidates on the ballot include state Rep. Francesca Hong (D-Madison), Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez, Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, former Wisconsin Economic Development Corp. CEO Missy Hughes, former head of Gov. Tony Evers’ Department of Administration Joel Brennan and State Sen. Kelda Roys.

Putting in the work

Barnes, 39, grew up in Milwaukee the child of a public school teacher and an auto worker who was a member of United Auto Workers (UAW) union and worked third shift for decades. He first ran for office at 25, winning a seat in the state Assembly. He served two terms in the Legislature before launching a failed campaign for the state Senate.

“I felt that there weren’t enough people who understood what it meant to be born in our state’s poorest and nation’s most incarcerated ZIP code,” Barnes said of his motivation for seeking political office. He came back in 2018 to run for lieutenant governor, winning a spot on the ticket with Gov. Tony Evers in 2018. He served as the state’s first Black lieutenant governor before he challenged incumbent U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson.

Barnes, an avid runner and biker, told the Examiner in an interview that politics is an “endurance sport” and that “sometimes you face setbacks” — adding that he faced setbacks every day in the Assembly and views his loss to Johnson as another setback. There is too much on the line, however, to give up and stop working toward his goals, he said.

“In order for us to truly make Wisconsin the place that it can and should be — not just to catch up to our Midwest neighbors, but to lead this entire country in terms of progress — I have put in that work. I have put in that fight, and there’s nobody who’s put in their work in the advocacy space,” more than he has, Barnes said. “I see becoming governor as the best opportunity to continue that focus, to continue that work.”

Barnes has made it his campaign motto that he will do things the “Wisconsin Way” instead of the “Washington Way.” He criticizes Trump and his ally Tiffany as being “out of control.” 

The Barnes campaign is focused on the rising cost of living for Wisconsin families. 

“There is an affordability crisis that affects almost every household in this state, whether it’s healthcare, whether it’s groceries, whether it’s energy bills, or whether it’s housing, and it feels like there’s no sign of things letting up,” Barnes said. He added that voters are looking for leaders who understand those pressures firsthand.

Barnes spoke with the Examiner about two weeks after the failure of a bill negotiated by Wisconsin’s soon-to-retire Democratic governor and Republican legislative leaders who are also about to leave office that would have spent down the state’s $2.5 billion projected budget surplus to provide tax cuts to Wisconsinites and additional special education funding to schools. He expressed opposition to the deal, which most legislative Democrats along with a handful of Republicans rejected. He said policymakers need to “be more deliberate about negotiating big tasks.” 

An organizer’s mindset

Over the last three years, Barnes has led Power to the Polls Wisconsin, a grassroots voting rights organization dedicated to mobilizing voters, combating voter suppression and advocating for underserved communities of color and working-class families. He also founded Forward Together Wisconsin, a clean energy nonprofit. He brings an organizing mindset to the legislative process.

“People shouldn’t feel like they’re rushed to get legislation passed… I think that there should be more public hearings,” he said, adding, “There’s not a whole lot of public input.”

Barnes said the projected surplus “didn’t just come out of nowhere; it’s because Republicans have withheld investments in our future.” He, like the Democrats who are hoping to win control of at least one chamber of the Legislature in the fall, would like the opportunity to reverse years of Republican budget policy without facing a looming budget deficit, which analysts predicted would result from the tax-cut and school funding deal. 

“The answer to most of our problems is simple,” Barnes said. “It’s just a tax on billionaires, tax the wealthiest, tax large corporations that have every tax advantage at their disposal.” 

“Ultimately, if a state like Wisconsin is a place that fully funds our schools, puts more support into higher education, tech schools, and university system, invests in public transportation,” he added, “that’s how you make the state a much more attractive place.”

Closing tax loopholes

Barnes said he would focus on closing tax loopholes that allow large corporations and wealthy individuals to reduce their tax burden. One example is Wisconsin’s manufacturing and agriculture tax credit, which provides a credit of 7.5% on income from eligible qualified production activities — reducing the effective corporate tax rate on qualifying income from 7.9% to about 0.4%.

Barnes wants to change it so “it benefits our family farmers, not these factory farms, corporate farms” and the “primary benefit also goes to Wisconsin very small businesses versus out-of-state corporations.”

He said he would not seek to raise income taxes on families making $400,000 or less, but those making more should pay more. He didn’t offer specifics, but said that the income tax brackets could change, mentioning Minnesota as an example. Wisconsin’s neighbor’s top income tax rate is currently 9.85%, while Wisconsin’s is 7.65%.

“I’m not saying we’re taxing people into poverty, right? That’s not the case. We’re not taxing people out of the state,” Barnes said. “We’re just looking for a little bit of parity.”

Barnes said that Wisconsin “shouldn’t be left behind anymore.”

Barnes has said he supports increasing state funding so it covers two-thirds of public school costs and has called for repealing Act 10 to restore collective bargaining rights for public employees, including teachers. He also backs increased investment in the University of Wisconsin system and technical colleges, though he has not outlined a specific number. 

Barnes, if elected, will need to win support in the Legislature to advance his agenda. He said he is optimistic about Democrats’ chances of winning the majority, but he would be open to negotiating with anyone should he win office.

“I’m willing to play ball,” Barnes said, though that negotiation commitment would not extend to one of his top promises — Medicaid expansion. He has promised to veto any budget that doesn’t include it, even as candidates have argued over whether an expansion would be the best way to address costs in light of federal changes made by the Trump administration. 

Barnes said an ultimatum would not inhibit his ability to negotiate with lawmakers because the issue shouldn’t be partisan. 

“It is a politicized issue,” Barnes said, noting that Republican-led states including Louisiana have taken the expansion. 

Republican lawmakers who hold the majority in the Legislature, have refused to expand Medicaid since 2010. Barnes said during the student forum that he finds it “very hard” to find common ground with Republicans because the party has become “essentially the Republican party of one person” and he doesn’t want to find himself “in a place where I am validating bad behavior.”

Making a comeback

Barnes argues that his gubernatorial candidacy has the support he needs to win, although there was some public skepticism even before he entered the race. He was the subject of a New York Times article comparing his loss to Johnson in 2022 to former Vice President Kamala Harris’ loss in 2024. The Milwaukee Courier, a prominent Black-owned newspaper, urged him in an opinion piece not to enter the race. 

Barnes said of the criticism that people have “gotta have something to write about.” Asked whether he needed to build back trust with Wisconsin Democrats ahead of running statewide again, he said he didn’t think it was about that. 

“People know how much money was spent against me. People know that I was the most targeted Democrat in the entire country, the target of the largest anti-Democratic candidate super PAC in the country. People know what I was up against and the relationships I built over the course of that race. People know that I was counted out from the very beginning,” Barnes said. “People know how Republican billionaires are willing to spend big, and this is a moment for us to fight back against those corporate interests that have held Wisconsin back, and they’re ready to see this through.”

Barnes’ campaign finance report from December included a mix of donations from Wisconsin-based donors, including those who live in Milwaukee and Madison as well other towns and cities across the state, and many from other states including California, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts, New York and Virginia as well as Washington D.C. Barnes also received a donation from the Long Run PAC, a group he launched to support progressive candidates. He has a goal to raise $50 million over the course of the campaign. 

In the first half of the year, Barnes has also received a mix of endorsements from Wisconsin Democrats, including State Reps. Angelina Cruz and Amaad Rivera-Wagner and Green Bay Mayor Eric Genrich and from national political players including California Sen. Adam Schiff, and most recently, the Natural Resources Defense Council Action Fund, a leading environmental advocacy organization. 

Climate change and utility costs

“No one in Wisconsin has done or will do more to tackle the climate crisis while lowering costs for working families than Mandela Barnes,” Jed Ober, managing director of Natural Resources Defense Council Action Fund, said in a statement. 

Barnes has made reducing utility rates one of the key parts of his affordability platform. He says that he’ll seek to freeze rates as governor by appointing commissioners to the Public Service Commission, which regulates utilities and approves rates, who will do so. Utility experts have criticized the plan and said its unclear whether he could carry it out, though Barnes said that criticisms of that plan are being levied by “the industry itself.” 

Barnes has said he would appoint commissioners who have a “demonstrated commitment” through a “thorough interview process” and they will need to have worked alongside the industry and have a “real deep understanding of how we can actually benefit the public to make sure that the PSC is doing its job to represent the public interest.” He added that he would like to increase staffing at the PSC as well. 

Barnes said environmental policy will be a priority. He chaired a climate change task force as lieutenant governor that he noted produced a slate of policy solutions that were later introduced by Democratic lawmakers as a package of 18 bills. 

The Senate race as well as his time serving as the state’s second-in-command helped him enter the race with the most name recognition, according to polling by Marquette Law School. On the other hand, Charles Franklin, the Marquette Law School poll director, looked at the track record of five statewide candidates, Republican and Democrat, who lost an election and ran again for statewide office. He found that name identification and previous campaign experience, including established donors, did not significantly improve the percentage of votes they got in the general election in their second statewide campaign. The last successful “second act” was the 1970s, he said.

Barnes is working to convince enough voters that he can overcome the historical pattern and is the best candidate to compete in November. He is reaching people in a variety of ways, including traveling the state to attend forums and county Democratic Party meetings, where he said he’s been glad to reconnect with people across the state whom he hasn’t seen in a while. 

Through his @MandelaHQ account on X, Barnes has adopted a rapid-response social media style reminiscent of national campaign-style accounts like @KamalaHQ during the 2024 cycle. The account highlights poll results, including a recent one that showed Barnes winning in a matchup against Tiffany, targets Tiffany with humor and memes — one post featuring Tiffany at a farm joked that “cows can smell DC stink” — while also promoting policy proposals through short videos. In one video on banning AI-driven dynamic pricing and hidden fees, a group of children raise the price of lemonade after Barnes passes by on a run.

Barnes told students that one of the biggest misconceptions about him is that he doesn’t “get to be as funny” as he’d like.

“It’s tough because in politics, if you crack a joke or people aren’t able to translate sarcasm, like the story’s getting written the wrong way,” Barnes said. “I can’t be as funny as I want to be… sometimes my humor is a little dry. It’s not for everybody.”

Editor’s note: The Examiner is running periodic profiles of the contenders in the Aug. 11, 2026 gubernatorial primary as well as the candidates in the general election Nov. 3. 

Wisconsin Appeals Court Judge Pedro Colón announced Tuesday he’s running to replace retiring Justice Annette Ziegler on the Wisconsin Supreme Court next year. 

Colón, a former Democratic member of the state Assembly and Milwaukee County Circuit Court Judge, moved to Milwaukee from Puerto Rico when he was 10 years old. He was the first Latino elected to the Wisconsin Assembly and to sit on the state’s appeals court. 

He was appointed to the Milwaukee County Court by Gov. Jim Doyle in 2010 and then reelected three times. He was appointed to the District I Court of Appeals by Gov. Tony Evers in 2023. 

Colón said in a news release that his experience moving to Wisconsin and decades in the law make him qualified to sit on the Supreme Court. 

“I came to Milwaukee at ten years old, not speaking a word of English. I know what it feels like to stand before a system that was not built for you,” Colón said. “For 15 years on the bench, I have made sure every person who walks into my courtroom gets the same thing: a listening ear and a fair shot. That is exactly what I will do on the Supreme Court.”

Colón got his undergraduate degree from Marquette University and his law degree from the University of Wisconsin-Madison Law School. He lives in Milwaukee with his wife and has two daughters. 

He is the second liberal-leaning judge to enter the race to replace the conservative former Chief Justice Ziegler, who announced her plan to retire earlier this year. Clark County Judge Lyndsey Brunette announced her candidacy earlier this month. 

A liberal victory in 2027 would establish a 6-1 majority on the Court, leaving Justice Brian Hagedorn, who has occasionally been a swing vote and sided with the Court’s liberals, as the lone conservative on the bench.

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