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The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's latest maternal mortality report found that in 2023, Black women nationally were more than three times more likely than white women to die during or after childbirth. (FatCamera/Getty Images)

Brandie Bishop-Stacker was absent from school the day her little sister was born 24 years ago. Instead, the then-10-year-old went to a Georgia hospital with her mom, rubbing her feet, getting her water, and comforting her during labor pains. She recalled her mother screaming when she initially couldn’t feel her legs after receiving an epidural. And she remembered the nurses and medical staff not offering much in the way of support.

“Nobody gave any extra support seeing that my mom was a single mom, that I was there out of school helping her that day,” said Bishop-Stacker, now a professional doula in Atlanta. “…If she needed something … that was kind of a me thing, even though, of course, there’s nursing staff and I was 10 years old.”

In the two decades since, Bishop-Stacker said she has attended the birth of hundreds of Black babies and has often seen mothers’ needs and concerns be dismissed or ignored, sometimes to the detriment of their maternal care. She was unsurprised by the latest statistics showing rising maternal deaths among U.S. Black women while rates of maternal deaths of other populations have fallen. Research shows these disparities cannot only be explained by education and income levels. And Bishop-Stacker’s experience has taught her that economic advantage does not cancel out racist attitudes in the medical care setting. 

“Here in Atlanta, I have a unique vantage point of being where there are probably the most successful Black women in the United States,” said Bishop-Stacker, who is the CEO of the National Black Doulas Association. But she said Georgia is often among the top states with the worst maternal health outcomes. “Oftentimes, when we’re looking at the money part to it, we’re not taking into consideration the fact that racism is the true issue.”

Doulas are non-medical professionals trained to support people through significant health-related experiences, such as childbirth, miscarriage, abortion and death. Bishop-Stacker said her organization has around 4,000 members and trains doulas around the country on how best to advocate for parents of color.

Increased access to community-based doulas and midwives is one of several potentially effective strategies identified by medical groups and health advocates in recent years to improve Black maternal outcomes and potentially stem a persistently high and rising national Black maternal mortality rate. But in the first three months of President Donald Trump’s administration, some state lawmakers and reproductive health advocates say they’re already seeing a rollback to emerging state and federal measures designed to better understand and improve Black maternal health outcomes.

In conjunction with the annual Black Maternal Health Week campaign founded by the Black Mamas Matter Alliance, which began Friday and ends April 18, lawmakers in dozens of states are calling on their colleagues to address what they say are alarming levels of pregnancy- and childbirth-related deaths and adverse outcomes among Black women.

“When we talk about maternal health, it’s imperative that we center Black women in that conversation, and that we also respond to this maternal health crisis in a way that brings some equity in our policymaking process,” said Democratic Mississippi Rep. Zakiya Summers, who is participating in this year’s campaign coordinated by the State Innovation Exchange (SiX), Black Mamas Matter Alliance, and the National Organization of Black Elected Legislative Women. According to SiX — a progressive nonprofit that provides policy support to state legislators — participating state lawmakers are releasing resolutions or proclamations in Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Nevada, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and Wisconsin.

Summers, whose District 68 includes West Jackson, Pearl and Richland, said the Trump administration’s categorical opposition to discussions of race and identity in policy is also reflected in the Mississippi legislature, which recently banned diversity, equity and inclusion policies from public schools.

During the past legislative session, which ended this month, Summers sponsored bills to mandate cultural competency training for certain physicians, including OB-GYNs; to establish a legal framework for licensing and regulating professional midwifery and requiring insurance companies to cover midwifery services at the same rate as physician services; and to address postpartum depression that would have required screening birth mothers for depression at the time of birth. Those bills died in committees, as did her resolution for the legislature to recognize Black Maternal Health Week and to commit to policies focused on reducing Black maternal mortality and morbidity.

“Our committee was very reluctant to bring anything that had to do with African Americans, and I think that’s due to this national conversation around DEI and Republicans being unwilling to do anything that appears to have something to do with diversity, equity or inclusion,” said Summers, adding she will issue a proclamation instead.

Bishop-Stacker said the National Black Doulas Association has had to walk away from certain partnerships “due to the companies’ change in stance on DEI and the lack of funding available for states to continue with efforts to expand Medicaid to cover doula care.”

Efforts to remove race from federal and state policy are consequential to maternal health, says Jennifer Driver, senior director of reproductive rights at SiX. She said Trump’s policies broadly — mass federal job cuts, restrictions to a national family planning program, and significant cuts to reproductive health research teams within the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention — will disproportionately affect people of color who have already been disproportionately impacted by abortion bans.

But just as disconcerting for her is how the Trump administration has begun erasing Black people from history, such as the National Park Service’s recently removed reference to Black abolitionist Harriet Tubman and her efforts to resist slavery. 

“If you don’t record our contributions, if you deny our inherent rights … you also absolve yourself and the responsibility from addressing the significant health disparities that exist for Blacks in this country,” Driver said, noting that this year’s initiative will spotlight Black-led community efforts to improve maternal outcomes in the face of what she describes as an “erasure.”

“Black communities have done what we have always done; we have turned to one another,” she said. “We’ve turned to community practices. That’s why you see this emphasis on doulas and midwives, because we know the historical practices and how we have taken care of each other when this country continues or has failed us in the past.”

Driver herself might not be here were it not for the midwife whom she said helped deliver her mother in Alabama in the 1950s. She said her grandmother was barred from giving birth in the white hospital in Birmingham because of segregation and had all 14 of her kids with a midwife.

Vast Black maternal health disparities 

The U.S. has one of the highest maternal mortality rates of any developed nation, but that is partly due to high rates among Black women and people who are nonbinary. Earlier this year the CDC released its latest maternal mortality report showing that between 2022 and 2023, maternal mortality rates went down for white women (from 19 to 14.5 deaths per 100,000 live births), Hispanic women (from 16.9 to 12.4) and Asian women (from 13.2 to 10.7) but rose for Black women (from 49.5 to 50.3), who were nationally more than three times more likely than white women to die during or after childbirth. A brand-new study from the Journal of the American Medical Association analyzing pregnancy-related deaths in the U.S. between 2018 and 2022 found the pregnancy-related death rate was 3.8 times higher among American Indian and Alaska Native women and 2.8 times higher among non-Hispanic Black women, compared with the rate among non-Hispanic white women. Other recent research has found that Black women are disproportionately impacted by rising maternal cardiac deaths and that 30% of Black women report mistreatment by medical staff during maternity care.

But in the backdrop of worsening outcomes for Black women and rising deaths attributed to abortion bans, some state governments, like in Georgia and Texas, have opted to halt or change how maternal mortality data is collected and studied. And as part of sweeping layoffs, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services recently placed on administrative leave the entire staff overseeing the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System, designed to better understand infant and maternal health.

Georgia disbanded its maternal mortality committee last year after ProPublica reported on deaths attributed to the state’s abortion ban. The committee has since been reconstructed, but a bill that would have directed the committee to focus specifically on why certain communities are disproportionately impacted failed to pass. Democratic state Rep. Jasmine Clark, who is sponsoring a resolution for Black Maternal Health Week, said she hears a lot from Black women in her district who say their pain concerns are dismissed by providers due to racist beliefs that Black people have a higher pain tolerance or are simply seeking out drugs.

Clark, who’s in her 40s and has two teenagers, said she has considered growing her family but is scared by the stories she regularly hears of Black women having detrimental reproductive health experiences or even being criminalized for their choices.

“It’s scary to hear these stories and not wonder in the back of your mind, ‘What if that were me?’” Clark said. “I worry that the policies that we have in place in the state where I live mean that not only do I have to worry about what happens if I were to go to term and to deliver a baby and what happens in the postpartum, but I also have to worry about what happens if things don’t go according to plan, and what happens in the process of miscarriage care and whether or not I will receive the care.”

Dr. Jamila Perritt, an OB-GYN in Washington, D.C., who specializes in complex family planning and is the CEO of the advocacy group Physicians for Reproductive Health, said more research is needed to combat the Black maternal mortality crisis.

“It’s actually dangerous for the federal government or state government or anyone to suggest that these review committees are not useful,” she said. “If we do not investigate, if we do not evaluate what is happening for folks while they’re dying … then how can we suggest that we care about pregnant people and their families?”

Perritt also advocates for more access to midwifery and doula services in Black communities led by culturally competent providers, which research has shown helps reduce rates of high-risk procedures, like cesarean sections and inductions.

That is clear for Jamarah Amani, who is a midwife and the executive director of the Southern Birth Justice Network based in Miami, whose mission is to increase the number of midwives and doulas throughout the U.S. and to integrate them in hospital systems.

She said that while she was in labor with her second child in a Georgia hospital, she was told by medical staff that “I was going to kill my baby,” if she got out of the bed to labor upright.

“I had a doula that actually physically blocked the door so that I could labor on the toilet, and then as the baby was crowning, I was like, ‘OK, call them in,’” Amani said. “I knew what my body needed, and I knew that that nurse was lying. She was a white nurse. I was a Black woman. When I tried to challenge her, ask questions, she got very defensive and even threatening. And I think, as a Black person, what we often experience is a fear of, you know, DCF [Department of Children and Families] being called … because we’re asserting our rights and that’s looked at as some form of neglect.”

Doula Brandie Bishop-Stacker said her work specializing in Black births has taught her how effective this kind of advocacy can be in improving health outcomes and especially coming from Black and brown doulas. Though she has never given birth herself, she said that when she was 18, she adopted her little sister “due to health concerns that limited my mom’s abilities and the incarceration of our fathers.”

“When you are able to have somebody who has a shared lived experience of not being seen, of not being heard of, not being valued, and they understand what those things feel like, that can help them to care for you in a way that goes a bit further, because they actually walked in your shoes,” she said.

Back in February, BMW pulled the curtain back on its all-electric Vision Driving Experience study, giving us a conceptual peek at what’s coming with the first M-branded Neu Klasse EV. The German brand’s design direction has faced its fair share of criticism in recent years, and while they’re trying to embrace a fresh new look, it seems not everyone is onboard with their latest vision.

Earlier this week, BMW published images of the Vision Driving Experience on its Instagram page, and the reception has not been all positive. A look through the comments shows that people have taken particular issue with the rear-end design of the EV, and we can’t blame them.

Read: BMW Vision Vehicle Is Our Best Look Yet At The iM3 Neue Klasse

We think BMW has done a nice job with the front-end design of its Neue Klasse concepts, ditching the hideous kidney grilles found on several existing models in favor of slimmer grilles that are joined seamlessly with the sharp LED headlights. However, the rear is a different story.

While the front of the concept sits quite low, as a sports sedan should, the rear end is much more upright and sits far higher than it needs to. The taillights are also positioned at the very top of the tailgate and look out of place.

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People haven’t held back in voicing their opinion. “What the hell is this rear view,” one comment with over 6,500 likes reads. “Y’all need to fire your designer,” a user says, while another with over 3,000 likes says, “Tf are those rear lights.”

One comment is a meme showing a large pile of excrement, while another says, “I will pay you a billion pounds not to make this.” A popular fitness influencer with 2.7 million followers also left a comment, saying “Front is smooth but wtf is that rear.”

Since the piece went live, there have been a few positive comments sprinkled in, but they’re pretty much an afterthought, with likes numbering in the single digits. Safe to say, most people aren’t exactly lining up to praise this design.

So, what do you think – does BMW need to go back to the drawing board, or are we just nitpicking? In any case, at this point, the concept‘s rear end might be the least of the brand’s worries when it comes to public opinion.

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The US and China have been at loggerheads for quite some time and their rivalry seems to be intensifying with each passing day. One could describe it as a 21st Century version of the US vs. USSR situation – a Cold War 2.0 if you like, with China replacing the country that used to be known as the Soviet Union when the latter collapsed almost overnight in the early 1990s. Well, one always needs an big, scary enemy to galvanize their citizens and keep their military and industrial complex busy, right?

One of the most hardly fought fronts in this undeclared war is that of the automotive industry. See, China used to be a lot like the Soviet Union, seen by Westerners as monolithic and stuck in the past, its people allowed no freedom whatsoever. Most of them didn’t even have cars, for crying out loud, and those that did were forced to make do with sub-par, by our standards, locally-made ones. Oh, how the tables have turned.

The US Has A “National Security” Problem

Nowadays, it’s the rest of the world that’s afraid at the thought of a Chinese invasion; only it won’t be by armored divisions, fighter squadrons and aircraft carriers, but something much more benign that’s already in vogue in the West: electric cars. Not cheap European or American knock-offs, either, but ones with cutting edge technology, modern design, lots of built-in features and even performance that can rival whatever their competitors throw at them. And all that at a much more affordable price, too.

No wonder the US is actively prohibiting them from being imported in the country on the grounds of protecting national security.

More: GM Launches Wuling Hong Guang Mini EV Macaron In China With Extra Features

It’s not something that started with Donald Trump, either, despite the 47th President being extremely vocal about putting an end to China’s advancements. The former occupant of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in D.C., Joe Biden, was the one who increased the tariffs on Chinese cars from 25 to 100 percent in 2024, while he banned tech giant Huawei from the States by evoking (you guessed it) national security concerns.

Excluding Chinese-made cars from brands like Volvo, Polestar and Ford, no cars from the Peoples’ Republic are allowed to be sold in the US, whereas GM and Ford have been doing business in China for many years and even build market-specific models that cater to local buyers’ preferences.

One Man’s Quest to Get His Hands on GM’s Wuling Macaron

Which brings us to John Karlin, a guy who might or might not have had all of this in mind when he read an article in 2021 about GM China’s Wuling Hongguang Mini EV outselling the Tesla Model 3 in China. “I saw an article saying the most popular EV in the world is the Hongguang Mini EV, but you can’t have one. So that got me asking: Well, why is it the most popular vehicle? And why can’t I have one?,” he told Wired.

Eager to know what all the fuss was about, he went on and ordered a Wuling Macaron, a fancier version of the Mini EV, that he was determined to make his daily despite car imports from China being officially forbidden.

Undeterred, he bought one and started looking for a way to bring the EV on American soil legally. Buying it though was the easy part, and it cost him less than $8,000. Importing, registering and driving it on US roads proved to be the real challenge. By October Karlin, a registered nurse and quality process analyst, was driving from Oklahoma City to Freeport, Texas, to pick it up. Which, naturally, begs the question: how did he do it?

A Legal Loophole and an Ingenious Workaround

Karlin’s first roadblock was the 25-year law that allows cars of that vintage or older to be imported without going through the federal certification process. Problem: China wasn’t exactly making EVs that long ago. Grey, or parallel, imports, which thrive in other countries like the UK, where many Japanese icons have been imported over the years, was also not an option.

Congress made sure of that in 1988 when it outlawed them in order to protect US-made cars from the invasion of the Europeans and the Japanese that was happening at the time. Not that it eventually did domestic makers much good anyway.

Nevertheless, Karlin did have another recourse. As he told Wired, he discovered that certain states, including Oklahoma, have their own set of safety regulations for low- and medium-speed vehicles that aren’t allowed on highways. These are supposed to be street-legal golf carts or farm vehicles, but the diminutive Wuling Macaron fitted that description too.

More: The Cute Wuling HongGuang Mini Continues To Dominate China’s EV Sales Charts

The only thing he had to do in order to register it was to limit the EV’s top speed to 35 mph, proving that it wouldn’t go on a highway. While for many that would be a serious deterrent, Karlin mused that since he would only drive it to get to work or go grocery shopping, top speed wasn’t an issue anyway.

With that out of the way, the Macaron was registered, with Karlin thought be the first individual who brought such a car in the US. All in, it cost him around $13,000, which is 50 percent more than the sub-8k original price, but still cheaper than any other EV in the market, and it did the job quite nicely.

A Sweet Victory, But For How Long?

Karlin enjoyed the tiny Chinese EV for 12 months. Even though the state of Oklahoma re-audited his paperwork (he passed with flying colors) and he was followed by the police (but never pulled over), he was compelled to say goodbye when an unnamed US company offered to buy it from him in order to conduct research.

In fact, the company’s CEO visited him personally in Oklahoma City and sat in the car. Karlin admitted to Wired that he could “see the wheels turning in his head as he’s realizing this and that, and looking at these different features and materials”.

Today, with Biden’s 100 percent tax being compounded by Trump imposing a 20 percent levy on Chinese cars at first, and recently a 25 percent tariff on all imports, the cost would be significantly higher than it was in 2021, so going to all that trouble to bring in the Wulling probably wouldn’t make sense. But, at the time, it was a win for an individual fighting a government preventing him from getting his wish, and he did it all by the book, not by resorting to shady practices. We bet he feels going to all that trouble was well-deserved.

Europeans are notoriously loyal to their automotive brands, especially when it comes to premium options. However, that hasn’t stopped Seres, a fresh-faced Chinese automaker, from dipping its toes into the European market with a fully electric SUV. We recently spent a week behind the wheel of the Seres 5 to see what it has to offer prospective buyers.

The Seres 5 made its European debut in 2023, with a slow rollout across the continent through 2024. The model mirrors the design of the Chinese version that has been around since 2019, albeit with a slightly longer body. In 2022, Seres teamed up with Huawei to launch the Aito M5, a revamped version, but the global-spec Seres 5 we tested hasn’t yet gotten the same redesign.

Seres, formerly known as SF Motors, may be rooted in China, but it has a Silicon Valley presence and once had grand ambitions of selling cars in the U.S. These plans, however, appear to have been quietly shelved as the company shifts its focus to Europe, South America, and the Middle East.

QUICK FACTS

Smooth and Curvy Lines

Unlike many new Chinese car brands that lean heavily on copying their established competitors (we’re looking at you, other automakers), Seres has made an attempt to bring something new to the table. Sure, eagle-eyed car nerds might spot a few design cues reminiscent of other cars—like the DS-style curvy daytime running lights or a subtle nod to the Porsche Macan in the rear end—but for the most part, the Seres 5 stands on its own.

The standout feature of the aerodynamic bodywork is the leaf-shaped greenhouse, highlighted by chrome accents. The EV’s silhouette blurs the lines between traditional and coupe-style SUVs, emphasizing the sculpted rear shoulders. The standard 21-inch alloy wheels, paired with red brake calipers, set a sporty tone, reinforcing that the Seres 5 is more of a GT crossover than an adventurous SUV.

More: Xiaomi President Confirms Global EV Expansion Coming Soon

During my time behind the wheel of the Seres 5, I noticed it attracted more attention than your average EV, turning plenty of heads—though that might also be because it’s a fresh new offering sparking curiosity. However, despite its recent arrival in Europe, the design is starting to feel outdated compared to newer competitors.

With a length of 4,710 mm (185 inches), the Seres 5 is a direct competitor to the Tesla Model Y, although the brand would prefer to position it against similarly-sized premium SUVs such as the BMW iX3, Mercedes GLC, and Audi Q6 E-tron.

The Cabin Is A Nice Place To Be

Step inside and you’re greeted by premium materials including the Nappa leather upholstery and the wood inserts. The perceived quality and the fit and finish is better than you would expect from a new brand, even though it doesn’t reach the levels of high-end models from the likes of BMW and Genesis. The standard equipment is quite generous and includes a panoramic glass roof and comfortable seats with heating, ventilation, massage, and memory functions.

The floating center console is a nice touch, incorporating a proper gear lever, storage compartments, and two wireless charging pads with cooling. The centerpiece is a Tesla-like 15.6-inch touchscreen, which is home to all of the vehicle’s functions. While the infotainment system’s interface is fairly easy to use, it’s missing physical controls for key functions like A/C and drive modes—making it occasionally frustrating to navigate on the fly.

A more glaring omission is the lack of Android Auto or Apple CarPlay, meaning your smartphone can only connect via Bluetooth. Sure, there are buttons on the steering wheel for media and calls, but the ADAS stalk feels a bit like something from a previous generation.

The digital instrument cluster and head-up display give you all the essential info, but their graphics could use a refresh—they only change when you’re in the Race driving mode. On a positive note, the infotainment screen features sharp wallpapers and quirky widgets like “Take A Break” and “Camping Mode,” so at least you’ll have something to occupy your mind when the car is parked. Unfortunately, I was let down by the audio system—while the bass and volume are fine, the clarity just doesn’t live up to expectations.

More: We Compare The 2026 Tesla Model Y Side-By-Side With Its Predecessor

Rear passengers are treated with the same level of quality as the ones in the front seats, having access to their own USB ports, climate vents, seat back net pockets, and a central armrest with cupholders and a storage cubby. Once you get past the weird shape of the rear doors, there is more than enough headroom for tall individuals. Rear legroom is adequate, but not as generous as in some other models in the category.

The boot space is where things get a little tight at 367 liters (13 cubic feet) in the five-seater configuration and an additional 67 liters (2.4 cubic feet) in the trunk. Then there’s the tailgate: to be honest, I spent several minutes trying to figure out how to open it. It turns out that the dedicated button is mounted on the rear windscreen wiper. Owners will know, but it’s not convenient having to explain this to every single one of your passengers when they want to put something at the back, although their reactions should be interesting.

Driving Impressions: An Electric Grand Tourer

Even after the first minutes of driving the Seres 5, I was impressed with the high levels of comfort, as the suspension smoothed out the bumps, cracks, and potholes of the roads. The chassis feels sturdy and the sound insulation is on par with premium rivals, making the cabin a sanctuary. here’s just one small issue: the faint hiss from the electric motor at low speeds, which, while minor, is noticeable if you’re paying attention.

Despite the intimidating figures which would put any ’90s supercar to shame, the Seres 5 proved to be friendly behind the wheel. This is especially evident in Eco mode, which prioritizes efficiency over performance. Comfort mode gives access to more grunt and is perfect for daily use, while Sport and Race unleash the full 577 hp (430 kW / 585 PS) and 940 Nm (693 lb-ft) of torque.

Even in the sportiest settings, the Seres 5 remains composed, offering smooth power delivery and minimal wheel spin when you floor it from a standstill. Acceleration is impressive, especially when you’re cruising between 60-140 km/h (37-87 mph), making highway overtakes feel effortless. This is where the Seres 5 excels as a long-distance cruiser.

More: Xpeng’s New G6 Can Add 280 Miles Of Range In Just 10 Minutes

The steering is notably light by default, making it ideal for city driving, but less suited for spirited handling. Luckily, there’s a setting that adds weight to the steering, though it requires disabling some lane-keeping ADAS features first, and it still feels artificial. Overall, while the Seres 5 packs plenty of power and the suspension manages its weight well, it’s clear that this vehicle wasn’t built for chasing hot hatches on winding roads.

Range And Charging

In terms of range, you can expect about 400 km (250 miles) from the 80 kWh lithium iron phosphate battery pack if you’re driving sensibly. The most efficient drivers might push closer to the WLTP estimate of 483 km (300 miles), but it’s tough to hold back when 577 hp is tempting you with every press of the accelerator. That said, the Seres 5’s range is comparable to the outgoing Tesla Model Y Performance, which was rated for 280 miles in the US, though most real-world drivers saw closer to 240-260 miles.

The battery can charge from 30% to 80% in 25 minutes using a 100 kW DC charger. While that’s decent, it’s not as fast as some rival EVs from the Hyundai Group or other Chinese automakers. It’s also worth noting that while the BEV is the only option available in Europe, buyers in China have the option of a range-extender powertrain, which is better suited for hypermiling.

Pricing And Rivals

Unlike other Chinese automakers like BYD, which target price-conscious buyers, Seres has positioned its only EV offering closer to European pricing. In Greece, where we tested it, the Seres 5 is priced at €57,500 (equal to $62,500) with local EV subsidies. In Germany, where availability is more limited, the price jumps to €64,990 ($70,700). These figures apply to the full-spec AWD trim, which is currently the only option available in Europe.

As is typical with a new brand like Seres, depreciation is something potential buyers should keep in mind. Used 2024 models with very low mileage can already be found for as little as €40,000 ($43,700)—not great for the original owners, but a pretty sweet deal for anyone looking for a one-year-old EV with plenty of performance.

Review: The Facelifted Kia EV6 Is Better Than Ever, But We’d Wait For The EV5

When it comes to competition, the Seres 5 faces stiff challenges. The Tesla Model Y, for example, offers a comparable AWD Long Range trim starting at €43,990 ($47,900) in Greece. The facelifted Kia EV6 GT AWD is also a solid contender at €56,990 ($62,000).

There are a few premium offerings in the same price range, but they tend to be less powerful in their base configurations. For example, the outgoing BMW iX3 (not offered in the US) starts at €52,950 ($57,600) here in Greece, the Lexus RZ450e is priced at €58,700 ($63,900), and the newer Audi Q6 E-tron kicks off at a considerably higher €67,980 ($73,900). It will be interesting to see how the prices of the upcoming BMW iX3 Neue Klasse and the fully electric successor to the Mercedes-Benz GLC compare.

Verdict

The all-electric Seres 5 offers a comfortable ride, plenty of power, and the kind of premium feel you’d expect from a more established brand. Despite being a newcomer, it has a distinctive design and a high-quality interior, packed with standard features. However, it does fall short in a few key areas, including the lack of modern connectivity options (though this could potentially be addressed with a future update), the absence of physical controls for essential functions, and some design elements that feel a bit dated.

The biggest hurdle for the Seres 5, however, is the intense competition it faces from well-established brands that already have loyal customer bases. On top of that, it lacks both the brand prestige of its European and Japanese rivals and the price advantage typically associated with Chinese models—one of the main selling points for many buyers.

If Seres can manage to lower the price, it might be worth considering introducing the Chinese-market range-extender version of the 5 in Europe, which could give the car a much-needed edge.

Photos: Thanos Pappas for CarScoops

Skoda began teasing its new three-row electric SUV last month, which means a debut is probably imminent. But while the marketing team is stirring up some excitement, the Czech company’s engineers are making sure future owners don’t get a dose of the wrong kind of excitement when towing a large trailer.

Related: Skoda Teases Electric Seven-Seat SUV Rival To Kia EV9

SUVs are popular for their high driving position and generous interior space, but many owners buy traditional ICE-powered utilities because even those without body-on-frame construction can make for useful towing vehicles. And if automakers want to present EVs as serious alternatives to combustion vehicles, they need to be be able to haul trailers, boats and caravans, too.

The Towing Potential of EVs

In some ways, EVs make great tow vehicles. They’ve got tons of low end torque, the power delivery is smooth, and brake regeneration can prevent the conventional brakes from ever becoming overloaded. But because they are heavy, their towing capacity is usually lower than that of an equivalent ICE machine.

This new Skoda SUV, a production version of 2022’s Vision 7S concept which could be called the Space, is an electric alternative to the seven-seat combustion-powered Kodiaq. The Kodiaq is built on VW’s MQB Evo platform and in all-wheel drive vRS guise has a maximum towing capacity of 2,500 kg (5,510 lbs). But its electric counterpart rides on the MEB platform, the same one used by the Skoda Enyaq and VW ID.Buzz, and neither of those EVs can legally haul as big a load.

ICE Beats EV For Towing

The dual-motor Enyaq tops out at 1,200 kg (2,650 lbs) for a braked trailer, and Europe’s dual-motor Buzz can tow 1,800 kg (3,970 lbs) when fitted with the smaller 79 kWh battery, or only 1,600 kg (3,530 lbs) with the 86 kWh pack. But one of the Skoda’s key rivals could be Kia’s EV9, and that is rated at an impressive 2,500 kg (5,512 lbs).

In reality, if Skoda’s big EV can pull 1800 kg, that might be enough for many buyers not looking to drag huge boats, caravans and car trailers around. However, they’ll have to accept a sizeable drop in driving range when they’re hooked-up.

Many owners of MEB-platform EVs, including the VW ID.4 and Buzz, have documented their experience with towing in online forums, and according to their results, it’s not unusual to see a 50-60 percent reduction in range when pulling even an 820 kg (1,800 lb) trailer.

A 150-Mile Range?

Skoda claims a maximum range of 334 WLTP miles (537 km) for the AWD Enyaq in optimum weather conditions and when not towing, and the bigger seven-seater in these spy pics could be good for 370 miles (596 km) if it matches the claims for the 7S concept, which had an 89 kWh battery. But you could still be looking at a tow range of less than 150 miles (240 km) unless you keep the speed way down.

Sure, ICE-powered SUVs also take a big mpg and range hit when towing (though usually less than 50 percent), but they don’t have to worry about where to charge, or deal with the fact that unlike petrol stations, charging ones are generally not set up to deal with vehicles towing something behind them. So, would you buy an EV if you knew you wanted to tow things?

Images: Baldauf, Skoda

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