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Reproductive health care restrictions likely to repel provider workforce, research shows

Executive Director Robin Marty said she was on the brink of closing the WAWC Healthcare clinic until she managed to hire an OB-GYN last year who’s from Alabama and willing to work under the state’s near-total abortion ban. (Photo by Vasha Hunt/Alabama Reflector) 

Executive Director Robin Marty said she was on the brink of closing the WAWC Healthcare clinic until she managed to hire an OB-GYN last year who’s from Alabama and willing to work under the state’s near-total abortion ban. (Photo by Vasha Hunt/Alabama Reflector) 

When an Alabama clinic’s only OB-GYN left the state to provide abortion care in Colorado, the head of operations thought the facility would have to close. 

But Robin Marty, executive director at WAWC Healthcare in Tuscaloosa, hired a doctor in August who she called a “unicorn” — someone who’s from Alabama and, after training outside of the state, returned home to practice medicine. 

Marty said Alabama’s near-total abortion ban could cause physicians to practice elsewhere after they finish their residencies. 

“Doctors don’t want to worry about surveillance, potential arrests and other legal issues,” she said. 

study published this month found that applications to medical residency programs in states with abortion restrictions have declined compared to states where abortion remained mostly legal. The findings are an “early signal” that the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision nearly four years ago overturning federal abortion rights protections may exacerbate health care shortages, said lead author Dr. Anisha Ganguly.

majority of doctors end up practicing medicine in states where they trained. Obstetrician and gynecology training programs typically take four years to complete, so the full scope of how abortion restrictions affect where physicians work after they complete their residencies remains to be seen. 

Still, experts said the findings could spell trouble for the future of the reproductive health care workforce in states with abortion restrictions, some of which are already plagued with maternity care deserts. 

Doctors say bans limit training, standards of care

OB-GYNs affiliated with Physicians for Reproductive Health who either trained or work in states with abortion bans told States Newsroom that restrictions after the Supreme Court decision hamstrung their ability to offer reproductive care and affected the education of medical residents. 

Dr. Neha Ali grew up in Texas and trained there, too. But by the end of her OB-GYN residency’s second year, the state enacted SB 8, a six-week abortion ban that allowed residents in the state to sue providers or anyone who helped someone terminate a pregnancy. After the Dobbs decision in June 2022, a near-total abortion ban took effect in Texas.

“I knew I wanted to be an abortion provider before I started OB-GYN residency, and I chose to be in Texas for my residency training because I wanted to experience what that’s like in a state with barriers. But ultimately, the barriers became too large,” Ali said. 

After she finished residency in 2024, Ali moved to Colorado, a state with strong abortion-rights protections, where she practices complex family planning.

Ali said she talks to medical students about her experience training in Texas, where she was not able to perform any dilation and evacuations — a second-trimester abortion procedure — during residency. 

“I do think it’s very valuable to see what it’s like to be in a restrictive state and understand what that is like to be a provider there, but that doesn’t sell people on a residency for four years,” she said.

OB-GYN Dr. Louis Monnig trained in Kentucky before the state banned abortion. 

“Making it difficult or putting up barriers to that training just limits the abilities of any doctor who provides reproductive care to have opportunities to get exposure and experience, and just get better at what they’re doing,” he said. 

Monnig completed his residency in June 2023 and moved back to his home state of Louisiana because of his connections to the region and its health care disparities. “It felt like it was worth it to come back,” he said. 

In October 2024, a Louisiana law classifying mifepristone and misoprostol as controlled dangerous substances took effect. 

“It made me lose faith that lawmakers were doing any of these things to actually protect patients or patient safety,” he said. 

The medications are used not only for abortions, but miscarriages and other conditions, too. The law has sowed confusion among health care providers and led some to practice emergency drills to access the drugs during obstetric emergencies, Louisiana Illuminator reported. Monnig said the law has “changed some of the day-to-day operational workflow for patient care,” especially for situations where misoprostol is used, such as labor induction and postpartum hemorrhaging. 

Patients have faced issues when trying to get prescriptions filled: Pharmacists have called Monnig’s office to make sure a patient wasn’t having an abortion after he prescribed misoprostol for conditions such as cervical stenosis — when it’s difficult to insert a medical instrument in the cervical canal.

Drop in applications to ban states’ residency programs

Out of more than 22 million applications to 4,315 residency programs across the U.S., 67% were submitted to programs in states without abortion restrictions between 2018 and 2023, the new research showed. Thirty-three percent went to programs in states with restrictions. 

Fewer women than men applied to train in states with abortion restrictions before the Supreme Court’s landmark abortion ruling, according to the study, and that disparity widened after more than a dozen states enacted abortion bans. The number of men applying to residency programs in states with abortion restrictions — mostly in the South and the Midwest — also decreased significantly. 

“When there’s a decreased level of interest in these states, it suggests to us that there’s an evolving health care workforce shortage in these states,” said Ganguly, an internal medicine physician and an assistant professor at University of North Carolina’s Division of General Medicine and Epidemiology. 

Many states with abortion bans — IdahoIowaGeorgia and Missouri, for example — are also facing labor and delivery unit closures, particularly in rural areas where hospitals struggle with provider recruitment. Health officials in these states listed improvements to maternal health as a priority in their applications to the federal Rural Health Care Transformation Program, but solutions will take years to implement. 

Shortages affect more than one specialty. Ganguly said OB-GYNs have historically offered the bulk of abortion-related care in the U.S., but it’s increasingly important in emergency medicine, family medicine and internal medicine. Primary care providers and emergency medicine doctors often diagnose pregnancy complications such as miscarriages, and internists help women who have chronic disease manage and plan for pregnancy. 

Dr. Hector Chapa, an OB-GYN who teaches obstetrics and gynecology at Texas A&M University and is a member of the American Association of Pro–Life Obstetricians and Gynecologists, took issue with the study’s approach. 

“It’s essential to understand that this study is not specific to OB‑GYN residency programs, and by grouping OB‑GYN with family medicine, internal medicine and emergency medicine, the study assumes that all specialties are affected equally, despite their very different levels of involvement in abortion. This broad grouping risks introducing bias into the results,” he said in a statement. 

Ganguly said her team did examine applications to OB-GYN residency programs in isolation to affirm findings of a decline among applicants in abortion-restricted states. Looking at other specialties, too, was meant to provide clarity about how bans affect the health care workforce more broadly.

OB-GYN education and the maternal health care workforce 

The latest study adds to a body of research examining how the Supreme Court’s decision on abortion in 2022 affected training after medical school, particularly for those specializing in reproductive health care. 

In the 2023-2024 application cycle, the number of applicants to training programs in states with abortion bans decreased by 4.2% compared to the previous cycle, while there was less than a 1% decrease in applications to residency programs in states where abortion is legal, according to the American Association of Medical Colleges

In some states, abortion bans have definitively led to an exodus of OB-GYNs and maternal fetal medicine specialists. Idaho lost 35% of its doctors who provide obstetrics between August 2022 and December 2024, according to a study published in July. 

Having reproductive health providers flee states with abortion bans is “devastating,” according to Pamela Merritt, the executive director of Medical Students for Choice. 

“It’s a public health disaster that we’re going to see the consequences of decades to come,” she said. 

Merritt’s organization has chapters at several medical schools in states with abortion bans. She said students are not getting adequate training, and some are even discouraged from discussing abortion. 

In February, Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center canceled a Medical Students for Choice chapter’s talk with an OB-GYN who wrote a book about providing abortion care later in pregnancy. School officials told The Texas Tribune hosting the event on campus was not in the university’s best interests.   

“Everybody who graduates from medical school in Texas should know that there’s this thing called third-trimester abortion, that when the life of the mother is at risk, you legally can provide this care,” Merritt said. 

Republican Gov. Greg Abbott signed legislation last year clarifying that doctors can offer pregnant women abortions during medical emergencies. The Texas Medical Board released guidelines for the abortion law this year, nearly half a decade after the state banned most abortions and at least four Texans died after being denied prompt abortion care, ProPublica reported. 

Program helps residents in restrictive states get abortion care training 

“Every single physician, nurse and health care provider needs to be educated about abortion care,” said Dr. Jody Steinauer, an OB-GYN and the director of the Bixby Center for Global Reproductive Health at the University of Southern California in San Francisco. “This is a huge crisis in OB-GYN specifically: All OB-GYNs must have the competence and the skill to safely empty the uterus. Even if the individual is personally uncomfortable providing abortion care, they have to be able to empty the uterus to save someone’s life in an emergency.”

Steinauer leads the Ryan Residency Training Program, which works with OB-GYN residencies across the country to ensure comprehensive abortion and family planning rotations. Nearly a dozen states lack Ryan programs, and most of them have near-total abortion bans. 

She said residencies in states with abortion bans are struggling to make sure their students have the skills to provide abortion: “We’re at risk of having a whole generation of OB-GYN graduates who are not skilled to provide the care they need to provide.” 

To remedy this issue, the Ryan Program has helped to establish 20 partnerships with schools in abortion-restrictive states to train OB-GYN medical residents in states with reproductive rights protections. 

Steinauer said the rotations are between two to four weeks and complicated to plan, but they help doctors learn procedural skills, how to manage medication abortions and counseling. 

The rotations also help OB-GYNs navigate pain management during obstetric procedures, communicate effectively with abortion patients and familiarize themselves with ultrasounds, she said. These skills are important for providing the full spectrum of reproductive health care, from inserting IUDs to treating miscarriages, the doctor said. 

“It’s such a refreshing experience for them to be working in a state without a ban, and they get to see abortion as normal health care,” she said. 

This story was originally produced by News From The States, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Wisconsin Examiner, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

Here’s what we know about the private Mississippi prison that became one of the nation’s largest ICE facilities

Photo courtesy of Mississippi Today

Photo courtesy of Mississippi Today

Audio recording is automated for accessibility. Humans wrote and edited the story.

Mukta Joshi is an investigative reporter at Mississippi Today. She is spending a year as a New York Times Local Investigations fellow examining immigration and criminal justice issues. She can be reached at mukta.joshi@nytimes.com.

The Adams County Correctional Center, one of more than 200 ICE detention facilities in the U.S., is located near the city of Natchez on a sprawling 14-acre site in southwestern Mississippi.

The facility, which holds more than 2,000 people, is a significant economic driver in a county of fewer than 30,000 residents. CoreCivic employs approximately 400 people there, making it one of the largest employers in Adams County. Natchez Mayor Dan Gibson said CoreCivic is the county’s single largest taxpayer.

The federal government sets strict limits on who can visit Immigration and Custom Enforcement detention centers. And nearly all of them are run by for-profit companies, making the details of their operation private and difficult to monitor. 

So far, this is what we know.

Who owns it?

The Adams facility is privately owned and operated by CoreCivic Inc., a publicly traded company based in Tennessee. 

One of the largest private prison companies in the country, it disclosed in its most recent financial filings that it owns or controls about 57% of all privately owned prison beds in the U.S. 

The company, which reported $2.2 billion in revenue last year, has benefited financially from the Trump administration’s push to arrest immigrants. From 2024 to 2025, revenue increased by nearly $200 million thanks largely to an increase in ICE detentions, according to the company’s latest annual report.

Over the past few years, CoreCivic, its employees and PACs have poured millions of dollars into political donations and lobbying. In the 2024 election cycle, 84% of these donations went to Republican candidates. In the same cycle, CoreCivic spent more than $1.7 million lobbying, according to OpenSecrets. The previous year, it spent more than $1.6 million.

The Adams County facility is one of two ICE facilities operated by CoreCivic in the state. A second CoreCivic facility in Tutwiler, in northern Mississippi, was authorized last year to start housing ICE detainees.

What kinds of people are detained there? 

The Adams facility is a men’s facility. Most of its detainees are not from Mississippi. They were picked up by ICE agents somewhere else and are being held here until they decide to leave the country, or until an immigration judge deports them or sets them free.

Being in the U.S. without proper documentation is a civil infraction, like a speeding ticket – not a criminal violation. This fact has contributed to controversy about prison-like conditions that people detained by ICE are experiencing.

Only 9% of people in the Adams center have any sort of criminal conviction. But even those with criminal records are being held for civil immigration infractions, not as punishment. 

In addition to men, the facility currently houses a small number of transgender women. Following President Trump’s 2025 executive order, transgender people are required to be incarcerated in facilities that align with their gender assigned at birth, regardless of their legal status.

How long are detainees held?

In early 2025, then-warden Jason Streeval was quoted by the Natchez Democrat as saying that the average stay in the facility was about 60 days but had been getting longer. He told the newspaper that some detainees had been there for as long as seven months. 

Has the facility ever been the subject of controversy? 

The Adams facility made headlines in 2012, when an inmate protest against poor conditions snowballed into a riot that resulted in the killing of a guard. The FBI opened an investigation, leading to a number of inmates being charged and ultimately sentenced for participating in the riot. In the wake of the riot, U.S. Rep. Bennie Thompson called for an investigation into CoreCivic, then operating as Corrections Corporation of America.

One section of the facility, known as the “Zulu” unit, contains solitary confinement cells, where detainees are housed as punishment. In 2020, two nonprofit groups submitted a written complaint to ICE and the Department of Homeland Security alleging that immigrants from Cameroon had been tortured by ICE officers in that ward and forced to sign deportation documents. A year later, the complaint was still unresolved, according to the Center for Constitutional Rights. A representative for ICE did not respond to an inquiry about the current status of the complaint.

In 2021, an inspection by DHS found that Adams generally had provided sufficient medical care but identified one case in which the medical unit examined a sick detainee but did not send the person to the hospital. The detainee died. 

DHS also found that Adams didn’t meet other federal standards. Among the cited failures: It did not respond to grievances in a timely manner, it inadequately implemented COVID-19 safety protocols and it failed to assist vulnerable detainees. The ACLU called for the facility to be shut down.

What’s life like inside? 

The facility is divided into units, each holding about 140 people who share eight toilets and 15 showers, according to detainees interviewed by Mississippi Today. While inside, detainees can work if they choose, helping to clean, run the kitchen or do laundry. Several people held at the center said they were paid about $3.50 per day for their work.

Detainees are generally restricted to their own unit, where they can move about freely. One detainee said he was allowed to visit a secure outdoor area once every four or five days.

Several detainees described harsh conditions, but said that they had spent time in other facilities that were far dirtier and more restrictive. 

We don’t know much beyond that, especially about what the detention center looks like inside. A detainee who can afford the fees can send messages and make video calls from inside. They can’t send photos or attachments. And the communication app blurs their background and obscures the video completely if the camera is aimed away from the detainee’s face during a call.

How much does it cost to run? 

The contract to run this facility, like most other ICE detention centers, is an “Intragovernmental Service Agreement” between ICE, CoreCivic and Adams County. The 2019 agreement shows that ICE had agreed to pay a $3.9 million monthly flat rate for the facility, an amount set to increase every year. There have since been changes to this contract, but they were not immediately accessible. 

When we requested an interview with the warden and assistant warden, a spokesperson for CoreCivic redirected us to the company’s public affairs office and requested us to send our questions in writing. 

Over the next few months, we plan to publish weekly dispatches about the facility and about ICE detention in Mississippi and do our best to address these unanswered questions. You’ll be able to find my reporting on the Mississippi Today website, on our social media channels and in our Friday newsletter. And you can follow me on X @mukta_jo.

In the meantime, please fill out our survey. If you know something about the detention center, if you know someone who works there or is detained there, or want me to find out something about it for readers, please get in touch.

Clarification 3/27/26: This story has been updated to clarify the types of detainees held in the Adams County Correctional Center.

This story was originally produced by News From The States, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Wisconsin Examiner, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

In a sermon on foot directed at Donald Trump, hundreds join Palm Sunday Path at state Capitol

By: Erik Gunn

Hundreds of people from several mainline Christian churches took part in the Palm Sunday Path, a procession around the state Capitol in Madison on Sunday. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

Several hundred Madison-area Christians gathered at the state Capitol Sunday for the Palm Sunday Path, a faith-based rebuke to the administration and actions of President Donald Trump.

 The procession was organized as a form of resistance to authoritarianism that organizers say Trump has embraced in the White House. 

A variety of signs carried by Palm Sunday Path participants included references to the admonitions attributed to Jesus in the Christian Bible. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)
Signs include references to the words of Jesus recorded in the Christian Bible. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)
A participant's sign quotes from one of the letters of Paul to early Christians. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

“We believe that now is not the time for the followers of Jesus to be silent,” the Rev. Will Massey, associate pastor of Christ Presbyterian Church in Madison, said in a video posted on Facebook about the Palm Sunday Path by the Wisconsin Council of Churches, which sponsored the program in Madison and in other communities across the state.

“Anchored in the Matthew 25 call to feed the hungry, heal the sick, and welcome the stranger, we follow Jesus to the seat of power to witness to Christ’s reign of justice, peace, and shared belonging,” the council states on its website. “Grounded in worship and open to all who long to follow Jesus in the work of healing the world, this gathering proclaims Christ’s power of love, solidarity, compassion, and peace.”

Participants came from congregational, Lutheran, Methodist, Presbyterian and other Christian traditions. Many carried green palm tree fronds, evoking the story told in the Christian Bible of Jesus riding a donkey into Jerusalem the week before his death and being greeted by shouts of praise and appeals for deliverance from his followers as they waved palm tree branches.

Rev. David Hart of Sherman Avenue United Methodist Church in Madison. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)
A Palm Sunday Path participant shares his understanding of the central message of Christianity. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)
Sarah Burgess leads Palm Sunday Path participants in inspirational singing. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)
A Palm Sunday Path participant carries a sign referring to words of Jesus in the Bible along with a palm frond. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

In a sermon before the group started their walk around the Capitol, Rev. David Hart of Sherman Avenue United Methodist Church told the participants that Jesus during his lifetime paid attention to and identified with the outcasts of society — the poor, the sick, the imprisoned and those ignored by the ruling powers of Rome, who occupied Israel 2,000 years ago.

In the procession that followed, the group walked all four sides of the Capitol Square, singing on their way, led by musician Sarah Burgess.

A woman walking the Palm Sunday Path procession displays signs emphasizing messages of love and inclusion. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)
The Rev. Julie Burkey of Orchard Ridge United Church of Christ in Madison. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)
At each corner of the Capitol Square, ministers were stationed with oil to annoint participants. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

The event took place a day after the No Kings protests that mobilized millions of people across the country in opposition to Trump, and leaders and participants of the Palm Sunday Path echoed many of the same sentiments — defending immigrants, calling for the respect for human rights and lifting up marginalized groups.

But some put a different twist on the No Kings message, nodding to the common Christian expression that identifies Jesus as the King for Christian believers.

That was reflected on signs such as one carried by a person in the procession that referred to the gospel of Matthew, Chapter 25, verse 35: “Our king says: I was a stranger and you welcomed me.”

A Palm Sunday Path participant displays a sign that quotes Chapter 25 of the gospel of Matthew. (Photo by Erik Gunn/Wisconsin Examiner)

GET THE MORNING HEADLINES.

No Kings rallies draw crowds large, small throughout country

Tens of thousands of people gathered at the Minnesota State Capitol in St. Paul for the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Nicole Neri/Minnesota Reformer)

Tens of thousands of people gathered at the Minnesota State Capitol in St. Paul for the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Nicole Neri/Minnesota Reformer)

Protesters took to the streets in cities and rural communities Saturday to rally against President Donald Trump’s policies in the third No Kings demonstration since the Republican’s return to office last year.

Organizers said there were more than 3,000 events across the nation expected to draw millions. It came one month after the U.S.-Israeli war in Iran began. The war was among many issues that demonstrators said brought them out, also citing aggressive ICE actions toward immigrants, the rising cost-of-living and attacks on the constitution, and civil and voting rights.

Here is a look at some of the rallies from across the nation.

A protester holding a sign that reads “I
A protester holding a sign that reads “I <3 Democracy" at the Auburn No Kings protest on March 28, 2026, on Toomer's Corner in Auburn, Alabama. The protest, part of nearly two dozen "No Kings" protests around the state drew about 700 people. (Anna Barrett/Alabama Reflector)
In Juneau, Alaska, protesters gather for the No Kings protest at Overstreet Park on the waterfront. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
In Juneau, Alaska, protesters gather for the No Kings protest at Overstreet Park on the waterfront. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
Protesters march along the Broadway Bridge in Little Rock, Arkansas, during the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Katie Adkins/Arkansas Advocate)
Protesters march along the Broadway Bridge in Little Rock, Arkansas, during the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Katie Adkins/Arkansas Advocate)
No Kings protesters march in the District of Columbia on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
No Kings protesters march in the District of Columbia on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
An
An “Idaho Resists” banner drapes the stairs of the Statehouse in Boise during the city’s third No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Christina Lords/Idaho Capital Sun)
Amy Deputy, left, and Claudia Haynes, both of Bowling Green, share a microphone as they march on Park Row in Bowling Green, Kentucky, during a No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Austin Anthony for the Kentucky Lantern)
Amy Deputy, left, and Claudia Haynes, both of Bowling Green, share a microphone as they march on Park Row in Bowling Green, Kentucky, during a No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Austin Anthony for the Kentucky Lantern)
Damian Ch performs on stage for the New Orleans No Kings event, where thousands gathered along the Lafitte Greenway. (Photo by Greg LaRose/Louisiana Illuminator)
Damian Ch performs on stage for the New Orleans No Kings event, where thousands gathered along the Lafitte Greenway. (Photo by Greg LaRose/Louisiana Illuminator)
A protester holds a sign opposing the Iran war as thousands of people march through Portland, Maine, as part of the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Jim Neuger/Maine Morning Star)
A protester holds a sign opposing the Iran war as thousands of people march through Portland, Maine, as part of the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Jim Neuger/Maine Morning Star)
People crowd the street corners at an intersection in Hagerstown, Maryland, for the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Rhiannon Evans/Maryland Matters)
People crowd the street corners at an intersection in Hagerstown, Maryland, for the No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Rhiannon Evans/Maryland Matters)
Protesters in New York City don costumes depicting White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance during a No Kings demonstration on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Shalina Chatlani/Stateline)
Protesters in New York City don costumes depicting White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance during a No Kings demonstration on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Shalina Chatlani/Stateline)
Demonstrators fill Tom McCall Waterfront Park in Portland about one hour into Oregon’s largest No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Alex Baumhardt/Oregon Capital Chronicle)
Demonstrators fill Tom McCall Waterfront Park in Portland about one hour into Oregon’s largest No Kings protest on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Alex Baumhardt/Oregon Capital Chronicle)
Robert Barr, 77, drove to Richmond, Virginia, from nearby Caroline County for the No Kings rally and marched the two-mile loop through the city using his walker. (Photo by Ian Stewart for Virginia Mercury)
Robert Barr, 77, drove to Richmond, Virginia, from nearby Caroline County for the No Kings rally and marched the two-mile loop through the city using his walker. (Photo by Ian Stewart for Virginia Mercury)
Thousands of demonstrators gather in City Hall Park for a No Kings rally in Burlington on March 28. (Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger)
Thousands of demonstrators gather in City Hall Park for a No Kings rally in Burlington on March 28. (Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger)
Michele Storms, executive director of the Washington state American Civil Liberties Union, speaks to a crowd during the No Kings protest in Olympia, Washington, on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Aspen Ford/Washington State Standard)
Michele Storms, executive director of the Washington state American Civil Liberties Union, speaks to a crowd during the No Kings protest in Olympia, Washington, on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Aspen Ford/Washington State Standard)
In Milwaukee, Wisconsin, a protester in a Statue of Liberty costume at a No Kings rally on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
In Milwaukee, Wisconsin, a protester in a Statue of Liberty costume at a No Kings rally on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
The No Kings protest hits the streets of Chicago, Illinois, as a crowd of thousands makes its way toward Ida B. Wells Drive on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Robbie Sequeira/Stateline)
The No Kings protest hits the streets of Chicago, Illinois, as a crowd of thousands makes its way toward Ida B. Wells Drive on Saturday, March 28, 2026. (Photo by Robbie Sequeira/Stateline)
Protesters gather at a No Kings rally at a busy intersection in Scottsdale, Arizona, on Saturday, March 28, 2026, to denounce President Donald Trump and his political movement. (Photo by Rebecca Gloria Gomez/Arizona Mirror)
Protesters gather at a No Kings rally at a busy intersection in Scottsdale, Arizona, on Saturday, March 28, 2026, to denounce President Donald Trump and his political movement. (Photo by Rebecca Gloria Gomez/Arizona Mirror)

This story was originally produced by News From The States, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Wisconsin Examiner, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

Bentley Hasn’t Shown The Barnato SUV’s Face Yet, So We Did It For Them

  • New Barnato will sit below the Bentayga as Bentley’s first fully-electric SUV.
  • Output could reach up to 1,140 hp, pointing to serious performance potential.
  • Its sleek styling draws from the EXP 15 concept with crisp, sharp, modern details.

Bentley is getting ready to widen its SUV lineup with a second high-riding model, one that will slot in below the Bentayga. This time, though, the formula changes. Instead of another combustion-powered offering, the new arrival is set to be fully electric.

Early reports pointed to the name ‘Mayon,’ which appeared in a trademark filing with the European Union Intellectual Property Office last year. However, more recent intel points to the ‘Barnato’ name being used; after all, it carries more heritage honoring Le Mans winner and Bentley owner Woolf Barnato. 

Future Cars: The Luxurious Hyundai Flagship We Never Got Is About To Change

Our sleuths behind the lens have already captured heavily camouflaged prototypes testing in winter conditions, yet we’ve gone one step further by digitally decoding its design and exploring everything else we know ahead of its expected debut.

Sleeker Than The Bentayga

 Bentley Hasn’t Shown The Barnato SUV’s Face Yet, So We Did It For Them
Illustrations Josh Byrnes / Carscoops

Unlike the much-criticised Bentayga, the Barnato is a sleeker affair that draws part inspiration from the brand’s futuristic EXP 15 concept.

At the front, the fascia evolves Bentley’s familiar matrix grille theme into a closed-off interpretation that hints at its electrified powertrain. The headlights adopt four distinct lighting elements, accompanied by a horizontal DRL strip that spears into the front fenders, and lower down, a wide lattice-detailed intake aids cooling and aerodynamic efficiency.

From the side, it appears shorter and more athletic than the Bentayga, with pronounced muscular haunches and frameless windows adding a sportier character. A scalloped shoulder line emphasises stately dynamism, while at the rear, the SUV features slim, jewel-like LED taillights, and a  Taycan-style rear diffuser profile aids airflow.

Digital Cabin Experience

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SH Proshots

Inside, Bentley is mixing old-school craftsmanship with a very modern digital backbone. Front and center sits a sweeping curved OLED display that cascades into the center console, echoing the layout seen in the latest Porsche Cayenne Electric. It runs on Android Automotive OS, backed by quicker processors, sharper AI voice control, and access to downloadable apps. There’s even a 3D digital model of the Barnato embedded in the system, letting occupants manage various functions directly through the interface.

Also: Bentley Rewrites Its Future With A New Flying Spur Sedan That Breaks All The Rules

Other goodies will include an OLED instrument cluster with 3D overlays, an augmented-reality head-up display, and digital key functionality. A new three-spoke steering wheel features physical buttons and knurled scroll wheels, and we can expect seating configurations to include four- and five-seat layouts.

There’s also a curious bit of hardware carried over from the wider VW Group playbook. A multi-function left-hand column stalk, first seen on the Audi Q3, joins a right-hand stalk that doubles as the transmission selector, similar to the setup in the Volkswagen ID.4. Even so, the materials and finish leave no doubt about where this sits in the hierarchy. It still feels unmistakably Bentley.

Platform And Powertrain

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The Barnato rides on the VW Group’s Premium Platform Electric (PPE) architecture shared with the upcoming Cayenne Electric. Battery capacity is expected to reach 113 kWh, enabling high-performance and long-distance touring. Bentley claims 100 miles (160 km) of range can be recovered in less than seven minutes.

Using the electron-equipped Porsche as a reference point, power levels could range from 402 hp (300 kW/408 PS) to over 1140 hp (850 kW) in flagship variants. All models will likely feature dual-motor all-wheel drive as standard, with the rear motor featuring direct oil cooling to manage heat during sustained performance driving.

Rivals And Reveal

 Bentley Hasn’t Shown The Barnato SUV’s Face Yet, So We Did It For Them

The Barnato is being lined up for the top tier of performance SUVs, going head to head with heavy hitters like the Mercedes-Maybach EQS SUV, Rolls-Royce Cullinan, Lotus Eletre, Lamborghini Urus, Aston Martin DBXFerrari Purosangue and Luce, and the flagship Range Rover SV. Serious company, then.

Expect electrified offerings from Porsche to act as the technical yardstick here, setting the pace in areas like performance, software, and charging capability.

 Bentley Hasn’t Shown The Barnato SUV’s Face Yet, So We Did It For Them
Illustrations Josh Byrnes / Carscoops

Just a few minutes of effort could lower your risk of 8 major diseases

Just a few minutes of getting out of breath each day could dramatically cut your risk of major diseases—including heart disease, dementia, and diabetes. A large study of nearly 100,000 people found that it’s not just how much you move, but how intensely you move that matters. Short bursts of vigorous activity—like rushing for a bus or climbing stairs quickly—were linked to striking reductions in disease risk, especially for inflammatory conditions and brain health.

Scientists shocked to find lab gloves may be skewing microplastics data

Scientists may have been unknowingly inflating microplastics pollution estimates, and the surprising source could be their own lab gloves. A University of Michigan study found that common nitrile and latex gloves release tiny particles called stearates, which closely resemble microplastics and can contaminate samples during testing. In some cases, this led to wildly exaggerated results, forcing researchers to track down the unexpected culprit.

Lost in space: Microgravity makes sperm lose their sense of direction

Making babies in space may be more complicated than expected, as new research shows sperm struggle to navigate in microgravity. Scientists found that while sperm can still swim normally, they lose their sense of direction without gravity, making it harder to reach and fertilize an egg. In lab experiments simulating space conditions, far fewer sperm successfully made it through a maze designed to mimic the reproductive tract, and fertilization rates in mice dropped by about 30%.

One of Earth’s most explosive supervolcanoes is recharging

Far beneath the ocean near Japan, scientists have discovered that the magma system linked to the most powerful eruption of the Holocene is slowly rebuilding. By using seismic imaging, researchers mapped a large magma reservoir under the Kikai caldera and confirmed it is the same system that fueled the massive eruption 7,300 years ago. However, the magma now present is newly injected, not leftover, as shown by changes in the chemistry of recent volcanic material and the growth of a lava dome over thousands of years.

This quantum computing breakthrough may not be what it seemed

A team of physicists set out to test some of the most exciting claims in quantum computing—and found a very different story. Instead of confirming breakthroughs, their careful replication studies revealed that signals once hailed as major advances could actually be explained in simpler ways. Despite the importance of these findings, their work initially struggled to get published, highlighting a deeper issue in science.

Stroke triggers a hidden brain change that looks like rejuvenation

After a stroke, the brain may do something surprisingly hopeful—it can “refresh” parts of itself. Researchers analyzing brain scans from over 500 stroke survivors found that while the damaged side of the brain appears to age faster, the opposite, unaffected side can actually look younger. This unexpected shift seems to reflect the brain’s effort to rewire itself, strengthening healthy regions to compensate for lost function.

This hidden state of water could explain why life exists

Scientists have finally found a hidden “critical point” in supercooled water that explains why it behaves so strangely. At this point, two different liquid forms of water merge, triggering powerful fluctuations that affect water even at normal temperatures. The breakthrough was made possible by ultra-fast X-ray lasers that captured water before it froze. This discovery could reshape our understanding of water’s role in nature—and possibly even life itself.
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