"Fire Duey Stroebel" sign at Habush Sinykin Election night party. (Baylor Spears | Wisconsin Examiner)
Tuesday’s election results for the Wisconsin State Legislature were mixed. Wisconsin Democrats won several key state Senate races, breaking the Republican 22-seat supermajority and laying the groundwork for Democrats to compete for a majority in 2026. In the Assembly, Republicans appear to have held their majority with many incumbents defeating their challengers.
New legislative maps, which were adopted in February after the state Supreme Court ruled the old maps were an unconstitutional gerrymander, gave Democrats the opportunity to run in competitive districts in many cases for the first time in over a decade.
Half of the state Senate was up for reelection this year, and Democrats ran in each Senate district.
Democrats won five districts they were targeting on Tuesday — ousting Republican incumbents, winning newly created open seats and keeping a Democratic incumbent in office. The results bring the Senate makeup to 18 Republicans and 15 Democrats. The previous makeup was 22 Republicans and 10 Democrats.
Minority Leader Dianne Hesselbein (D-Middleton) celebrated in a statement Wednesday morning.
“Senate Democrats defeated Republicans’ manufactured supermajority, and we are on a pathway to the majority in 2026,” Hesselbein said “Our candidates knocked on thousands of doors, listened to voters, and clearly articulated their vision for Wisconsin. Senate Democrats will tirelessly defend our shared values and uplift working families.”
Democrat Jodi Habush Sinykin of Whitefish Bay declared victory over Sen. Duey Stroebel of Saukville, ousting the lawmaker who has served in the Senate since 2016. The race was one of the most expensive state legislative races in the state with spending surpassing $10.2 million, according to a review by WisPolitics.
The district sits north of Milwaukee and includes Whitefish Bay, Fox Point, Bayside, River Hills, Menomonee Falls, Germantown, Mequon, Cedarburg, Grafton and Port Washington.
This will be Habush Sinykin’s first time holding public office. She ran for office once before in a special election for an open seat in 2023, but lost to Sen. Dan Knodl.
Hesselbein welcomed Habush Sinykin in a release, saying that she and her team ran an “incredible” campaign.
“As the underdog, she did not shy away from the hard work necessary to win this race,” Hesselbain said. “Jodi’s deep ties to the community, thoughtful decision-making, and experience as an attorney will allow her to effectively legislate for the needs of this community.”
At an election night party in Theinsville, Habush Sinykin started the night greeting, thanking and talking to her supporters, though results of the race hadn’t been called by 2 a.m. when the party ended. Signs declaring “Fire Duey Stroebel” were placed throughout the party.
Habush Sinykin started the night greeting, thanking and talking to her supporters, though results of the race hadn’t been called by 2 a.m. when the party ended. (Baylor Spears | Wisconsin Examiner)
Democrat Sarah Keyeski, a mental health provider from Lodi, declared victory over incumbent Sen. Joan Ballweg just after midnight in the race for the 14th Senate District. Keyeski is a political newcomer, and this will be her first term in office.
The district sits north of Madison and covers parts of Dane, Columbia, Sauk and Richland counties, including the cities of Deforest, Reedsburg, Baraboo, Lodi, Columbus, Portage, Richland Center and Wisconsin Dells. The district changed under new legislative maps, and Ballweg, who has served in the Senate since 2021, was drawn into another district but decided to move to remain in the 14th district.
Hesselbein said she is “confident that Sarah will be a strong voice for folks living in the 14th Senate District.”
Democrat Jamie Wall, a business consultant from Green Bay, declared victory over Republican Jim Rafter in the race for the open 30th Senate District. The newly created district sits in Brown County, representing Green Bay, Ashwaubenon, De Pere, Allouez, Bellevue.
Democrat Kristin Alfheim, a member of the Appleton Common Council, defeated Republican Anthony Phillips, a cancer physician, in the race for the 18th Senate District in the Fox Valley, including Appleton, Menasha, Neenah and Oshkosh.
Democratic Sen. Brad Pfaff of Onalaska, won reelection over Republican challenger Stacey Klein, clinching his second term in office. Pfaff was first elected to the Senate in 2020, and previously served as the secretary-designee of the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection, after being appointed by Gov. Tony Evers, though Republicans later denied his nomination.
Highly contested Assembly races
All of the Assembly’s 99 seats were up for election this year, and after the new maps were implemented, Democrats saw an opportunity to make gains, and potentially flip the body. The new majority is likely 54 Republicans to 45 Democrats.
While Republicans held onto enough seats to retain their majority this year, Democrats cut the previous 64-seat Republican majority by 10 seats and had all their incumbents reelected.
“Fair maps have allowed voters to hold legislators accountable, and this will change how policy is written and what bills move through the legislature,” said Assembly Minority Leader Greta Neubauer (D-Racine) in a statement Wednesday. “I hope and expect that this shift will result in more collaboration and bipartisan work in the legislature, because that is what the people of Wisconsin have asked us to do.”
The Assembly Democrats will add 23 new members to their caucus.
Assembly Speaker Robin Vos (R-Rochester), told reporters Wednesday afternoon that the party was proud of those who won. He said the Republican Assembly caucus will have eight new members in the Legislature.
“We are at 54 strong,” Vos said. “Many people, especially the minority leader, spent the last three months telling everybody, they were going to be in the majority. They were clearly wrong, and again now we get the chance to set the agenda for the rest of the state with our colleagues in the state Senate.”
Vos and Assembly Majority Leader Tyler August (R-Walworth) said the results were a sign of Republican strength, and that Democrats were only able to pick up seats because the maps, which were proposed by Evers and passed by the Republican-majority Legislature, were drawn to favor them.
“The only way that Democrats picked up seats was by having a map that was clearly gerrymandered to give them a result,” Vos said.
“We were able to fight against that because we have better candidates, a better message and we are right on the issues when it comes down to it,” August said.
Vos, the longest speaker in state history, said he will run to lead Assembly Republicans again. He said the caucus’ priorities for the session will need to be discussed in the coming weeks, but one will likely focus on the state’s budget surplus.
“We are not going to spend that. It’s going to either go back to the taxpayers as relief, or it’s going to stay in the budget as a surplus because I am not going to support a plan that says if Evers vetoes tax cuts, we’re going to spend it on growing the size of government,” Vos said.
Many Republican incumbents defeated their Democratic challengers. Republican Rep. Jessie Rodriguez of Oak Creek defeated Democratic challenger David Marstellar in the race for the 21st Assembly District, which sits in Milwaukee County.
Republican Rep. Todd Novak of Dodgeville defeated Democratic challenger Elizabeth Grabe in the race for the 51st Assembly District, which represents part of Lafayette, Iowa and Grant counties.
Republican Rep. Shannon Zimmerman of River Falls defeated Democrat Alison Page in the 30th Assembly District, which represents the cities of Hudson and River Falls as well as the towns of Troy and St. Joseph. Zimmerman has served in the Assembly since 2016.
Republican Rep. Bob Donovan defeated Democrat LuAnn Bird in their rematch to represent Assembly District 61, which covers Greendale and Hales Corner in Milwaukee County.
Republican Rep. Patrick Snyder defeated Democratic challenger Yee Leng Xiong, executive director at the Hmong American Center and a member of the Marathon County Board, in the race for the 85th Assembly District. The district represents Wausau and other parts of Marathon County. Snyder has served in the Assembly since 2016.
Republican Rep. Clint Moses, who has served in the Assembly since 2020, defeated Democratic challenger Joe Plouff, in the race for Assembly District 92, which covers Menomonie and Chippewa Falls.
Democratic candidate Joe Sheehan, former superintendent of the Sheboygan Area School District and executive director of the Sheboygan County Economic Development Corporation, defeated Republican Rep. Amy Binsfield, a first-term representative from Sheboygan, in the race for Assembly District 26.
Democrat Tara Johnson, a former La Crosse County Board member, defeated Rep. Loren Oldenburg (R-Viroqua), who was first elected to the Assembly in 2018, in the race for the 96th Assembly District.
Democrat Ryan Spaude, a criminal prosecutor, defeated Republican Patrick Buckley, who serves as the Brown County Board chairman, in the race for the 89th Assembly District, which covers parts of Brown County including Ashwaubenon and Green Bay.
Democratic Rep. Jodi Emerson of Eau Claire defeated Republican challenger Michele Magadance Skinner in the race for the 91st Assembly District.
Democrat Christian Phelps defeated Republican James Rolbiecki in the race for the 93rd Assembly District, which represents part of Eau Claire. The seat represents a gain for Democrats in the area.
Democratic Rep. Deb Andraca, who flipped a district when she was first elected in 2020, said Tuesday night at the Election party in Thiensville that Democrats adding seats in the Assembly was a “different day” and Democrats in the Assembly would no longer be trying to just save the governor’s veto. She declared victory in her reelection bid on Tuesday night.
“The gerrymander is dead,” Andraca said. “We’re no longer saving the veto. We are going to go back in the Wisconsin State Assembly with more seats than we have had in over a decade. We are going to be looking at the ability to negotiate, bring our bills forward and it’s going to be a completely different day.”
“We are going to be able to make much more of a difference in the Wisconsin State Assembly, and that’s because of all of the hard work that people in this room have done election after election and year after year.”
The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, the national organization that works to elect Democrats to state legislatures, celebrated the Wisconsin results in a statement.
“Thanks to fair maps and a smart strategy, the GOP’s stranglehold on Wisconsin’s Legislature is coming to an end,” DLCC President Heather Williams said. “Our 2024 wins mark just the beginning. Seat by seat, the DLCC is committed to continuing to build and defend Democratic power in the Wisconsin Legislature. Republicans have been put on notice: the DLCC is poised to make Wisconsin a future Democratic trifecta.”
Beyoncé takes part in a campaign rally focused on reproductive rights with the Democratic presidential candidate, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, at Shell Energy Stadium on Oct. 25, 2024 in Houston, Texas. (Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)
Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris appeared alongside superstar performer Beyoncé on Friday night to encourage voter turnout and reinforce the differences between the two parties on reproductive rights, with just days to go before voting ends.
The rally at Shell Energy Stadium in Houston, Texas, followed months of speculation about whether Beyoncé would support Vice President Harris publicly ahead of the Nov. 5 presidential election. The two-hour event featured other celebrities, including Willie Nelson and Jessica Alba, as well as women detailing being denied medical care for pregnancy complications in Texas after its abortion ban went into effect.
Beyoncé, who has won more than 30 Grammy Awards as well as hundreds of others throughout her career, said casting a vote is “one of the most valuable tools” that Americans have to decide the future of the country.
“We are at the precipice of an incredible shift, the brink of history,” Beyoncé said, adding that she wasn’t speaking at the rally as a celebrity or a politician.
“I’m here as a mother,” she said. “A mother who cares deeply about the world my children and all of our children live in. A world where we have the freedom to control our bodies.”
‘Horrific reality’
Harris, who is locked in an extremely close race with Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump, said abortion bans and restrictions implemented during the last two years have been “devastating.”
“We see the horrific reality that women and families face every single day,” Harris said. “The stories are vivid, they are difficult to hear, they are difficult to tell.”
Harris said there are also many stories that women and their families won’t discuss in public about challenges they’ve faced with access to medical care during pregnancy complications.
“An untold number of women and the people who love them, who are silently suffering — women who are being made to feel as though they did something wrong, as though they are criminals, as though they are alone,” Harris said. “And to those women. I say — and I think I speak on behalf of all of us — we see you and we are here with you.”
Harris said if voters give Trump another four years in the Oval Office, he will likely nominate more justices to the Supreme Court, which she argued would have a negative impact on the country.
“If he were reelected, he’d probably get to appoint one, if not two, members to the United States Supreme Court,” Harris said. “At which point Donald Trump will have packed the court with five out of nine justices … who will sit for lifetime appointments; shaping your lives and the lives of generations to come.”
Texas is also where anti-abortion organizations decided to file a federal lawsuit in November 2022 challenging the U.S. Food and Drug Administration’s 2000 approval of medication abortion.
The two-drug regimen, consisting of mifepristone and misoprostol, is currently approved for up to 10 weeks gestation and is used in about 63% of abortions nationwide, according to data from the Guttmacher Institute.
The case made its way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled earlier this year the organizations lacked standing to bring the lawsuit in the first place, but the justices didn’t address the merits of the anti-abortion groups’ arguments.
Speaking at ‘ground zero’
Harris told reporters on Friday before the rally began that Republican lawmakers in Texas have made the state “ground zero in this fundamental fight for the freedom of women to make decisions about their own body.”
Harris contended that access to reproductive rights, including abortion, is “not just a political debate” or “some theoretical concept.”
“Real harm has occurred in this country, real suffering has occurred,” Harris told reporters. “People die, and it is important to highlight this issue because this is among the most critical issues that the American people will address when they vote for who will be the next president of the United States.”
During Trump’s first term in office, he nominated three Supreme Court justices, who later joined with other conservatives to overturn the constitutional right to abortion established in the 1973 Roe v. Wade case.
The Supreme Court’s ruling two years ago sent “the authority to regulate abortion … to the people and their elected representatives.”
That has led to a hodgepodge of laws with 13 states banning abortion, six states restricting access between six and 12 weeks, five states setting a gestational limit between 15 and 22 weeks, 17 states restricting abortion access after viability and nine states not setting a gestational limit, according to KFF.
Polls find support for abortion access
Public support for abortion access has outpaced support for restricting access for decades, according to consistent polling from the Pew Research Center.
The most recent survey from May shows that about 63% of Americans want abortion to be legal in most or all cases, while 36% said they believe it should be illegal in most or all cases.
Additional surveying from Pew shows that 67% of Harris supporters believe abortion access is “very important — nearly double the share of Biden voters who said this four years ago, though somewhat lower than the share of midterm Democratic voters who said this in 2022 (74%).
“And about a third of Trump supporters (35%) now say abortion is very important to their vote — 11 points lower than in 2020.”
In addition to playing some role in the presidential election, voters in 10 states — Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Maryland, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New York and South Dakota — will weigh in on abortion access directly through ballot questions.
Congress could supersede any protections or restrictions on abortion access established within states, if the House and Senate ever agree on legislation and a future president signs it into law.
Republicans are slightly favored to gain control of the Senate for the next two years following the election, while control of the House is considered a toss-up, as is the presidential race.
This story was originally published by Canary Media.
DETROIT—In 1913, Henry Ford unveiled the moving assembly line at his Highland Park plant, reducing the time it took to make a Model T from 12 hours to 93 minutes and igniting a revolution in modern manufacturing. He later perfected the intricate choreography of worker and machine at the 600-acre Rouge plant, which opened in 1920.
On a sunny late-summer afternoon, I stood on a catwalk at the Rouge, peering down at the modern incarnation of that century-old industrial system. Half-built F-150 pickups rolled from station to station at four miles per hour. Each employee had about 45 seconds to perform their task — install a center console, affix a windshield, hook up the truck-bed door.
Ford’s industrial efficiency helped convert America, and eventually much of the world, to automotive transportation, and his factories attracted thousands of workers to Detroit. By the 1920s, it was the nation’s fourth largest city; in 1950 its population peaked at nearly 2 million. Early-20th-century Ford Motor Company casts a mythic aura over Detroit to this day.
“We’re steeped in our heritage,” said Liesl Clark, an architect of Michigan climate policy who now teaches at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. “We think a lot about being the state that put the world on wheels. We take a lot of pride in that.”
But Detroit’s industrial joyride hit speed bumps in the second half of the 20th century as the auto industry grappled with technological change, globalization, automation, and supply chains shifting south, Jonathan Smith, senior chief deputy director at the state Department of Labor and Economic Opportunity, told me. As the jobs disappeared, Detroit’s population began emptying out; last year, it stood at just 633,218.
Now something new is stirring along the banks of the Detroit River. The city just notched its first year of population growth since 1957. A few buildings over from the clockwork marvel of Ford’s F-150 plant, another operation cranks out the electric version of the truck, loaded with a battery pack so powerful it can run a whole home. Farther afield, nascent battery plants are in the works, aiming to supply the Big Three automakers with American-made components for their emerging EV lineups.
Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat elected in 2018, has launched an ambitious effort to reinvigorate Michigan’s remaining industrial base by retooling it for the low-carbon era. Crucially, Whitmer led her party to win majorities in the House and Senate in 2022, giving Democrats full control of state government for the first time in nearly 40 years. They used that popular mandate to pass a series of climate laws last fall, including one of the nation’s most ambitious clean electricity targets. Whitmer has directed hundreds of millions of dollars in state funds to a slew of cleantech factories where workers will make batteries for electric vehicles and new technologies to clean up buildings and electricity production.
Michigan is not the only state actively pursuing new factory investment; its efforts coincide with a generational shift in the nation’s capital, where politicians of both parties are disavowing neoliberal offshoring and embracing policies intended to bring manufacturing back to American shores. President Joe Biden’s signature climate law, the Inflation Reduction Act, incentivizes domestic production of electric vehicles and other energy technologies. But given its industrial legacy and highly trained workforce, Michigan is arguably the state best positioned to make the most of this new economic era.
“It was hard to find a lot of benefit for Michigan workers in … the globalization of some of these key industries, whereas Michigan workers absolutely can benefit from the reshoring and onshoring of existing critical technologies and new technologies of the future that there’s now a policy commitment to see built here in the United States,” Smith told me.
If Michigan’s bet on new clean energy manufacturing works out, it would offer the clearest test case nationally of the Biden-Harris strategy to make clean energy the engine of manufacturing revival. Of the top five states leading the climatetech factory buildout, per a tally by researcher Jack Conness, it’s the only one with unified state Democratic control, not to mention a strong and historically powerful union presence.
“Michigan’s package [of climate legislation] is really significant because it’s in a manufacturing state, it’s in a state where we understand industry,” said Clark, who previously ran Michigan’s environmental regulatory body for Whitmer. “We know we’re going to have to squeeze all the carbon we can out of industry, and we’re going to do that in a partnership with industry, so that we’re also getting the economic-development advantage as we’re moving along that road.”
At the same time, Michigan is one of the most closely divided swing states likely to decide the election between Vice President Kamala Harris, who vows to continue the clean energy policies she helped pass, and former President Donald Trump, who has threatened to undo them.
Michigan broke for Trump in 2016 by around 11,000 votes, part of the shattered “blue wall” that ushered him into the White House. In 2020, Michigan rejected Trump by 150,000 votes. Harris and Trump were neck and neck in the state’s September polling. Democrats may be ascendant in Lansing, but among the waterfront palaces of Grosse Pointe and the lakeside cornfields of the Thumb, the Trump-Vance signs come out in force.
I wanted to assess just how far Michigan’s clean energy manufacturing transformation has come ahead of the 2024 election. After a week of factory visits and interviews with business leaders and policymakers, it was clear that this revolution is further along in Michigan than almost anywhere else in the U.S. It’s also barely getting started.
Private companies have pledged more than $11 billion to build clean energy factories and projects in Michigan, by Conness’ count. Advocacy group Climate Power tallies more like $18 billion for cleantech factories, not counting clean power-plant commitments — money that’s expected to produce nearly 22,000 jobs.
But many of the big-ticket factories announced so far have yet to break ground. Michiganders are feeling only a fraction of the benefits the clean manufacturing boom could furnish; the full effects won’t come until long after the 2024 election is decided. That delay could jeopardize the whole project. For this battery-powered economic revival to succeed, the supporting policies that kicked it off need to stay on the books.
A battery factory in miniature
Detroit emanates from its namesake river like half a wheel, spokes flaring from the cluster of art deco skyscrapers at its center. I followed one of those spokes west past Dearborn, home to Ford and now a thriving Yemeni community, to a flat green land dotted by factories that look like oversized boxes. One of the largest of these houses Our Next Energy, a startup founded in 2020 by materials scientist Mujeeb Ijaz to bring back domestic production of the lithium ferrous phosphate (LFP) battery chemistry.
This technology uses cheaper, more widely accessible materials and operates more safely than the nickel-based battery chemistries that have reigned in the EV market. But the first major U.S. company to commercialize it, A123 Systems, went bankrupt more than a decade ago when, among other setbacks, actual demand for EV batteries lagged behind industry hopes. A123 was ultimately sold to a Chinese firm, and several Chinese companies successfully scaled up LFP production, making it a viable choice for EV batteries even though it lacks the cell-level energy density of the nickel chemistries. Ijaz saw this unfold firsthand while leading vehicle battery development for A123. Years later, he thought the time was ripe to try again.
It took me a few tries to find the right door at Our Next Energy’s enormous complex. Once inside, an operations manager for the plant had me cover up my hair, don a dark blue lab coat, and slip on little coverups for my leather shoes. Just before we walked onto the factory floor, he instructed me to tell him if I felt dehydrated, because we were entering a controlled zone of near-zero humidity.
Our first stop was the anode room, where Our Next Energy makes the negative end of the battery. Inside a tall, shiny, 100-liter metal tank, a dough hook mixes a sludge of gray metal powder; a separate machine extrudes this graphite slurry onto a roll of copper, printing an anode.
A parallel system across the room does the same for the lithium iron phosphate cathode, which goes on aluminum foil. Both the anodes and the cathodes then go through an oven that solidifies and dehydrates them, after which they’re sliced into uniform sheets. Then comes assembly: An automated machine stacks alternating sheets of anode and cathode with a separator weaving in between. The resulting stack gets stuffed into a metal box and filled with a liquid electrolyte. After some quality checks, it’s ready to power a car.
And that’s where the tour ended. The 10 megawatt-hour “proto line” I saw was fine-tuning samples for potential customers; it occupied a mere corner of the 660,000-square-foot factory, which sat mostly empty.
The mini-factory proves that American workers are capable of producing the up-and-coming LFP batteries. But the battery market, like the solar-panel market, is all about scale, and that’s what Our Next Energy currently lacks.
The company has suffered a series of recent financial setbacks. It went out for Series C venture funding last year, but couldn’t close the deal (that was a tough time for climate venture capital broadly). To keep things running, management laid off 128 staff in November, roughly 25 percent of the workforce. In December, the board booted founder Ijaz from the CEO spot (but kept him around as chief technology officer) and replaced him with board member Paul Humphries, who held multiple executive roles at Flex, the global manufacturing specialist.
Earlier this year, Humphries fired more staff and convinced existing investors to fund the company’s operations through the end of this year. That pushed off the startup’s nagging existential questions for a while.
After the factory tour, I drove half an hour to the small city of Novi to visit Our Next Energy’s corporate headquarters, a glassy, open-floor-plan affair tucked into the wooded, pond-dotted Michigan landscape. Head of Strategy Deeana Ahmed acknowledged the company’s financial challenges and laid out a clear-eyed view of the tough road ahead.
Any would-be U.S. battery manufacturer has to confront the fact that imported cells and packs from China are far cheaper than anything made in the U.S., even with the current 25 percent tariff. Battery prices were higher when Congress drafted the IRA incentives, but since then, Ahmed told me, China’s battery industry has dumped product into the global market in what she considers an unsustainable effort to depress prices and smother emerging battery factories in the U.S. (Solar panel makers complain of a similar dynamic in their market.)
“Right now, what we’re seeing with the IRA is that it barely is enough to keep us competitive,” Ahmed said. “I was meeting with an investor recently, and they asked this question: ‘What happens if the IRA goes away?’ And it’s like, this is not feasible.”
Our Next Energy has already ordered machinery for its first gigawatt-hour-scale production line, which will make cells for stationary grid storage. But the real prize will be landing a large-scale EV supply contract, which would help secure financing for the full $1.6 billion factory expansion that the company has advertised (and which landed a $200 million grant from the state of Michigan, based on a forecast of creating 2,000 jobs). That would fill out the building I saw with 7 gigawatt-hours of annual production, using machines 25 times larger than the ones I saw, plus another 13 gigawatt-hours somewhere even larger.
“You have to spend $1 billion to $2 billion, minimum, to have a scale that is competitive,” Ahmed said. “Anything below that, you’re just losing money.”
If that investment comes through, Our Next Energy will offer entry-level jobs paying $20 to $35 per hour. The company’s preliminary workforce hasn’t unionized, Ahmed said, but “we respect the right of our workers to collectively bargain.”
Two years after the IRA passed, it’s still too early to see Our Next Energy in the full swing of domestic battery production. The factory holds great promise but lingers in a vulnerable, incomplete state, a dynamic that characterizes much of Michigan’s clean energy manufacturing buildout. Ford is still constructing its $2.5 billion BlueOval Battery Park in Calhoun County, to employ 1,700 workers, while GM builds a $2.6 billion battery plant in Lansing. Gotion, a subsidiary of a Chinese battery company, has received regulatory approval to build a $2.4 billion facility in western Michigan, which would employ more than 2,300 people. Gotion had to go to court to defend the project after a new slate of local leaders tried to block it based on the company’s ties to China.
Concerted state and federal policies have produced this flurry of factory commitments, but few of those 22,000 promised jobs have materialized yet. Market conditions are daunting, even with full-throated federal support; if that support wavers, the whole endeavor might crumble.
Ford pumps the brakes on EVs
In between factory tours, I stopped in at the Detroit Institute of Arts to see the famous Diego Rivera mural of the Rouge plant’s Depression-era V8 production. Henry Ford’s son Edsel Ford commissioned the stirring work in 1932 — a scion of American capitalism partnering with a prominent Mexican communist.
Diego Rivera captured the immense effort and attention that Detroit workers put into the assembly of the Ford V8. The 1933 mural blends technology and mythology, like in one detail where the newly designed V8 engine takes on the forms of an ancient Latin American sculpture. (Julian Spector)
In one panel, Henry Ford instructs engineers on the newly designed V8, an engine so powerful that he named the new car model after it. (Ford received letters from notorious bank robbers Clyde Barrow and John Dillinger thanking him for designing such a capable getaway vehicle, though some specialists doubt their veracity.) The museum docent told me that Rivera casts the formidable new engine in the guise of a pre-Columbian dog sculpture, with Ford as the high priest interpreting it for his flock.
Elsewhere in the soaring atrium, furnaces glow like volcanoes while muscular men of various races heave mighty engines onto carts and assemble the cars with freshly stamped chassis, radiators, and tires.
Now Ford is attempting to reconjure this legendary alchemy of invention and productivity for the electric era. The company has electrified two of its most iconic brands: the Mustang, which transformed from muscle car to nearly silent electric crossover SUV, and America’s best-selling pickup truck, the F-150, now available as the Lightning.
But, even with unprecedented state and federal support, Detroit’s automakers are having trouble recapturing the innovative breakthroughs that put them on the map a century ago.
The problem is, Ford hasn’t yet achieved its own century-old standard of a better car at a cheaper price. The cost of a Lightning can easily hit $90,000 with add-ons. Even at these exorbitant prices, Ford’s electric division lost $1.3 billion to earn $100 million in revenue during the first quarter this year. And it only sold 10,000 vehicles. Expenses will naturally be higher at the beginning of the clean energy buildout, but that’s not a sustainable way of doing business.
I had hoped to see how those electric pickups were made, to view the synthesis of American muscle and quiet efficiency. As it happened, my August visit to Michigan coincided with the Lightning factory’s regular summer shutdown to retool equipment for the fall production season, Ford representatives told me. That same week, Ford announced it had canceled its next EV release because it couldn’t make the economics work for a three-row electric SUV.
Ford Chief Financial Officer John Lawler told the Financial Times, “These vehicles need to be profitable, and if they’re not profitable based on where the customer is and the market is, we will … make those tough decisions.” Henry Ford’s genius was to imagine new and better possibilities beyond what customers and the market could imagine; his present-day successors seem unwilling to push those boundaries.
Ford’s peers in Detroit’s Big Three have even less to show for their EV efforts. GM built the popular Bolt, which sold well at accessible prices, but recalled thousands of them to replace batteries, then abruptly discontinued the model. (GM later changed course, un-canceling the cancellation, but the Bolt still isn’t back in production.) GM’s current EV lineup swings hard into luxury, with Cadillacs and Hummers; its most affordable model is the recently released Chevy Equinox, starting at $33,600. Stellantis, corporate parent of Chrysler, only got around to introducing its first all-electric model in North America this year despite claiming that EVs will comprise half its sales by 2030.
The auto industry’s halting progress notwithstanding, the Whitmer administration has thrown its full-throttled support behind the shift to electric mobility.
Whitmer’s Healthy Climate Plan calls for 2 million EVs on the roads by 2030, served by 100,000 public charging ports (up from around 3,000 in the state today), said Justine Johnson, the former Ford mobility strategist who now helms the state’s new Office for Future Mobility and Electrification. The state government will transition all light-duty vehicles in its fleet to electric by 2033 followed by medium- and heavy-duty vehicles by 2040.
Over the long term, though, the transition to clean vehicles will require dialing back production of automakers’ highly profitable gas-powered trucks and SUVs, and that will scramble the employment landscape in Detroit.
For the Whitmer team, the multi-decade planning horizon for the transition to electric mobility offers more time to prepare and manage the economic transition than, say, the sudden shocks of the Great Recession or the dot-com bubble bursting. The Big Three automakers responded to those crises with mass layoffs and cutbacks on benefits for remaining workers. In contrast, the EV transition can be one that Michigan workers and communities plan for and truly benefit from, Smith said.
“Nobody’s talking about phasing out ICE [internal combustion engine] vehicles in the next year or two,” he added. “We’re going to continue to have a lot of stability in our auto sector in Michigan in the years to come.”
Some researchers have concluded that this shift will ultimately reduce the number of jobs in the sector, because EV drivetrains are more streamlined and less labor-intensive than ICE engine fabrication. But researchers at Carnegie Mellon University recently analyzed all the steps and labor hours required to make electric and gas-powered vehicles and concluded that EVs can result in greater labor demand if you include the work of battery production. The latest data, published in March, seems to corroborate Whitmer’s theory that EVs can result in economic gains for Michigan, though the location of the battery factories will influence legacy autoworkers’ ability to transition.
Michigan is building more than EVs
Michigan’s battery and EV bets still look unsteady, but the state’s portfolio of new factory investments stretches well beyond the automotive sector.
In a different boxy building not far from Our Next Energy, I met Jose Nunez-Regueiro, the chief technology officer of Nxlite, a startup that has developed a novel way to make windows significantly more energy-efficient. Out on the factory floor, he opened up a porthole into a large metal chamber: A glowing pink haze filled the space, with twin lines of pulsing lavender tracking along two pipes at the top.
Nunez-Reguiero explained the pipes are hollow tubes of silver stuffed with magnetic filling. The machine ignites argon, oxygen, or nitrogen under intense pressure, turning it into cosmic pink plasma, which then collides with the magnets. That impact dislodges a plume of atoms, which sputter down onto a panel of glass at a thickness of 10 to 40 nanometers — a technique known as physical vapor deposition.
Nxlite uses a high-tech method to sprinkle tiny particles onto glass panes, invisibly helping them retain heat and lower building energy consumption. (Julian Spector)
The transparent, ultra-thin coating blocks select infrared wavelengths, keeping heat out of a building or vehicle in the summer, or keeping it in during the winter. Upgrading windows this way could cut a house’s energy use by 40 percent, Nunez-Reguiero said. Better energy efficiency is an essential component of decarbonizing home heating and cooling, a major goal of both the Michigan climate plan and the Inflation Reduction Act.
Nxlite had the good fortune to move into a fully built and equipped glass factory. Like Our Next Energy, the startup is running pilot operations now before scaling up to full commercial production.
Over in Litchfield, about 100 miles west of Detroit, Whitmer had celebrated the early August opening of LuxWall, which fabricates gas-insulated window panes, another tool for decreasing building energy consumption. The company called this factory “the world’s first high-volume vacuum-insulating glass production facilities,” and announced plans to invest far more money in growing its operations in Michigan. LuxWall employs 87 people now but plans to eventually employ 450, aided by $6 million in state grants and over $31 million in federal money.
And last year, Michigan leaders were proud to close a $400 million factory commitment from Nel, a Norwegian company that makes high-tech electrolyzers for turning clean electricity into hydrogen. Electrolyzers could soon become the picks and shovels of the clean hydrogen gold rush, which promises to decarbonize tricky sectors like long-distance shipping and freight, steelmaking, and chemicals.
Michigan leaders hustled to make it happen. “It came down to two states — I’m not going to name the second state, but the governor of the second state said, ‘Hey, I’m too busy,’” Quentin Messer, CEO of the Michigan Economic Development Corporation, recounted from his office in Lansing. “And Gov. Whitmer said, ‘Look, this is an opportunity. This is my responsibility, as leader of the state, to be closer-in-chief.’”
Whitmer flew out to Oslo herself and sealed the deal. Messer said it ended up being the largest foreign direct investment announced at the 2023 SelectUSA Investment Summit, the Department of Commerce’s annual conference to facilitate foreign investment in the U.S. economy.
That factory, though, hasn’t broken ground yet — one of many projects held up until the Internal Revenue Service decides how to structure its hydrogen tax credits.
Other manufacturers have operated in Michigan’s industrial landscape for decades, but added new lines in response to new federal and state incentives. Up in Saginaw, Hemlock Semiconductor has for years produced among the highest-grade polysilicon in the country. After Congress passed policies to encourage onshoring of microchip production and the solar supply chain, Hemlock broke ground on a $375 million expansion in October 2022.
Armstrong International’s history in the state dates back even further than Hemlock’s. In 1900, Adam Armstrong answered a newspaper ad offering free land and a building in Three Rivers, a farm town nestled among the cornfields south of Kalamazoo, to any company that could hire 15 people over five years. He relocated his machine shop from Chicago, and got to work in a 40-by-100-foot building crafting bicycle spokes, potato diggers, and railroad repair buggies. His great-great-grandson, Kurt Armstrong, told me the company no longer makes potato diggers, but the inverted bucket steam trap it commercialized in 1911 kicked off a thriving business in industrial thermal equipment that now spans 20 factories and offices worldwide.
Armstrong recently started construction on a 29,000-square-foot expansion in Three Rivers to produce industrial-grade heat pumps within 12 months, funded in part by the U.S. Department of Energy. The company’s design captures heat in industrial facilities that would otherwise escape as waste, and concentrates it to recirculate into factory processes. It plays in the range of 150 to 200 degrees Celsius, assisting tasks like drying out pet food, distilling bourbon, pasteurizing soft drinks, and operating commercial-scale laundries.
Armstrong said the factory addition will employ 10 to 15 people to start, and that could grow based on demand.
“The reason why we stayed in that Michigan location is because there’s such a deep tie-in to the culture and community there,” Armstrong told me. “It’s the employees who make the company great, and you can’t just recreate that somewhere else.”
Armstrong’s expansion is a lot smaller than a multi-billion-dollar battery factory, but it’s bigger than a multi-billion-dollar battery factory that doesn’t yet exist. Michigan’s big-ticket factory commitments drive up the counts of dollars invested and jobs created, but they also require more diligence and risk assessment from their corporate backers, not to mention longer construction times. Meanwhile, the smaller-dollar expansions are putting people to work building tools most people have never heard of, but which serve the climate transition in tangible ways.
Michigan Democrats surge ahead of crucial election
Michigan’s clean energy factories are slowly materializing, but the best is yet to come — assuming the underlying policies to support battery and solar manufacturing remain in effect. Michiganders are uniquely positioned to influence that outcome, by voting in a crucial swing state this November.
One of the big questions facing Democrats broadly in 2024 is whether their efforts to reinvigorate American industry will resonate with voters concerned about the nation’s economic outlook. When Joe Biden was the candidate, swing-state voters weren’t swayed. But the arrival of Harris on the ticket turned states that looked all but lost into toss-ups again. That creates room for a clean energy message to make a difference: Persuading tens of thousands of voters to support a domestic economic platform is more doable than swaying millions.
Measuring voters’ receptiveness to clean energy onshoring is tough to do, especially when, as in Michigan, the most exciting factories aren’t yet boosting local tax revenues and putting thousands of people to work in high-tech jobs. I wasn’t able to find a northern analogue to Dalton, Georgia, where an existing Qcells solar-panel factory used IRA incentives to rapidly grow to 2,000 full-time workers, and the benefits are already cascading across the city.
But Michigan brings two things to the effort that are hard to find together in the other states leading the factory boom: a fired-up state Democratic establishment that’s running on climate action and related jobs, and a newly galvanized union base.
Many of the top winners in clean energy manufacturing dollars have been states led by Republican governors or legislatures, who like the jobs but not the Democrats’ broader policy agenda — places like Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Ohio.
Michigan, on the other hand, has a deep bench of liberal state leaders who ran on climate last cycle and won a historic majority.
“The governor had talked about it quite a bit before the election, and had worked with people across the state to develop the Michigan climate action plan,” state Senator Sue Shink, a Democrat from the Ann Arbor area, told Canary Media. “It had all the policies we [ultimately] enacted laid out in it, and talked about pathways to attaining those goals.”
After winning the statehouse, Whitmer and her allies passed a series of high-profile climate policies last year. Michigan committed to produce carbon-free electricity not by 2045, like California and New York, but by 2040. Other laws added labor standards and energy-justice provisions to the clean energy buildout, and created a Community and Worker Economic Transition Office to look out for the workforce amid the shifts to lower-carbon industry.
Knocking on doors for the 2022 election, Shink found that climate and clean energy were on voters’ minds. Weather fluctuations had messed with farmers’ planting schedules. Huge rainstorms had overwhelmed aging infrastructure and flooded homes. The 100-year-old Edenville Dam burst in May 2020. Diminished snowfall had been curtailing the cherished ski season.
While seeking to address carbon emissions, the politicians kept their focus on “making sure the quality of life in Michigan is as good as it can be,” Shink said.
Residents in her district, for instance, struggled with under-insulated homes, which drive up heating and cooling bills. The state laws created programs to take advantage of federal weatherization funds from the IRA, and “it’s making a huge difference in their lives, because they’re warmer, their house is more comfortable,” Shink said. This approach tracks neatly with how progressive data crunchers have advised Democrats to describe the massive and complex Inflation Reduction Act to voters.
Now Michigan Democrats have a package of legislative achievements to run on in November, which happens to complement the principal policy achievements of Harris’ vice presidency. In fact, Michigan politicians are pushing the Harris campaign to speak up more on the domestic manufacturing push, which Biden prioritized in his campaigning, per a recent Politico article. (Neither the Harris campaign nor the Trump campaign responded to Canary Media’s requests for comment for this article.)
Michigan also has another ascendant political force at work: unions.
Much of the country’s recent EV and battery factory investment has gone to Southeastern states, which attract companies with their “business-friendly environment” that includes decades of undercutting the power of organized labor. But unions have played a defining role in Detroit since Henry Ford, after some convincing, recognized the United Auto Workers in 1941.
Democratic state officials are vocally supportive of Michigan’s union heritage.
“We benefit a lot from the fact that we’ve had the UAW, IBEW, and others investing in workforce and helping with workforce training,” said Smith from the state Department of Labor and Economic Opportunity. “I think most employers recognize that’s an asset to them and an asset to the state, not necessarily something that’s going to be a threat to their business model.”
Shawn Fain won the presidency of the UAW last year by running as a reform candidate who wanted to clean up after a string of corruption scandals took down leaders of the union’s long-reigning faction. He proceeded to rally the biggest autoworker strike in decades, and win concessions from the Big Three, including a clear pathway for workers to unionize at battery plants. The UAW has since organized workers at two Ultium battery plants, in Lordstown, Ohio, and Spring Hill, Tennessee, winning wage increases and other benefits.
Joe Biden became the first U.S. president to appear on a picket line last year when he joined Fain at a GM plant near Detroit. Fain later appeared at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August and rallied behind Harris, countering Trump’s recent outreach to working-class voters by labeling him a “scab.”
If winning begets more winning, the political mobilization that’s starting to generate clean energy jobs in Michigan will be an asset for Democrats at the polls in November, something that wasn’t there in 2016 or 2020. If these forces keep Michigan in the Democratic column, that could help ensure the clean industrial policies stay on the books in Washington, giving Michigan’s factories more time to overcome headwinds and deliver on their promises of jobs and community revitalization.
Tim Brennan, Vice President of Programs and Strategic Impact
Farm Foundation, an accelerator of practical solutions for agriculture, is pleased to announce that Timothy Brennan has been selected as their vice president of programs and strategic impact, a new role reflecting the increased emphasis on prioritizing work with clearly defined impact.
“Tim brings both breadth and depth to this role,” said Farm Foundation President and CEO Shari Rogge-Fidler. Brennan, who comes from an Ohio farm family and maintains his own hobby farm south of Chicago, joined Farm Foundation nearly 12 years ago to manage external relations. Brennan previously served in a variety of externally facing roles at the University of Chicago and Northwestern University. Brennan also currently serves as the co-chair of the Chicago Wilderness Growing with Agriculture Green Vision Goal which seeks to bring conservationists and farmers together to protect and improve land in the states surrounding Lake Michigan.
“As Farm Foundation continues to build on our past and expand our programs at our new Innovation and Education Campus (IEC) at our farm just outside of Chicago, Tim’s experience in fundraising, innovation, and coalition building makes him ideally suited for this role” said Rogge-Fidler.
“I am thrilled for this opportunity,” Brennan said. He goes on to say that “the Innovation and Education Center allows us to bring our programs and projects to life in new and exciting ways. Even though we are a 91-year-old organization, we have the spirit and drive of a start-up that fosters an exhilarating, enabling environment focused on real-world impact.”
Additional Promotions Announced
Two additional promotions will bolster the next chapter of growth and impact at Farm Foundation. Morgan Craven has been named as the director of programs and events, and Dr. Amanda L. Martin has been designated the new senior director of external relations.
Morgan Craven, Director of Programs and Events
Craven came to Farm Foundation in 2015 as the events manager, then moved into the senior manager of events role before her latest promotion. Prior to joining the Farm Foundation team, Morgan served as the conference and events manager at Trinity Christian College and as a premium hospitality game-day staff member for the Chicago Bears NFL team. Craven also worked at various Hilton brand properties furthering her hospitality experience. She holds a bachelor’s degree from the University of North Carolina, Wilmington, in recreation, sports leadership, and tourism management.
Dr. Amanda L. Martin, Senior Director of External Relations
Martin joined the team in 2022 and has an extensive career in agriculture and higher education. Working within the colleges of agriculture at Auburn University and Louisiana State University, Martin most recently served as an assistant dean at LSU. Prior to making the move to Farm Foundation, Martin worked with the executive team at the American Egg Board. She earned her Ph.D. in Higher Education Administration at Louisiana State University and holds master’s and bachelor’s degrees from Southern Illinois University Carbondale in Agribusiness Economics. She currently serves as one of ten members selected to the National Agriculture Future of America Alliance Advisory Council.
For over 90 years, Farm Foundation has been a pioneering force in agriculture, consistently leading the charge in developing ideas and fostering conversations that champion farmers and the agricultural community. In 2022, Farm Foundation took a bold step forward by becoming place-based, acquiring a century farm to deepen the understanding and experience of farming. This farm, alongside the Innovation and Education Center, will serve as the national headquarters for the organization.
With this strategic addition, the latest innovations in agriculture, conservation, and technology will have a dedicated space to be showcased, allowing Farm Foundation to collaborate with stakeholders across the food and agriculture sectors in advancing the people and ideas that will shape the future. Rather than functioning as a tourist attraction or a research facility, this farm will provide agriculture leaders with authentic on-farm experiences through new programs.
The Farm Foundation Innovation and Education Center (IEC) was officially opened on September 28th with a public celebration that included food tasting stations, high-tech agriculture demonstrations and site tours. The IEC is a state-of-the-art facility supporting a variety of uses, including gathering program participants to collaborate, community building, and engagement. There are also conservation projects, a variety of crops, and historic buildings on the campus.
Across California, the companies that are trying to build charging stations for electric trucks are being told that it will take years — or even up to a decade — for them to get the electricity they need. That’s because utilities are failing to build out the grid fast enough to meet that demand.
This poses a major problem for a state that’s aiming to clean up its trucking industry. California has the most aggressive set of truck electrification goals in the country, and compliance deadlines are coming up fast.
State legislators did pass two laws last year — SB 410 and AB 50 — ordering regulators to find ways to speed up the process of getting utility customers the grid power they need, and last week the California Public Utilities Commission issued a decision meant to set timeframes for this work.
But charging companies, electric truck manufacturers, and environmental advocates are not happy with the result. They say the decision does next to nothing to get utilities to move faster or work harder to serve the massive charging hubs being planned across the state.
“It’s shocking how little the commission did here. They basically adopted status quo timelines across the board,” said Sky Stanfield, an attorney working with the Interstate Renewable Energy Council, a nonprofit clean energy advocacy group.
California’s struggle to deal with this issue is raising doubts about not only whether the state can meet its own climate goals but also whether truck electrification targets are achievable at all. States in the U.S. Northeast and Pacific Northwest with transportation-electrification targets will also need to build megawatt-scale charging along highways. Those projects will likewise require grid capacity upgrades that take a much longer time to plan and build than charging sites for passenger vehicles.
Stanfield and IREC believe that the CPUC’s decision both is inadequate and runs counter to clear instruction from California law. SB 410 orders the CPUC to craft regulations that “improve the speed at which energization and service upgrades are performed” and push the state’s big utilities to upgrade their grids “in time to achieve the state’s decarbonization goals.”
But the state’s electric truck targets simply won’t be met if charging stations aren’t built more rapidly, Stanfield said. “No one’s going to buy a fancy EV truck that costs well over $100,000 if they can’t charge it.”
IREC isn’t alone in this perspective. Powering America’s Commercial Transportation, a consortium of major EV charging and manufacturing companies, wrote in its comments to the CPUC that the decision “does not comply with either the requirements or legislative intent” of the law.
PACT asked the CPUC to set a two-year maximum timeline for utilities to build new substations and complete the more complex grid upgrades required by large EV charging depots.
But instead, the CPUC simply had Pacific Gas and Electric, Southern California Edison , and San Diego Gas & Electric report how long these major “upstream capacity” grid projects are taking today and then used the lower average of that historical data to set maximum timelines that utilities should meet in the future.
Those timelines are much, much too long, electric truck manufacturers, charging-project developers, and clean transportation advocates say. They stretch from nearly two years for upgrading distribution circuits and nearly three years for upgrading substations to nearly nine years for building the new substations that utilities say they’ll need to power truck-charging depots currently being built.
(California Public Utilities Commission)
“We’ve put in millions of dollars in the facilities we’ve already upgraded, and more that are in motion,” said Paul Rosa, a PACT board member.
As senior vice president of procurement and fleet planning at truck leasing company Penske, he is responsible for the company’s transport projects, including truck-charging projects in Southern and Central California.
But those projects represent just a fraction of the 114,500 chargers required to support the 157,000 medium- and heavy-duty vehicles that the California Energy Commission forecasts the state will need by 2030.
“If we can’t get the power, this all comes to a screeching halt,” Rosa said.
The big problem with the grid and trucks
The slow and burdensome process of getting new customers connected to the grid — “energization” in CPUC parlance — isn’t a problem for just EV trucks.
PG&E has been under fire for years for failing to deliver timely grid hookups to everyday commercial and residential projects — a result, critics say, of poor planning and resource management.
The CPUC’s new decision does set a 125-business-day maximum timeline for these less complicated energizations. If those targets are met by utilities, “maximum timelines for grid connections could be reduced up to 49 percent compared to current operations,” the CPUC noted in a fact sheet accompanying the decision.
“I think the commission got it right” on these less complicated energization targets, said Tom Ashley, vice president of government and utility relations at Voltera, a company building EV charging projects across the state.
But how the commission handled the larger-scale grid upgrades — the kind needed to get EV truck-charging stations up and running — is a different story, he said. “That is where the industry is really frustrated that we didn’t get the help, and the utilities didn’t get the direction.”
The state’s Advanced Clean Trucks rule requires truck manufacturers to hit minimum targets for zero-emissions trucks as a percentage of total sales over the coming years, ratcheting from 30% of all medium- and heavy-duty vehicles by 2028 to 50% by 2030.
And California’s Advanced Clean Fleets rule requires the state’s biggest trucking and freight companies to convert hundreds of thousands of diesel trucks to zero-emissions models over the next 12 years, with earlier targets for certain classes of vehicles, including the heavy trucks carrying cargo containers from California’s busy and polluted ports.
Right now, many of the plans to build charging hubs for those trucks are stuck in grid-upgrade limbo — and the CPUC decision offers little indication it will get them unstuck.
“We’ve submitted for well over 50 projects in the past two years, looking for the right property to acquire,” said Jason Berry, director of energy and utilities at Terawatt Infrastructure. The startup has more than $1 billion in equity and project finance lined up to build large-scale charging hubs, including a network that will stretch from California to Texas along the I-10 highway, a major trucking corridor.
But of the sites Terawatt has scouted in California, “about 95% of those do not have the power we’re trying to request,” Berry said. To serve proposed charging hubs in California’s Inland Empire, utility SCE has said that it will need to expand existing substations, which takes four to five years, or build a new substation, which takes at least eight years, Terawatt said in May comments to the CPUC.
Terawatt is far from the only company facing delays. In testimony to the CPUC, Berry pointed out that Tesla has told the agency that 12 Supercharger sites with 522 charging stalls are facing delays because of capacity issues in SCE territory. A state-funded electric truck-charging project in the Inland Empire is also held up due to similar constraints.
The main problem is that large-scale charging sites can be built much faster than utilities are used to moving, Berry said. “We’re building projects, maybe ideally starting at 10 megawatts and then going to 20 megawatts,” Berry said. That’s about the same load on the grid as would be caused by an entirely new residential neighborhood or big commercial or industrial site.
But while those sites typically take years to plan and build, a new truck-charging site can go from planning to completion in less than a year.
“They have to have a mechanism to start on those things, or every single project is going to be four to five years out — which is what we’re being told on so many of these today,” he said.
The same point was made by Diego Quevedo, utilities lead and senior charging-infrastructure engineer at Daimler Truck North America, which joined fellow electric truck manufacturers Volvo Group North America and Navistar to weigh in on the CPUC proceeding.
“Trucks can be manufactured by OEMs and delivered approximately six months after receiving an order,” Quevedo said in testimony before the CPUC. But fleets won’t order trucks if they lack the confidence the utility grid infrastructure will be built and energized when the trucks are delivered.”
Utilities’ grid-capacity additions are taking from seven to 10 years to “plan, design, budget, construct, and energize,” he said. Unless those capacity expansions can be sped up significantly, “electric trucks become expensive stranded assets that are unable to charge,” he said.
Why it’s so hard to speed up expensive grid upgrades
California’s major utilities have a different perspective. They’ve argued in comments to the CPUC that it may be difficult or impossible to move more quickly on such complicated work.
First, as utilities have pointed out, many of the things that can slow down major grid projects are beyond their control. In a filing with the CPUC, PG&E noted that “one capacity upgrade project may face an extended timeline due to lengthy environmental assessments and permitting processes, and another may encounter challenges in acquiring materials in a timely manner due to manufacturer issues.”
IREC’s Stanfield conceded that equipment backlogs and environmental and permitting reviews are barriers to moving more quickly. “But we have to make it go faster if we want to hit our climate goals, if we want manufacturers to build clean trucks.”
And there’s an even bigger challenge to making major changes to the grid in anticipation of booming demand from EV charging: the cost involved.
“Lack of funding is the big block to meet the anticipated load growth,” Terawatt’s Berry said.
California’s utilities are already spending more than they ever have on their power grids, for myriad reasons. They are passing the costs of grid-hardening investments and integrating new clean energy into the power system on to customers in the form of electricity rates that are now the highest in the continental U.S.
Electricity rate increases are an economic and political crisis in California. Keeping them from rising any further has become the chief focus of lawmakers and regulators in the past several years. Any proposals that could raise customer bills even more face a tough battle — including plans to build grid infrastructure for electric truck-charging hubs.
SB 410 does give the CPUC permission to allow utilities to increase their spending in order to meet tighter EV-charger energization timelines. But the bill also calls on regulators to subject these requests to“extremely strict accounting.”
PG&E was the first utility to submit a ratemaking mechanism under SB 410 earlier this year. The Utility Reform Network, a ratepayer advocacy group, quickly filed comments protesting the utility’s plan to create a “balancing account” that would enable it to recover as much as $4 billion in additional energization-related spending from customers — a structure that falls outside the standard three-year “rate case” process for California utilities.
“PG&E’s electric rates and bills are now so high that they threaten both access to the essential energy services that PG&E provides and the achievement of the state’s decarbonization goals, which rely in part on customers choosing to electrify buildings and vehicles,” TURN wrote in its comments.
TURN wants the CPUC to limit the scope of SB 410’s extra cost-recovery provisions to “specific work needed to complete an individual customer connection request,” rather than the kind of proactive upstream grid investments that truck-charging advocates are calling for. TURN would prefer that those projects remain part of general rate cases, the sprawling proceedings that determine how much utilities spend on their grids.
But those general rate cases can take up to five years to move from identifying the broader, systemwide analyses of how much electricity demand is set to rise to winning regulatory approval in order to build the expensive grid infrastructure needed to actually meet those growing needs. That’s too long to wait to fix the problem, charging advocates say.
At the same time, ratepayer advocates are challenging utility efforts to expand the scope of their larger-scale plans to meet looming EV charging needs. In SCE’s current general rate case, TURN and the CPUC’s Public Advocates Office, which is tasked with protecting consumers, are protesting that the utility is overestimating how much money it needs to spend to prepare its grid from growing EV-charging needs.
Terawatt and other charging developers and electric truck manufacturers argue just the opposite — that the utility isn’t planning to spend enough over the next three years. In his testimony in the rate case, Terawatt’s Berry complained that TURN and PAO are challenging utility and state forecasts of future charging needs based on outdated data, and that failing to approve the utility’s funding request will “ensure that California fails to achieve its zero-emission vehicle goals.”
Charging advocates have also asked the CPUC to create a separate regulatory process to consider the grid buildout needs spurred by large-scale charging projects. But the CPUC rejected that concept in its decision last week, stating that “preferential treatment based on project type is prohibited by California law.”
Finding a way to plan the grid ahead of big charging needs
All these conflicting imperatives leave the CPUC with tough choices to resolve the gap between charging needs and grid buildout plans, said Cole Jermyn, an attorney at the Environmental Defense Fund.
The CPUC “can and should do more here. I don’t think the timelines they set here are as strong as they could have been,” Jermyn said.
At the same time, “the commission had an incredibly difficult job here. The targets are not easy to set, and they had a very short timeline to do it.”
That’s why multiple groups have asked the CPUC to focus its next phase of work on implementing SB 410 and AB 50 on a key issue: aligning grid planning and EV charging needs.
“Part of the work here is figuring out what that proactive planning looks like,” Jermyn said. “The utility cannot wait around for customers to come to them and say, ‘We need 5 megawatts of capacity.’ They need to be looking out into the future to start proactively preparing their distribution grids for all this electrification.”
At the same time, “how do you balance that need for proactive planning and investment with ratepayer investments along the way to make sure this isn’t building assets that won’t be used and end up on someone’s bills?” Jermyn asked. That will be complicated, but, he added, “I think it’s doable — especially for a state that has such clear goals.”
SB 410 also specifically called on the CPUC to take California’s decarbonization goals into account in tackling energization delays — but last week’s decision “was relatively silent on that issue,” Jermyn said.
“This is something we think is incredibly important to be in the next phase of this proceeding, because it wasn’t in this one,” he said. “We don’t know if the timelines they set are meeting that goal or not. We should figure out if they are.”
That’s because California’s utilities don’t earn profits directly through electricity sales. Instead, their rates are structured to repay their costs of doing business. More customers buying more electricity can spread out the costs of collecting the money that utilities need to operate and invest in infrastructure, which can reduce the rates per kilowatt-hour that utilities must collect in future years.
This isn’t just a California issue. Nearly a dozen states — including Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Vermont, and Washington — have adopted advanced clean truck rules. They’re not as aggressive as California’s rules, but meeting them will still require grappling with the same challenges around proactive grid planning.
Voltera’s Ashley worried that the CPUC’s decision may set a bad precedent for other state regulators on this front. “The commission has a really hard job. They’re tasked with a lot of complicated policy and execution,” he said. “And at the end of the day, they have some overarching mandates, including affordability for ratepayers,” that complicate the task.
But California also has “the most aggressive targets, goals, and statutory requirements around not just electrification of transportation but electrification of other segments” of the economy, he said. “If California doesn’t get this right, who will?”
The 2024 USDA ERS/Farm Foundation Agricultural Scholars recently completed their cohort year, presenting their capstone projects at the U.S. Department of Agriculture to USDA Economic Research Service staff during the second week of September.
The group of 20 Ag Scholars presented on topics ranging from utility-scale solar energy, to labor markets, supplemental irrigation, and food loss and waste practices.
After their presentations, the students met with USDA Deputy Under Secretary for Research, Education, and Economics Sanah Baig, USDA Chief Economist Dr. Seth Meyer, and met with the House and Senate Ag Committees.
At the end of the week, the Ag Scholars also attended the September World Agricultural Supply and Demand Estimates (WASDE) Lockup.
The 5th cohort’s productive year connected the students with their field of study in a deeply meaningful way and forged connections across the industry that will serve them well as they continue to develop as leaders.
Just like traditional gas-powered vehicles, a hybrid car battery can be jump started when the battery is discharged. Jump-starting your hybrid shouldn’t stray too far from the process of their gas engine counterpart, though the same amount of caution should be taken.
Please note your jumper cable connectors should not be touching unless they are fully disconnected.
Park your vehicle on a flat and dry surface
Turn the vehicle off alongside all electrical components including the headlights and radio
Place the positive jumper cable clamp (+) colored red on the positive battery terminal of your discharged hybrid battery or positive jump post
Place the positive clamp on the positive terminal of the functioning car battery
Place the negative battery (-) colored black on the negative terminal of the functioning car battery
Place the negative clamp on the negative battery terminal of the dead battery or negative jump post
Start the engine of the vehicle with the functioning battery and lightly press the accelerate for about five minutes
Start the engine of your hybrid with the discharged battery
Remove the negative clamp from the previously-dead battery
Remove the negative clamp from the functioning battery
Remove the positive clamp from the functioning battery
Remove the positive clamp from the previously-dead battery
What Causes a Hybrid Battery to Die?
While it may be difficult to narrow down the exact cause of your hybrid battery dying, there are a few main culprits that tend to pop up:
Loose battery terminals can cause a discharged battery in both gas and hybrid vehicles. In order to avoid this, inspect your battery terminals when your Toyota is turned off.
Extremely cold temperatures can negatively affect the 12-volt battery by slowing down battery chemistry
Parasitic draw happens when something electric, like a cabin light being left or a door not being closed all the way, drains your car battery.
Founded in 1908 by O.D. Smart, Smart Motors is one of the nation’s oldest automotive dealerships, the Midwest’s largest hybrid dealer, Wisconsin’s Largest Toyota Certified Used Vehicle dealer and one of Wisconsin’s largest volume new Toyota dealers. Located in Madison, Smart Motors is Wisconsin’s only two-time President’s Cabinet Award recipient from Toyota Motor Sales for superior customer service & sales volume.
The Toyota RAV4 Hybrid allows you to expand your automotive experience, combining gas and electric power while retaining the signature Toyota reliability you know and love. A huge part of why you can continue to depend on Toyota vehicles is performance, which the RAV4 Hybrid surely delivers.
The 2023 RAV4 Hybrid features Electronic On-Demand All-Wheel Drive, providing all-weather capability and confident on-road driving dynamics. This system utilizes a dedicated electric drive motor to automatically supply power to the rear wheels for instant improvement in traction, letting you explore new grounds.
The all-wheel drive system is perfect for the city and suburbs as well, providing added peace of mind through inclement weather.
More 2023 RAV4 Hybrid Performance Highlights
The RAV4 Hybrid packs a punch with 219 combined net horsepower for great acceleration through highway speeds. Along with an EPA-estimated rating of 41 miles per gallon in the city, you can retain efficiency, as well.
Enjoy a variety of drive modes behind the wheel to tailor your experience on or off-road:
Normal Mode: utilizes both gas and electric to keep you going
Eco Mode: helps increase fuel efficiency by reducing acceleration levels
EV Mode: pulls power from the battery to maximize efficiency for short distances
Sport Mode: provides a boost in acceleration
Trail Mode: helps manage traction when in off-road settings
Those interested in enhanced power and acceleration should consider the RAV4 Hybrid SE and XSE models, featuring a sport-tuned suspension, tauter shock absorbers and springs.
Are you looking to try out the new RAV4 Hybrid for yourself? Schedule a test drive with us at our Madison, WI dealership. If you have any questions about hybrid vehicles or Electric On-Demand All-Wheel Drive, contact us online at Smart Toyota.
About Smart Motors
Founded in 1908 by O.D. Smart, Smart Motors is one of the nation’s oldest automotive dealerships, is the mid-west’s largest hybrid dealer, is Wisconsin’s Largest Toyota Certified Used Vehicle dealer and one of Wisconsin’s largest volume new Toyota dealers. Located in Madison Wisconsin, Smart Motors is Wisconsin’s only two-time President’s Cabinet Award recipient from Toyota Motor Sales for superior customer service & sales volume. More about Smart Motors.about Smart Motors.
If you’re prioritizing passenger and cargo space while wanting to maintain performance, choosing a new Toyota SUV with third row seating is a great way to go. With select models featuring third-row seating, you can get the capability you crave, while at the same time, bringing everyone and everything along for the ride.
From reliability to comfort and style, these Toyota SUVs with third-row seating tick all the necessary boxes, so you can cruise throughout Madison and far beyond without a second thought.
Toyota SUVs with Third-Row Seating
2023 Toyota 4Runner
Blazing trails with power and style, that’s the ever capable 2023 Toyota 4Runner. In addition to a third row, the Toyota 4Runner features Smart Key System with Push Button Start, Toyota Safety Sense P, as well as Apple CarPlay and Android Auto compatibility. In the world of rugged off-road SUVs, the Toyota 4Runner has been a long-standing icon. With the release of the 2023 Toyota 4Runner, Toyota continues to uphold its reputation for crafting durable, adventurous vehicles that can conquer any terrain. The latest iteration of this beloved SUV brings together enhanced performance, advanced technology, and a refreshed design, making it an irresistible choice for both off-road enthusiasts and everyday drivers seeking a touch of adventure in their lives.
2023 Toyota Highlander
Consider the new Toyota Highlander for your next SUV, with the third row of seating providing seating for up to eight passengers. Along with Toyota Safety Sense 2.5+, you can have peace of mind on every drive. At first glance, the 2023 Highlander exudes confidence with its striking design. Sculpted lines and a prominent grille give it an assertive stance while maintaining an aura of sophistication. LED headlights and taillights not only enhance visibility but also contribute to its modern aesthetic.
Step inside, and you’ll be greeted by a refined interior that exudes comfort and luxury. Premium materials and meticulous attention to detail create an atmosphere that rivals high-end vehicles. With spacious seating for up to eight passengers, the Highlander ensures that every journey is enjoyed in utmost comfort. Toyota has never been shy about embracing technology, and the 2023 Highlander is no exception. Whether it’s daily commuting, weekend getaways, or hauling cargo, the 2023 Highlander adapts to your lifestyle with ease. Fold-flat rear seats provide impressive cargo space, perfect for larger items. And with a towing capacity that rivals many trucks, this SUV is ready for adventure, whether you’re towing a camper or a boat.
2023 Toyota Highlander Hybrid
Identical to its gas-powered counterpart, the Toyota Highlander Hybrid seats up to eight across three rows of seating. In a world increasingly focused on sustainability and efficiency, the automotive industry continues to evolve and adapt to meet the demands of eco-conscious consumers. The 2023 Toyota Highlander Hybrid stands as a prime example of this evolution, seamlessly combining cutting-edge technology, comfort, and eco-friendliness in a single package. This hybrid SUV boasts an advanced hybrid powertrain that combines a fuel-efficient gasoline engine with an electric motor, allowing for an impressive blend of power and efficiency. With its intelligent energy management system, the Highlander Hybrid optimizes power distribution, seamlessly switching between the gasoline engine and electric motor to deliver a smooth and efficient driving experience. This not only translates to fewer stops at the fuel pump but also contributes to reduced carbon emissions—a win-win for both drivers and the environment. The 2023 Highlander Hybrid’s exterior design exudes elegance and modernity. Its sleek lines and aerodynamic profile not only enhance its visual appeal but also contribute to improved fuel efficiency. Signature LED headlights illuminate the road ahead while lending the vehicle a distinctive look that’s instantly recognizable. As the automotive landscape continues to change, the 2023 Toyota Highlander Hybrid emerges as a shining example of innovation and sustainability. It’s a vehicle that embraces the needs and desires of today’s drivers, offering a seamless blend of performance, comfort, and eco-consciousness.
2023 Toyota Sequoia
In the world of full-size SUVs, the Toyota Sequoia emerges as a true powerhouse, blending rugged durability with modern sophistication and of course, three rows of seating. With its revamped design, enhanced features, and unwavering performance, the Sequoia continues to make a bold statement in the ever-evolving automotive landscape. Step inside the Sequoia, and you’re greeted with a spacious and luxurious cabin that comfortably accommodates up to eight passengers. Premium materials and meticulous craftsmanship are evident throughout, providing a sense of refinement that elevates the driving experience. With available features like heated and ventilated seats, a panoramic moonroof, and advanced infotainment options, the Sequoia ensures that both driver and passengers travel in style and comfort. The 2023 Sequoia embraces modern technology, offering a range of features designed to keep you connected and safe on the road. The intuitive infotainment system includes a large touchscreen display with smartphone integration, allowing you to access navigation, entertainment, and communication with ease. Advanced driver-assistance features such as adaptive cruise control, lane departure warning, and automatic emergency braking provide an extra layer of safety and peace of mind. Whether you’re navigating city streets or embarking on an off-road escapade, the Sequoia is more than just an SUV—it’s a symbol of reliability and adventure rolled into one.
2024 Toyota Grand Highlander
Discover the much-anticipated 2024 Toyota Grand Highlander. This extraordinary SUV harmonizes Toyota’s renowned reliability and elegance with the capaciousness and opulent attributes expected from a premier vehicle. With a commanding and vigorous exterior design, the Grand Highlander commands attention on the road, captivating onlookers at every turn. Its contemporary appeal is accentuated by sleek LED headlights and the iconic Toyota grille, while its refined contours and aerodynamic silhouette augment its efficiency and prowess. Meticulously crafted using upscale materials, the spacious cabin guarantees a top-tier driving experience for all occupants. Accommodating up to eight passengers with generous legroom across all three rows, the Grand Highlander offers unparalleled adaptability and luxury, whether embarking on long voyages or navigating daily commutes.
Packed with cutting-edge technology and safety enhancements, encompassing an intuitive infotainment system, advanced driver-assistance mechanisms, and a panoramic sunroof, this SUV seamlessly blends convenience, entertainment, and assurance. Whether maneuvering urban streets or embarking on outdoor escapades, the 2024 Toyota Grand Highlander stands as the impeccable companion, delivering exceptional performance, unmatched dependability, and a hint of opulence in every single drive.
If you’re interested in a Toyota SUV with third-row seating, schedule a test drive with us at our Madison dealership or visit us in person for a closer look. If you have any questions about our Toyota SUVs or potential financing options, be sure to contact us at Smart Motors Toyota.
About Smart Motors
Founded in 1908 by O.D. Smart, Smart Motors is one of the nation’s oldest automotive dealerships, is the mid-west’s largest hybrid dealer, is Wisconsin’s Largest Toyota Certified Used Vehicle dealer and one of Wisconsin’s largest volume new Toyota dealers. Located in Madison Wisconsin, Smart Motors is Wisconsin’s only two-time President’s Cabinet Award recipient from Toyota Motor Sales for superior customer service & sales volume. More about Smart Motors.
So what are the best vehicles in the snow? Here are some things to consider. Winter driving can be a bit of a daunting task, especially if you aren’t fully equipped with the proper tools. From winter tires to all-wheel drive to the vehicle itself, Toyota offers everything you need to best navigate any snow, sleet, or freezing rain.
If you’re in the market for a new Toyota, consider the following models, as they offer plenty of performance all year round, including winter weather.
Toyota RAV4
The Toyota RAV4 is designed to go on or off the road with available all-wheel drive and a multi-link rear suspension. Along with Toyota Safety Sense 2.5 on the 2023 model, the Toyota RAV4 includes the tech you need for increased peace of mind in stressful driving environments like inclement weather.
As part of standard Multi-Terrain Select, the 2023 Toyota RAV4 features a SNOW mode, which increases traction in a given scenario. The system is designed to sense slippage and regulate wheelspin by automatically adjusting the engine throttle, brakes and drive-force distribution. In turn, this helps maximize driving performance on snowy and slippery roads.
The multi-link rear suspension in the RAV4 also enhances handling and control overall, using the vehicle’s natural body rigidity in order to keep the traction steady. The vehicle’s long, wide stance also promotes responsive handling, providing a smooth and confident ride throughout.
Toyota 4Runner
Another Toyota that is built for the tough terrain ahead, the 2023 Toyota 4Runner includes automatic modulation for the throttle and brakes with the advanced available Crawl Control (CRAWL) system.
The available electronic locking rear differential evenly distributes power to both rear wheels while the available Multi-Terrain Monitor helps increase awareness of any bumps or potential skids along the way.
The 4Runner offers nine inches of ground clearance and plenty of visibility with large, vertical windows and LED headlights. Utilize low beams, high beams and fog lamps to help navigate the snowy terrain, allowing for increased visibility in a snowstorm.
Toyota Highlander
The Toyota Highlander is revved up and ready to go with a new 2.4-liter turbo powertrain on the 2023 model. Add Multi-Terrain Select to the Highlander to keep you in control with ever-changing road conditions.
In addition to SNOW mode, the Highlander features an anti-lock braking system, Electronic Brake Force Distribution and Traction Control to help keep peace of mind in inclement weather. The anti-lock braking system prevents your wheels from locking up from braking too often, analyzing the rotation of each wheel, and activating when one wheel stops rotating.
Electronic Brake Force Distribution regulates the brake pressure on each individual wheel, and works together with the anti-lock braking system. Meanwhile, Traction Control detects any wheel that is spinning over a slippery surface, and enables the brake on any given wheel.
Toyota Tundra
As evident by its name, the Toyota Tundra is surely ready to perform with the available electrified i-FORCE MAX hybrid powertrain, iFORCE twin-turbo V6 engine option and a maximum towing capacity of up to 12,000 pounds.
If you’re looking to make the most out of your Toyota Tundra in snow, consider the off-road models, which include an upgraded suspension, off-road tires, and skid plates. These, along with 8.5 inches of ground clearance, will help protect you and your vehicle in harsh snowy conditions.
People may not envision a pickup truck when they think of Toyota, but the Tundra goes to show how versatile and boundary-breaking the automotive brand can be.
Toyota Venza
The Toyota Venza utilizes advanced hybrid technology to achieve 219 horsepower, and class-leading fuel economy. Also featuring Electronic On-Demand All-Wheel Drive, the Venza allows you to navigate through roadways safely and efficiently.
The available Panoramic View Monitor helps you check your surroundings via four total cameras – one on each side of the vehicle. If you are looking for a compromise between snow capability and hybrid efficiency, the Toyota Venza could be your go-to vehicle.
Toyota Sienna AWD
The Toyota Sienna has become iconic for its spaciousness and ever-capable performance. When it comes to snow, the Sienna is no different. Trim levels like the Sienna XSE feature a sport-tuned suspension, maximizing responsiveness and preparing you for slippery conditions.
The all-hybrid powertrain allows you to keep up with efficiency while staying winter-ready, with all-wheel drive enhancing your confidence on a given road. If you’re caught in a snowy situation, the sturdy body of the Sienna and about half a foot of ground clearance let you plow through light snow with ease.
Toyota Camry AWD
Toyota innovation is truly a wonder, and the Toyota Camry shares snow-performance technology with the bigger SUVs and trucks. With all-wheel drive enabled, the Camry is equipped to sense any slipping when driving through snow or rain. Sending up to half of the vehicle’s torque capacity to the rear wheels, your Camry smartly grips the road when you need it most.
Enjoy a sport-tuned suspension to perform on a daily basis, even without snow in the mix. While it may not be as formidable in size and stature, the Toyota Camry is prepared to keep you and yours throughout winter, thanks to the ever-impressive technology of Toyota.
Shop for a New Toyota in Madison, WI at Smart Toyota
If you’re considering a new vehicle, schedule a test drive with one of our aforementioned models. If you have any questions about a new or used vehicle, be sure to contact us. We’re happy to help.
Vehicle winterization – whether this will be your first winter in Wisconsin, or you’re born and raised in cheese-country, it’s something every Wisconsinite must prepare for. The morning temperatures are dipping below freezing, highs are lucky to break freezing, accumulating snow will soon be piling up, but have you winterized your vehicle? Thankfully, most of us only need to brave these elements for brief periods at a time, usually as long as it takes to go from a heated building to one’s vehicle and back into another heated sanctuary. But if the freezing temps, gusty winds, and icy snow in the Madison area are hard on you for the few moments you’re out, think about the brutal beating your car takes.
Does your vehicle need winterization help?
Your vehicle may have been sitting out for hours. The last thing you want to do is trudge over the frozen landscape, reach your vehicle, turn the key in the ignition, and – oh no! – all you hear is a hideous series of click-click-clicks, groans, and exhausted whirs. The engine isn’t turning over. Why didn’t you winterize your ride!?
Luis Roman, Assistant Service Manager at Smart Motors in Madison, says there’s no time like the present to start getting your vehicle in shape for the unpredictable winter season. He says every year he is asked by multiple people what the most important factors are when preparing a vehicle for the challenges winter can pose. And with the Farmers’ Almanac predicting a snowy winter with colder than normal temperatures, it is probably a good idea to take note of the winterization check list he shares with others.
Luis Roman – Assistant Service Manager
“The top item on any vehicle winterization list is fairly obvious,” he says. “It’s having a quality, fully charged, and undamaged BATTERY.”
Roman says it takes more power to start a car in the winter because battery power decreases as the temperature drops. If your battery is already having problems, your risk of breaking down or becoming stranded increases. It is recommended to have a battery with at least the vehicle manufacturers CCA rating, most hybrids will have 12 volt batteries under 400 CCA which are fine for that application
Car Battery Tester
The second and third items on Roman’s list are TIRES and BRAKES. Thankfully the cold doesn’t necessarily harm these components, but it doesn’t hurt to make sure they are in the best condition to handle the hazards of winter driving. He says most drivers don’t think about their tires until they have to swerve or brake suddenly – often with serious consequences. According to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, about nine percent of vehicle crashes are tire-related and could be prevented with proper tire maintenance.
“All-season tires are what I recommend to most drivers,” says Roman. “They’re great for people with short commutes and little reason to veer far from the beaten path.” According to Roman, all-season tires are also very convenient, as they don’t need to be swapped out with any other set of tires seasonally.
Tire Tread Depth & Stopping Distances
“When people need to commute to and from work from a rural area, I almost always say they should go with snow tires,” says Roman. “They can swap out with their regular tires in early November or so. And having two sets of tires puts less wear and tear on both pairs, so you can have them for quite a long while.”
The fourth item on Roman’s list is WINDSHIELD WIPER BLADES. He says that there are blades specifically made for winter driving, and they could really be a lifesaver.
“You really never know what winter is going to throw at you, so it’s best to be prepared,” he says. “It could be freezing rain, wintery mix, wet snow, or the car in front of you splashing your windshield with the dirty, salty slush on the road. Windshields really take a beating in the winter.”
Wisconsin Snow Plow on City Streets
The amount of debris that could potentially block your view needs to be cleared for you to be able to navigate the winter roads safely. Roman says he constantly hears about harrowing journeys drivers make with bad wipers that just smear the slush around instead of clearing it off the windshield. Or there are the wipers that don’t make contact with the windshield at all! These wipers need to be replaced for your safety and for the safety of others.
“Wiper blades are inexpensive, and many people can install them themselves,” he says. “So please check yours before the snow flies. The last thing you want to do is drive blind.”
Roman says there are a few other items that you might want to have a professional check for you before winter is in full swing:
What Should I Have My Mechanic Inspect On My Car Before Winter?
• The cooling system – Your automotive service technician can tell you what antifreeze should be used and the appropriate coolant-to-water ratio to avoid potential freezing. • Belts, hoses, spark plugs, wires and cables – While they can go bad at any time, if they do in the winter, you could be stuck in the cold for an unfortunately long period.
“These areas might seem small compared to the engine or fuel intake system, but without the small things aiding the large items, your vehicle will not function properly,” he says.
Aside from vehicle winterization, Roman says for safety reasons all motorists should have a cell phone and a phone charger handy, and drivers shouldn’t let their gas go much below a half tank in the wintertime, either. Plus he recommends keeping a worst-case-scenario-kit in your vehicle, filled with the following items:
What Items Should I Keep In My Car During Winter In Wisconsin?
• A blanket • Several heavy duty garbage bags: Can be a makeshift rain coat; keep your clothing off the wet ground when changing a tire, or to collect wet items. • A shovel • Kitty Litter – which can help aid in traction • Jumper cables or a battery-powered portable booster • Flashlight or emergency light • First aid kit • Food • Jack and spare tire: Know how to use them — practice if necessary.
About Smart Motors
Smart Motors was founded in 1908 by O.D. Smart and is one of the nation’s oldest automotive dealerships, is the mid-west’s largest hybrid dealer and one of Wisconsin’s largest volume Toyota dealers. Located at 5901 Odana Road, Smart Motors is Wisconsin’s only two-time President’s Cabinet Award recipient from Toyota Motor Sales for superior customer service & sales volume. For more information, check out their history.
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