Wisconsin Republican U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson was named chairman of the Senate budget committee Tuesday, taking up a position left vacant after the death of Sen. Lindsey Graham earlier this month. 

Johnson was the fourth highest ranking Republican on the committee, but received the chairmanship because Sens. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) already chair the Judiciary and Finance committees and Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) is on his way out of the Senate after losing his May primary.

In a statement, Johnson called Graham an “American patriot” and said he’ll “be sorely missed.” He added that he wants to focus on exposing fraud in government. 

“As chairman for the remainder of the year, I intend to maximize this opportunity to define the fiscal challenge we face, help expose the fraud in government programs, and work with the House, the White House, and my Senate colleagues to enact as much of President Trump’s agenda as possible,” Johnson said. 

Republicans in Congress are currently attempting to pass a third budget reconciliation bill of the term before November’s midterm elections — with a focus on providing the Department of Defense with more funds for the war in Iran, further cutting government benefit programs and passing the SAVE America act to put more restrictions on voting. 

A Johnson spokesperson previously told the Wisconsin Examiner that he would “work diligently” to pass a reconciliation bill. 

Wisconsin Republican U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson is set to take up the gavel as chairman of the Senate Budget Committee following the death of Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina) — giving Johnson significant sway over federal spending decisions as President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans push to pass a third budget bill before this fall’s midterm elections. 

Johnson, the fourth most senior Republican on the budget committee, is in line to get the position because Sens. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) already chair the Judiciary and Finance committees and Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) is on his way out of the Senate after losing his May primary. 

In a statement, Johnson’s office said he would focus on working with the House and White House to determine what is possible to include in a budget reconciliation bill in the limited time before November. 

“Senator Johnson supports drafting and passing Reconciliation 3.0, and he will work diligently with all the relevant parties in the Senate, House, and White House to determine what is possible to achieve,” Johnson spokesperson Grace Carnathan said. 

The push for a third reconciliation bill includes Trump’s proposed $350 billion in additional money for  the Pentagon during the ongoing war in Iran. Johnson also said he’s working with Wisconsin Republican U.S. Rep. Bryan Steil to sidestep the filibuster and push through the SAVE America Act, imposing new restrictions on voting, through the budget reconciliation process, Politico reported. 

Johnson told the outlet that despite not officially having the gavel yet, he’s working to get ready for the job. 

“I’ve already met with Lindsey’s staff this afternoon,” he said Monday about picking up where Graham’s effort left off. 

Since being elected to the Senate for the first time in 2010, Johnson has promoted an image of himself as a budget hawk devoted to shrinking the size of the federal government. He’s also regularly supported Republican tax cut bills while using his platform to spread his anti-vaccine beliefs, climate change denial and support for Republican conspiracy theories about election administration. 

“Johnson is likely to do as much as he can to cut government spending in the remaining months of 2026,” Barry Burden, a professor of political science at UW-Madison, told the Examiner. “His party is very likely to lose control of the House and possibly the Senate, ending the opportunity to use the streamlined budget reconciliation process to enact cuts when the new Congress is seated in early 2027.”

Burden added that Johnson will “probably be more aggressive” about reducing federal spending, adding restrictions on voting and expanding the healthcare cuts made in last year’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act. 

“Without a reelection of his own to worry about in Wisconsin, Johnson has the freedom to devote himself to being a budget warrior in the waning days of the Republican trifecta,” Burden said. 

In recent months, Johnson has endorsed calls from some Republicans and Trump to end the Senate’s filibuster rules,  which require that non-budget legislation receive 60 votes to pass, in order to push through the SAVE America Act. Johnson said at the Republican Party of Wisconsin convention in May that Republicans should nix the filibuster now to preempt Democrats doing so if and when they get control of Congress and the White House. 

Wisconsin Sen. Tammy Baldwin, a Democrat, said in a statement she hopes Johnson uses the role to help Wisconsinites rather than focusing on slashing government services.

“Senator Ron Johnson and the budget committee greenlit the biggest cut to Medicaid and food assistance in history, all while increasing the national debt by $3.4 trillion over the next decade,” Baldwin said. “Now that he’s poised to take the gavel, I hope he will use this opportunity to deliver for the people of Wisconsin and help lower their costs moving forward – not deliver more cuts to Wisconsinites’ health care or spend more on this war in Iran.”

Jeff Mandell, general counsel of the voting rights focused firm Law Forward, said that given Johnson’s history of advocacy for harsh restrictions on voting and on behalf of Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 election, putting him in control of the budget committee is alarming. 

“The Save Act would interfere with long-standing and well functioning election laws in Wisconsin leading to disenfranchisement of Wisconsin voters,” Mandell said. 

Far from “unconditional surrender” or the “total and complete victory” President Donald Trump claimed would result from his unilateral decision to launch a war against Iran, the protracted U.S. military action is reportedly winding down with a memorandum of understanding between U.S. and Iranian officials that includes lifting U.S. sanctions, unfreezing Iranian assets, ending the U.S. blockade, reopening the Strait of Hormuz with Iran still in control, creating a $300 billion reconstruction fund, and the promise of further negotiations to end Iran’s nuclear program. 

In other words, the provisional agreement to end the war that has cost $30 billion and 13 U.S. lives appears to more or less restore the status quo before the war started. The biggest achievement of the outlined deal is to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, which wasn’t closed until the U.S. started bombing. Details of a proposed effort to keep Iran from building a nuclear weapon are still not figured out. Iran’s hardline regime is still in power.

None of this sounds like a win to Wisconsin U.S. Sen. Tammy Baldwin, who has repeatedly tried and failed to get her colleagues to pass a War Powers resolution to assert congressional warmaking authority, end the bombing and stop what she calls Trump’s illegitimate and “100% unnecessary” war.

“We have no assurances that war won’t continue, and no evidence that Americans are any better off today than they were before this all started,” Baldwin said in a press call Wednesday, calling the Iran war “a disaster for Wisconsinites.”

Baldwin is not alone. According to an April Marquette University Law School poll, 63% of Americans said there was not sufficient reason to start the war, and 68% said they disapproved of the way Trump has handled it.

Even Wisconsin’s Republican Sen. Ron Johnson, an ever-dependable Trump ally, told Bloomberg Television this week, “I don’t like the final outcome here. I’m sure President Trump doesn’t like the outcome. He would have liked unconditional surrender. It didn’t happen.” 

Johnson threw in a loopy tangent, blaming “gun control” for the inability of the Iranian people to overthrow their country’s brutal regime, calling it “a good lesson for the American people.” 

But Baldwin and Johnson appear to be mostly in agreement that, unproductive as it was, it’s better to wind down the war than to continue pushing forward with a costly and fruitless military adventure.  

“Look, peace is unequivocally a good thing, and something I have been fighting for since this president launched this unnecessary war,” Baldwin said Wednesday.

Speaking to Bloomberg on Tuesday, Johnson said: “If you’re going to recognize reality and realize that they still had a stranglehold over the straits and you want to open the straits up, there’s got to be some give and take.” 

So there it is: without knowing the details, Johnson supported Trump’s deal to end the war because it got Iran to reopen the strait it closed because Trump started the war in the first place. As for Iran’s nuclear program, “We can always go back in, the minute they make a move toward their nuclear sites, we can bomb them again,” Johnson asserted, echoing Trump.

“I don’t know what’s in the memorandum of understanding,” he added.

Being left in the dark about the details did not appear to trouble Johnson. Baldwin, in contrast, made it a point of her press conference, noting that Trump had repeatedly declared victory in Iran only to have the war continue.

“We need to make sure that whatever is in this agreement is real and also good for the American people,” she said, flagging the surge in gas prices that cost the average Wisconsin family $378 more since the war started as well as a huge hike in fertilizer prices that has taken a heavy toll on farmers.

The Iran nuclear deal Trump tore up, negotiated under the administration of President Barack Obama, included intrusive inspections that ensured Iran’s nuclear weapons capacity was not advancing, Baldwin noted. “I can’t see possibly how we could end up with a stronger deal curtailing Iran’s nuclear program 60 days from now than we did back in 2015 after months of multilateral negotiation,”  she said. “But again, Trump ripped up that deal, and we’re going to possibly, probably end up in a much worse place when we finally see this wind down and end.

Asked whether it still makes sense to push Congress to step up and pass a War Powers resolution, Baldwin answered, “absolutely.”

“When this president brought us into his war of choice, we weren’t under attack, we weren’t under any imminent threat of attack from Iran, he brought us into an illegal war.” Ever since then, Democrats have been introducing War Powers resolutions. 

“At first we had one Republican join us, then two, then three, then four. We are going to carry on until we are able to bring this to a close,” Baldwin said. 

Unlike Johnson, she was not reassured by Trump’s assertions that if the deal doesn’t work out, the U.S. can just start bombing again.

“I think it’s quite possible that some of my Republican colleagues who had previously joined us were taking the president’s word that a deal to end the war, an agreement to end the war, was upon us, and around the corner. I think they’ll soon find out that that’s not the case,” she said.

No matter how many conflicting assertions Trump makes about the war, it’s up to Congress to do its job. 

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COVID-19 vaccines have not been linked to as many as 3.9 million deaths. 

Wisconsin U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson said on May 9, 2026, on “Real America’s Voice” that the 39,000 deaths reported on the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System could be low and the real number could be 100 times higher because most people don’t report to the system.

VAERS, run by U.S. health agencies, is an early warning system for vaccine problems, but its data isn’t evidence that vaccines caused deaths.

VAERS says submitting a report does not mean the vaccine caused an adverse event. Reports are not analyzed for accuracy.

A 2022 review found potential links in 38 deaths out of 8 billion doses of vaccine administered. A 2026 analysis from the National Institutes of Health found no evidence COVID vaccines increased sudden cardiac death in healthy young adults. 

This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.

Sources

• CDC Wonder: Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System
• Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health: What VAERS Is (And Isn’t)
• Poynter: Claims that millions of people have died from the COVID-19 vaccine are unfounded
• National Institutes of Health National Library of Medicine: Scientific literature review
• National Institutes of Health National Library of Medicine: Association between COVID-19 vaccination and sudden death in apparently healthy younger individuals: A population-based case-control study
• NBC News: No child deaths definitively linked to Covid shots, FDA says

Have COVID-19 vaccines contributed to as many as 3.9 million deaths?  is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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It’s boom times for Wisconsin’s congressional delegation: Most members have seen their personal wealth substantially rise since arriving on Capitol Hill, according to a NOTUS analysis of congressional financial disclosures.

That surge in their financial portfolios is primarily driven by real estate, retirement accounts and, in one case, a well-placed billboard, NOTUS’ analysis indicates. In all, five of Wisconsin’s 10 delegation members reported median net worths of more than $1 million in 2024, the most recent year covered by federal disclosures.

Overall, the Wisconsin delegation is much wealthier than the average Wisconsinite, who has a median net worth of about $76,000, according to U.S. Census Bureau data.

Republican Sen. Ron Johnson’s median net worth nearly tripled in recent years, from $24 million in 2010, when he was first elected to the Senate, to $64.9 million in 2024.

One of the assets driving the uptick in Johnson’s median net worth is an industrial building he and his wife own in Oshkosh, Wisconsin. The property was worth between $1 million and $5 million in 2010. In 2024, Johnson valued it at between $5 million and $25 million, according to his latest financial disclosure.

In a decidedly political twist, part of Johnson’s wealth is tied up with his own reelection campaign committee. Federal Election Commission records indicate Johnson’s campaign owes Johnson more than $8 million from personal loans he’s made to the committee. In his 2024 personal financial disclosure, Johnson lists these loans as assets, valuing them between $5 million and $25 million.

Johnson’s office did not respond to requests for comment.

Therein lies a major challenge in pinpointing lawmakers’ net worths: They are only required to publicly disclose the value of their assets and liabilities in broad ranges. So if an asset increased from $4.9 million to $5.1 million, it grew 4%, but the category range (going from $1-$5 million to $5-$25 million) would have increased 400%.

Lawmakers also aren’t required to disclose the value of several assets including personal property, vehicles or their personal residence, although they do have to declare the value of their mortgage as a liability along with other debts including credit card balances and student loans.

To best estimate lawmakers’ wealth, NOTUS calculated the median of their minimum net worth — minimum total assets minus maximum liabilities — and maximum net worth — maximum total assets minus minimum liabilities.

Johnson is hardly alone among Wisconsin lawmakers whose personal wealth has grown substantially while they earn a $174,000 annual salary.

Among the others: Republican Reps. Glenn Grothman, Bryan Steil, Scott Fitzgerald and Tom Tiffany, as well as Democratic Rep. Mark Pocan.

Steil, elected to Congress in 2018, and Grothman, elected in 2014, have both become millionaires since they entered Congress.

Grothman’s median net worth has more than doubled, from $885,000 in 2014 to more than $2.2 million in 2024. Several accounts Grothman disclosed owning in 2014, including state retirement accounts and two individual retirement accounts, steadily increased in value. And the value of a condominium he owns in West Bend, Wisconsin, greatly increased, from a reported minimum value of $15,001 in 2014 to $100,001 in 2024, according to his financial disclosures. The condominium could be worth as much as $250,000, according to Grothman’s latest disclosure.

Grothman’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

Steil’s median net worth more than doubled from 2018 to 2024, from $812,000 in 2018 to nearly $1.9 million in 2024, according to his financial disclosures. Several of Steil’s brokerage and retirement accounts jumped in value, including Vanguard Target Retirement, Mid Cap Growth Index Fund and Strategic Equity Investor accounts. He also added a Vanguard U.S. Growth Fund account worth between $250,001 and $500,000 that’s now among his largest assets.

Steil’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

Fitzgerald’s median net worth increased from $3.5 million in 2021, his first year in the House, to $6.3 million in 2024. His financial disclosure report from 2020, the year he was elected, is blank and has not been amended.

A spokesperson for Fitzgerald did not return a request for comment.

Fitzgerald’s wealth spike is primarily driven by real estate investments. The minimum disclosed value of his Wisconsin farm increased from $500,001 to $1 million over those three years, and he disclosed a property in Watertown, Wisconsin, in 2024 that’s worth at least $250,001. He also disclosed a Big Horn, Montana, property worth between $1 million and $5 million, although the property’s value range did not change between 2021 and 2024.

Tiffany’s median net worth ticked up slightly from $230,000 in 2020 to $296,000 in 2024, according to his latest disclosure.

Some of his income comes from on high: He owns a billboard in Oneida, Wisconsin, worth between $1,001 and $15,000 that consistently generates between $5,000 and $15,000 each year, according to his disclosures.

Tiffany’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

Pocan’s median net worth has also risen, from $541,000 in 2012 to $778,000 in 2024.

Most of his net worth comes from Budget Signs & Specialties, a printing company Pocan fully owns. It sells custom signs, awards and apparel, as well as campaign materials to Wisconsin Democratic candidates, and is valued between $500,001 and $1 million. It was valued between $250,001 and $500,000 in 2012.

Political candidates and committees have paid Pocan’s Budget Signs & Specialties more than $1.2 million since 2004, according to FEC data. That includes about $12,700 so far during the 2026 election cycle, with $7,600 collectively coming from Pocan’s own congressional campaign committee and the committee of Sen. Tammy Baldwin.

Baldwin’s campaign committees and the Democratic Party of Wisconsin are among Pocan’s biggest political customers over the last 22 years, FEC filings indicate.

The state Democratic Party has paid Pocan’s company more than $500,000 for materials such as yard signs and T-shirts since 2008. Committees for Baldwin’s House and Senate campaigns have collectively spent $171,000 since 2004.

In addition, Pocan’s campaign committee has paid his business more than $91,000 for printing and copying services and signs since 2018, according to FEC filings.

Pocan’s office declined to comment on the congressman’s net worth increase and business.

Baldwin’s median net worth has dipped slightly from $623,000 in 2012 to $588,000 in 2024, according to her financial disclosures.

Baldwin’s office said in a statement that the Wisconsin Democrat has “no knowledge of where her assets are invested or the composition of her portfolio” and communicates with her trustee through the Senate Ethics Committee.

One of the delegation’s wealthiest members is also its newest.

Republican Rep. Tony Wied, whose median net worth is nearly $10.1 million, arrived in Washington in 2024 after selling his chain of dinosaur-themed gas stations and convenience stores.

Wied holds between $50,000 and $100,000 in Black Hills Corp., an electric and gas utility in the West, and at least $250,000 in companies that produce tractors, trucks and automotive parts, including an investment in the Canadian National Railway.

That’s notable because Wied sits on the House Agriculture Committee and House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, where he serves on the subcommittee for rural development, energy and supply chains. These committees have oversight jurisdiction for the industries in which Wied personally invests.

Wied reports his stock trades each month to the House Ethics Committee in compliance with current law and guidelines, spokesperson Aidan Strongreen said.

“Congressman Wied’s investments are managed solely through an independent financial adviser, and he has no role in any of their decisions,” Strongreen said.

Only two members of Wisconsin’s congressional delegation have net worths below the Wisconsin household median, according to a NOTUS analysis of their annual financial disclosures: Republican Rep. Derrick Van Orden and Democratic Rep. Gwen Moore.

Van Orden’s median net worth is -$88,000, while Moore’s is also in the red, at -$75,000, according to their most recent financial disclosures.

On her most recent disclosure, Moore reported no assets. She disclosed a mortgage balance on her home in the range of $50,000 to $100,000. Lawmakers are not required to publicly disclose the value of their personal residence, and most do not.

Moore’s net worth has dropped almost $100,000 from $24,000 in 2008, according to her disclosure.

Van Orden does have some assets, primarily a Navy Mutual Whole Life policy valued between $50,001 and $100,000, his disclosure shows. But his overall net worth is pulled down by a mortgage and a “revolving charge account,” a category that includes credit cards and home equity and personal credit lines.

This story was produced and originally published by Wisconsin Watch and NOTUS, a publication from the nonprofit, nonpartisan Allbritton Journalism Institute.

Here’s how much the wealth of Wisconsin’s congressional delegation has changed since going to Washington is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.