A number of Wisconsin communities — recently UW-Madison and Stoughton — have cancelled their contracts with Flock in response to community privacy concerns and cases of police misuse.
The post Green Bay police audit Flock data, suspend sharing in response to privacy concern appeared first on WPR.
A Flock camera outside of Washington Park in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
On Monday 32-year-old Menasha police officer Cristian Morales was sentenced for misusing Flock license plate reader cameras for unlawful targeted surveillance. Morales pleaded no contest in Outagamie County court and was sentenced to six months in jail, followed by three years of probation.
His sentencing comes as Wisconsin communities push back against Flock cameras and call for more transparency and control over police surveillance technologies.
Morales was working at the Menasha Police Department when, according to a criminal complaint, he conducted seven off duty searches using between 15,234 and 92,702 individual cameras across Flock’s nationwide network. The AI-powered cameras perpetually photograph vehicles and license plates passing within their view. The images are cataloged in a database that can be searched at will by law enforcement agencies with Flock contracts. Using the intelligence collected by Flock, law enforcement can study patterns of movement for targeted vehicles so they can be intercepted later on, or develop leads for ongoing investigations.
Morales sought a vehicle belonging to his ex-girlfriend, who reached out to the Appleton Police Department about her suspicions that she was being tracked, triggering an investigation. When officers confronted Morales, he said his actions were due to “desperation, and bad judgement, combined with a lack of sleep.”
On Monday in court, the victim described a “pattern” of controlling and violent behavior by Morales, and said that she continues to suffer from anxiety and an inability to get through day-to-day tasks, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported. “I am here because I lived through something that changed my life,” she said in court. Morales told the court that he grew up in Menasha wanted to serve the community since childhood. “I take responsibility for the decision I made,” Morales said, WBAY 2 reported. “In a moment of desperation, I made a mistake that I deeply regret, and I never would have imagined that my decision would bring me here where I am today, where I’ve affected so many people around me.”
Judge Mark Schroeder called Morales an “oathbreaker.” Schroeder said Morales abused his authority. “He sought out the privilege of trying to keep his community safe and protecting the public in the communities in which he resided,” said Schroeder. “He sought out the tools that are handed to him as a result of that oath that he took and then broke. Sought out those tools with the purposes that are designed to keep people safe, and they do. And then abused it for his own personal and nefarious purposes.”
Schroeder’s assertion that Flock cameras keep people safe is something communities across the state and country are now debating. Morales’ situation is also far from unique, in a system where officers face inconsistent penalties for misusing the camera network.
While Morales was initially charged with stalking, he was ultimately sentenced for felony misconduct in public office. A month after Morales was charged in Menasha, Milwaukee officer Josue Ayala was charged with misdemeanor misconduct in public office for also using Flock while on duty to track two people, including someone he had been in a romantic relationship with. The victim realized that Ayala searched her vehicle after using the haveibeenflocked website, and reported it to police. He used “investigation” as his search term to describe his use of Flock, the most common search term according to a 2025 analysis of Wisconsin law enforcement’s use of Flock. Ayala took a plea deal last month, pleading guilty to misdemeanor attempted misconduct in public office and receiving 12 months probation while avoiding jail and prison time.
A case involving Kenosha County Deputy Frank McGrath is still in process. McGrath used Flock and a squad car tracking system called Polaris to monitor his girlfriend, who was also a Kenosha County deputy. McGrath entered “suspicious,” another common Flock search term used by officers but, like Morales, was off duty and didn’t tie case numbers to his searches. A Kenosha sheriff’s lieutenant first noticed the unusual searches and confronted McGrath. He initially attempted to mislead the supervisor, but then admitted to doing the searches. The lieutenant also talked to McGrath’s target, who said she was aware of the searches, but didn’t report them despite feeling that the activity violated policy. McGrath had been jealous of her friendship with a male coworker.
Although McGrath left the sheriff’s office, he was not charged with a crime. A John Doe petition to have a judge review probable cause to charge McGrath has been sealed, and the Kenosha County district attorney has said that he’s waiting for the conclusion of a criminal investigation into McGrath’s conduct. The Racine County Sheriff’s Office said in March that it is conducting the investigation. TMJ4 reported in July that at least five police officers in Racine County have been investigated for Flock misuse, none of whom had been criminally charged.
In both Morales’ and Ayala’s cases, prior conduct had raised concerns. Morales left the Outagamie County Sheriff’s Office in 2024, according to the Badger Project. His supervisors noted that he nearly caused a car accident during a traffic stop, and had other problems. Morales was allowed to resign rather than be terminated, and was hired by the Menasha Police Department eight months later. Ayala had undergone previous internal investigations both in Milwaukee and when he worked at the Glendale Police Department.
In early July, another Milwaukee officer was charged with misusing Flock. This time it was an internal affairs detective, Tehrangi Chapman, who was charged with felony misconduct in public office and misdemeanor misuse of a GPS device. Chapman had used Flock to monitor someone he’d been watching since 2019, even before Milwaukee first signed its contract with Flock in 2022. Chapman had been involved in investigating Ayala’s misuse of Flock before his own misuse of the system had been discovered.
While the courts work out whether or how to hold officers accountable for abusing Flock, communities are also demanding accountability from local officials. Several areas including Kaukauna, Sturgeon Bay, Verona, Appleton, Oshkosh, and Dane County have all canceled their contracts with Flock.
The reasons vary, from growing concerns that the cameras could be accessed by federal agencies including ICE, to the growing list of officers who have used the cameras for personal vendettas. In Verona, residents and local officials said that while they trust their local police department, they don’t trust Flock Safety — the multi-billion dollar company behind the cameras — or the federal government. Even President Donald Trump recently said that with the cameras “you have pros and cons” and that “it’s being studied right now, we’ll have an answer soon as to our views on it.”
The police chief of Oshkosh pushed to cancel the city’s contract after finding out that a company representative had misled city officials when asked whether Flock could generate heat maps depicting a vehicle’s movement patterns. As it turned out, the cameras are fully capable of doing that. Over 50 agencies statewide have canceled their Flock contracts, according to the grassroots group Deflock.
Not all police departments have chosen to give up Flock. The Milwaukee Police Department has repeatedly said that the cameras have been useful in solving violent crimes and locating missing people. The Green Bay police chief credited Flock with helping his department to become proactive in combatting a rise in violent crime. But he also acknowledged that privacy needs to be respected at all times. Auditing procedures have been stepped up in Milwaukee. Green Bay limited which agencies can access its Flock network, and conducted its own audit of potential misuse. Meanwhile, Flock Safety has developed new tools to boost auditing and limit the ability for officers to conduct searches using vague terms and without case numbers.
Meanwhile controversy and cancellations continue. Recently, a woman was pulled over by Brookfield officers at gunpoint because her vehicle had been mistakenly entered into the Flock system as being connected to a homicide investigation. The Milwaukee Police Department blamed personnel for not removing the car from the system rather than Flock itself, and the Brookfield police chief defended the actions of his officers.
In late July, Stoughton’s common council voted to discontinue its Flock contract amid growing concerns from residents. Among the issues citizens raised was that one of the cameras was pointed directly at the Cascade Falls apartment complex, which offers affordable housing in the area. One man told the council members that “I wouldn’t want a camera in my face all the time, so why would I want other people to live like that?” A woman named Carrie called the cameras “ominous and unwelcoming” and said, “being surveilled by your government says a lot about what your government thinks about you.” Another man questioned why a vote was needed to remove the cameras when they were installed without a vote or public input.
Amanda Merkwae, policy and advocacy director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Wisconsin, says the lack of public input or even notice of the purchase of surveillance technologies is due to sole source no-bid contracts. These kinds of contracts bypass the public procurement process.
“There’s no public notice, let alone clear information about if there’s even approval that happened at the common council or common council committee when they’re doing these no-bid contracts,” Merkwae told the Examiner. Companies win sole source, no-bid contracts by arguing either that only they can provide the service the police want, or that their technology is proprietary.
“You have a police department that is maybe being advertised some product,” Merkwae said. “You have this multibillion-dollar company that’s sole goal is to increase value for their shareholders. They don’t have, like, the police department’s best interest as their driving force. They don’t have the interest of the public as their driving force. They’re trying to make money. And so, they have a huge incentive to use no-bid contracts.”
As Flock comes under more scrutiny, other companies are moving to fill the gap. Axon, which produces body cameras and other technologies for police departments, is pushing license plate readers to cities that are ditching Flock. Merkwae said Axon has other products like Fusus, a real-time crime-center platform used by the Milwaukee Police Department, that integrates private surveillance cameras, license plate readers, body cameras, and other feeds into a single interface.
“I think that it is ludicrous to just trade one for-profit Big Brother for another for-profit Big Brother that is, like, trying to make money,” said Merkwae. “That’s their goal.” She added that local officials need to ask tough questions of both the police and surveillance companies about how the technologies work, how they can be exploited, and how citizens can be protected. She said that “a bunch of this has flown under the radar with quietly signed no-bid contracts.”
In some parts of the country, local governments have passed ordinances like Community Control Over Police Surveillance (CCOPS), which provides a framework so that the public has a say in whether communities adopt surveillance technologies. Under CCOPS, the community is given notice whenever a police department either wants to acquire a new surveillance system or renew a contract for an existing one. It provides local residents the opportunity to ask questions about how the technology works, how much it costs, and other details, while also providing an opportunity to contest its adoption.
Even these ordinances have their limits. “CCOPS is a helpful baseline but also want to recognize that in the 10 years since CCOPS laws have been on the books, the scope and power of AI-powered warrantless dragnet surveillance tech has just expanded so much,” Merkwae said. “And the way that tech aggregates data and then integrates all these systems together, it’s like a new frontier in terms of how government entities can protect their data and protect their residents. So I think that CCOPS ordinances should be — or models like that — should be the baseline. But at this point in time, when these tools are so profoundly powerful, I think that it should be up to the local residents in a community, like, what is the line? How stringent do you want these requirements on the front end to be before allowing one of these for-profit companies to come into their jurisdiction and surveil people?”
Corey Ruiz's daughter, Kah'liyah, wipes away tears while speaking at a press conference about the police killing of her father. (Photo by Henry Redman/Wisconsin Examiner)
Family members of Corey Ruiz, who was shot and killed by a Madison police officer on the city’s east side Wednesday, said at an emotional press conference Friday afternoon they want charges filed against the officer who fired the shots and for Madison cops to be equipped with body cameras.
Speaking from the Assembly parlor in the state Capitol building, Ruiz’s mother, two sisters, brother, daughter and daughter’s mother spoke of a man who loved to crack jokes, make music and work in construction.
The family was joined by state Rep. Shelia Stubbs (D-Madison) and Ben Crump, a national civil rights attorney who has frequently represented the families of people of color killed by police.
Orchestrating the press conference, Crump noted Madison’s policy against high speed chases for property crimes — Ruiz was first chased by police on his bike after officers responded to reports that someone in the area was looking into parked cars. Crump also raised questions about whether the other officers on the scene believed deadly force was necessary and if Ruiz actually brandished the knife police have said he used against the officer who shot him.
“We saw an execution, and it shocked our conscience,” Crump said. “People all over Wisconsin were shocked when they saw the execution of Corey Ruiz. People all over America are shocked when they see the execution of Corey Ruiz, because they understand when they see that video that it was so unnecessary to execute him. It was unnecessary, unjustifiable, and unconstitutional how they executed Corey Ruiz.”
Crump also said he wants officials to be transparent about the investigation, which is being conducted by the Wisconsin Department of Justice under a state law that requires officer-involved shooting investigations to be led by an outside agency. Crump added that he believes the officer responsible should be charged with a crime.
Marjorie Ann Aliomar, the mother of Ruiz’s 13-year-old daughter, Kah’liyah, said the tragedy was especially painful because the shooting took place at a busy intersection in their own neighborhood.
“This place is two blocks up the street from our home, two blocks away from her school,” Aliomar said. “Every day she has to walk to school … she would have to walk past her dad’s memorial, where he was murdered by people we’re supposed to trust and depend on.”
While wiping away tears, Kah’liyah addressed the police.
“How can I call you knowing you shot my father?” she said. “How are you going to have four policemen on one Black man? On top of that, how are you going to get scared of us if you’re supposed to save us?”
Several times, Ruiz’s family said they wanted the city to equip Madison cops with body cameras.
For years, city and police officials have requested body cameras for all Madison police and a body camera pilot program is currently underway on the city’s north side.
Last fall, the common council voted against allocating money in the budget for a citywide body camera program, instead sending that money to the city’s Office of the Independent Monitor — the civilian oversight body that tracks the police department.
Protests over the killing of Ruiz continue to make waves across the city.
Two days after the shooting, activists still control the intersection of Baldwin and Williamson Streets where the shooting occurred, with makeshift barricades of garbage bins, mattresses and scrap metal blocking off the streets in every direction.
Organizers of Atwood Fest, a popular annual street festival that takes place a few blocks east of the shooting’s location, was canceled.
“Our community and our Marquette neighbors witnessed another horrific officer-involved shooting just blocks from our festival grounds, leaving us in deep pain and justified anger,” organizers wrote on the festival website. “AtwoodFest’s core values have always centered on building community, using each festival’s proceeds to support the groups doing important work right here in our neighborhood. Now it is vital to support our neighbors, particularly those who have borne the brunt of this pain and injustice, by taking time to mourn and reflect on our role in these broken systems, so we can create a community that truly lives up to our values.”
Religious leaders in Milwaukee protest ICE arrests in the city (Photo courtesy Michael Pointer Mace)
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has made its position clear. The agency refuses to require its agents to follow Milwaukee’s law banning masks. Since it is unable to come to this common sense conclusion itself, the remedy is for Milwaukee City Attorney Evan Goyke to sue. This is how we keep secret police at bay.
Goyke has taken the first step. In a July 17 letter to the U.S. Department of Justice, he defends the ICE out MKE ordinance, stating that masked law enforcement “increases the risk of dangerous interactions with the public, undermines accountability and police community relations, and stokes confusions, fear, and intimidation.”
Milwaukee prohibits ICE agents from wearing masks. The Department of Homeland Security staunchly refuses to follow this sensible rule despite a Milwaukee Police Department standard operating procedure that models this basement level of transparency. We need to know what ICE is doing. We need to know who you are. We need to see your faces.
DHS claims that it won’t follow Milwaukee’s ordinance because of the Supremacy Clause. Their claim asserts that municipalities cannot create rules that prevent employees from performing federal duties and, in most cases, the Supremacy Clause makes sense.
We wouldn’t want a city ordinance to keep the U.S. Census Bureau from collecting population data. We wouldn’t want municipalities to prevent the National Weather Service from studying tornados. At the same time, identifiable and transparent federal law enforcement is not at odds with the rule of law.
Clarity and accountability is at the heart of our Fifth Amendment’s promise of due process. The Supremacy Clause does not supersede our Constitution’s protections. The clause itself is a component of our Constitution (Article VI, Clause 2) and no article or clause may violate the Bill of Rights.
The Mask-Free MKE ordinance took time to create. Over and over again, our church members returned to the Common Council’s galley seats as the rule was amended, re-written and reviewed by our city attorney, Evan Goyke. Goyke’s job is to make sure that the proposed ordinance is constitutional and enforceable. Goyke’s verdict is that the people of Milwaukee can prohibit masked law enforcement.
Consider the current situation of Giovanni Sosa, a 20-year old with no criminal record. Gio came to the United States when he was 4 years old. Recently, he was snatched by masked ICE agents, leaving his wife Litzy without her husband and his 2 year old daughter without her father.
Gio has worked construction jobs since he was 14 and has never run afoul of law enforcement. Last week, while heading to the barber, his car was surrounded and blocked. His window was smashed and he was handcuffed and dragged to detention. As he was shoved into a government car, Gio had the presence of mind to yell out his mother’s phone number. Had he not done so, he simply would not have returned home from the errands he was running. Who took him? Where was he? Was his detention legal? Was the use of force necessary?
Our Constitution protects us from having to ask these questions. The Fifth Amendment states that “no person” shall be deprived of life or liberty without protections against arbitrary government actions. Surely, masks cross this line.
DHS claims that it must allow its employees to wear masks for their safety. Lauren Bis, a DHS spokesperson, states, “Sanctuary politicians attempting to ban our federal law enforcement from wearing masks is … a flagrant attempt to endanger our officers.”
The Trump administration’s immigration enforcers fear that without masks, their employees’ actions would instigate such a strong public outcry that they would be forced to hold officers accountable. They don’t want the public to identify officers responsible for using excessive force. How can DHS officials be opposed to basic transparency before the public it serves?
This is where City Attorney Evan Goyke can help. DHS has convinced itself that the Supremacy Clause supersedes the Constitution. Its insistence that secrecy and obfuscation is a means to serve the people is a slippery rationalization that leads to a secret police force. City Attorney Goyke should sue ICE and require the agency to comply with the law. It is for the good of the residents of Milwaukee, for ICE’s own agents, for MPD officers and for our democratic heritage. This moment of trial will turn our commitment to defend our rights into steel. Our’s is a nation without a secret police. Masks cross a line. At this pivotal hour, Milwaukee must lead.
Wisconsin Watch partners with Gigafact to produce Fact Briefs — bite-sized fact checks of trending claims. Read our methodology to learn how we check claims.
Wisconsin Republican Gov. Lee Dreyfus signed a law that banned discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, the first of its kind in the country.
David Clarenbach, an LGBTQ activist and Democrat in the state Assembly, spearheaded the bill. Despite conservatives’ last-minute efforts pushing Dreyfus to veto the bill, he approved it in February 1982.
Dreyfus, described as a fiscal conservative and social moderate in a 2008 obituary, cited a right to privacy and support from “a wide-ranging group of religious leaders” when signing the bill.
The law made it illegal for the state or private businesses to discriminate based on sexual orientation in employment, housing and public accommodations.
No other states adopted a similar law until nine years later, according to a Milwaukee Public Library post.
This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.
Did a Wisconsin Republican governor sign the nation’s first LGBTQ rights law? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
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