Lindsey Buscher, a volunteer with the Wisconsin chapter of Moms Demand Action, said at a press conference at the state Capitol that the group’s policies reflect Wisconsin values of “responsibility, accountability and community.” (Photo by Baylor Spears/Wisconsin Examiner)

Wisconsin gun violence prevention advocates, including Moms Demand Action and Students Demand Action, laid out their legislative goals for 2025 and spoke to lawmakers about their priorities on Tuesday, including a package of bills focused on gun trafficking. 

Lindsey Buscher, a volunteer with the Wisconsin chapter of Moms Demand Action, said at a press conference at the state Capitol that the group’s policies reflect Wisconsin values of “responsibility, accountability and community.”

“We believe in a safer future for our communities — one where every Wisconsinite, no matter where they live, work, go to school or attend their place of worship, can thrive without fear of gun violence,” Buscher said. “We all know that gun violence is shattering communities across our state from Milwaukee and Madison to the small towns that make Wisconsin who we are.”

The proposals will take several actions including requiring secure storage of inventory, employee background checks and recording gun sales, closing loopholes and ensuring that all gun sales require comprehensive background checks, ensuring that law enforcement can trace weapons and “shut down trafficking rings” and stopping bulk trafficking by prohibiting multiple gun purchases within a single month.

There were 762 firearm deaths in Wisconsin in 2023, including 502 firearm suicides and 236 firearm homicides, according to a report released this year by the Wisconsin Anti-Violence Effort (WAVE) Educational Fund, the state’s leading gun violence prevention organization, and the Violence Policy Center (VPC), a national research and advocacy organization working to stop gun death and injury. 

According to the report, 84.9% of firearms recovered in Wisconsin originate in state. 

Rep. Joan Fitzgerald (D-Fort Atkinson), who will sponsor the measures, called on her Republican colleagues to work with her on the legislation. Draft bills will be ready for official introduction in the coming weeks she said.

“If we want to stop that gun violence we have to start at the source, and that is at the sale of those guns,” Fitzgerald said at the press conference. “Each year, tens of thousands of illegal guns are trafficked across our country, getting into the hands of criminals… We need to crack down on those few bad actors who endanger everyone else and make our communities less safe. We need to finally bring Wisconsin law in line with the views of the majority of our citizens who value safe communities.”

“We don’t have to live in fear of our loved ones getting shot and killed,” said Angela Ferrell-Zabala, executive director of the national Moms Demand Action. “Law enforcement, faith leaders, students, doctors, parents are all saying the same thing: enough. Enough is enough. I’m a woman of deep faith, but we can’t have just thoughts and prayers without action. That’s what we need from our lawmakers.”

Ferrell-Zabala said their “fight isn’t against the Second Amendment… We can respect responsible gun ownership in Wisconsin, as we should, while also stopping illegal gun trafficking and protecting our communities from violence.”

Other speakers at the press conference included Nessa Bleill, founder and president of the University of Wisconsin-Madison chapter of Students Demand Action and a survivor of a mass shooting at a parade in Illinois in 2022. 

After the press conference, Fitzgerald told the Wisconsin Examiner that she hasn’t spoken with her Republican colleagues about the proposals yet. Republicans currently control the state Assembly and Senate, meaning their support will be necessary to advance any bill. 

“Prior bills we’ve introduced had very little Republican support,” Fitzgerald said, adding that Democrats haven’t been able to get a public hearing on proposals either. 

Rep. Deb Andraca (D-Whitefish Bay) told the Examiner that in her experience, some of her Republican colleagues would say behind closed doors that they support some measures similar to those being proposed, but they won’t put their name on proposals publicly.

“I would say that they probably should find their backbone and do what the vast majority of Wisconsin voters want,” Andraca said. “Students are tired of being scared in their classrooms. Teachers don’t want to have to do lockdown drills. As a gun owner with my concealed carry permit, I am not worried about taking away anyone’s Second Amendment rights… We need these measures because we have too many guns in too many places, and it’s endangering our safety and all of our neighborhoods.”

Andraca said her colleagues should at least give Democratic proposals a public hearing. 

The lawmakers said the day of action, which includes advocates speaking directly to lawmakers on both sides of the aisle, is helpful for ensuring that lawmakers know people want action.

“Otherwise, legislators say, ‘Oh, I never hear from anyone’,” Andraca said. “You have to keep showing up, so people know that you won’t go away, because that’s what they’re counting on.”

Fitzgerald, a freshman lawmaker, and Andraca, who is in her third term in office, were both volunteers with Moms Demand Action prior to running for office. Fitzgerald added that they are “good examples of taking advocacy and turning that into running for office” to change the makeup of the Legislature. 

“If they’re not going to react, then we need to start… holding them accountable — electing them out of office and electing people who will pass legislation to reduce gun violence,” Fitzgerald said. 

Advocates were scheduled to meet with over 50 state lawmakers, including about 30 Democrats and about 20 Republicans. Buscher said there were only a few lawmakers who weren’t in town or declined to meet and that they planned to drop off literature at their offices anyway.

While Democratic lawmakers are focused on bills that seek to prevent gun violence, Republican lawmakers are focused on proposals that would protect the Second Amendment and gun access in Wisconsin.

Republican gun proposals

Sen. Andre Jacque (R-New Franken) and Rep. Chanz Green (R-Grand View) are circulating two proposals, including a constitutional amendment. 

One bill would exempt firearms, including accessories, attachments and parts, and ammunition from the state sales tax. The bill would also exempt bows and arrows for archery and crossbows from the sales tax. 

“Taxing constitutionally protected rights can act as an effective restriction,” the bill authors wrote in a cosponsorship memo. “By reducing the tax burden on lawful firearm purchases, this bill ensures that law-abiding citizens can fully exercise their constitutional freedoms.”

Wisconsin already guarantees a right to keep and bear arms in its state Constitution, similar to over 40 other states. 

The constitutional amendment proposal, which would need to pass in two consecutive sessions and be approved by voters to become law, would add language to the state Constitution to ensure the the right of the people to keep and bear arms is without qualification, that it is “an inalienable and fundamental individual right that shall never be infringed” and that any restrictions on the right would be “subject to strict scrutiny.” 

Strict scrutiny, which is the highest standard of review a court can use, is a legal test that when applied would mean that any gun regulations would have to be narrowly tailored to a compelling government interest and be the least restrictive means possible. 

Only a handful of states, including Louisiana, have changed their state constitutions to include this type of language, while others, including Kansas, have debated it.

“Do any of those bills do anything to make our community safe, to make our kids feel safe in school? Do they do anything to reduce gun violence?” Fitzgerald asked. “If they can prove that those are going to reduce gun violence, then let’s have that conversation again.”

GET THE MORNING HEADLINES.

SUBSCRIBE

Bascom Hall, University of Wisconsin-Madison. (Ron Cogswell | used by permission of the photographer)

University of Wisconsin campuses could be limited in their ability to raise tuition under two Republican bills that received a hearing in the Senate Universities and Technical Colleges committee. One would leverage tuition freezes on campuses as a penalty for free speech violations, while the other would aim to help with affordability for students and families by capping tuition increases.

With the conclusion of the budget process over the summer and a $250 million investment in the UW system, Democratic and Republican lawmakers have recently turned their attention to potential policy changes that could be made to the higher education system in Wisconsin. Democratic lawmakers announced their own proposals for helping with higher education costs last week.

Implementing financial penalties on UW, technical colleges for free speech violations

Rep. Amanda Nedweski (R-Pleasant Prairie) said her bill would enshrine the principle of current University of Wisconsin system policy in law to clarify and protect the First Amendment rights of students, staff and visitors. 

Current UW system policy includes its commitment to freedom of speech and expression along with some accountability measures including conduct and due process mechanisms to address violations. 

A similar bill passed the Assembly in 2023, but failed to receive a vote in the Senate. Earlier versions of the policy were introduced after a controversial survey of UW campuses that found that a majority of students who responded said they were afraid to express views on certain issues in class. The survey had an average response rate of 12.5% across all UW System campuses. 

The latest iteration of the bill was introduced just six days after the assassination of right-wing activist Charlie Kirk, who has become a recurring point of discussion and debate. Lawmakers passed a resolution this week to honor his life.

Nedweski noted that another survey by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) that found that 35% of students say using violence to stop someone from speaking on campus is acceptable at least in rare cases. The survey included responses from 423 people. 

“It’s clearly even more chilling in light of the recent political assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk on a college campus. When we accept the false premise that speech is equivalent to violence, we allow violence to replace speech as a means of debate… We’ve seen many of our college campuses devolve into marketplaces of fear of certain viewpoints,” Nedweski said. “While Charlie Kirk’s assassination on the college campus is the most extreme example of this, it is not the first time conservatives on campus have been threatened or intimidated for their views.” 

Nedweski said the bill would help restore trust.

“The breakdown in public trust is real. It will only get worse unless our colleges and universities get serious about restoring intellectual diversity on campus, I believe,” Nedweski said. 

SB 498 would bar UW institutions from restricting speech from a speaker if their conduct “is not unlawful and does not materially and substantially disrupt the functioning of the UW institution or technical college.” It would also restrict enforcement of time, place and manner restrictions on expressive activities in public forum spaces, designating any place a “free speech zone,” charging security fees as a part of a permit application and sanctioning people for discriminatory harassment unless the speech “targets its victim on the basis of a protected class under law, and is so severe, pervasive, and objectively offensive that it effectively bars a student from receiving equal access to educational opportunities or benefits.” 

If an institution is found to violate the provisions by a state or federal court, then it would receive a notice and a person whose expressive rights were violated would be able to bring action against the UW Board of Regents or a technical college board. A plaintiff could be awarded damages of at least $500 for the initial violation plus $50 for each day after the complaint was filed and the violation continues up to $100,000. A plaintiff could also be awarded court costs and reasonable attorney fees. 

Students, employees and campus organizations would have a due process guarantee under the bill. If the due process provisions are violated more than once in a five-year period, a campus would be required to freeze tuition for all students for the following two academic years.

Nedweski said she hadn’t spoken with the UW system about the legislation this session, but she is open to conversations. 

“I’ve expressed it from the start of the session for the UW to come and work with us on this to get to a place where they can be a thumbs up, but I haven’t heard from anyone,” Nedweski said. “They will express some concerns about certain language in the bill and definitions, and I’d like to say today that, of course, the door is still open.”

UW Interim Vice President of University Relations Chris Patton that the system’s concerns with the bills center on the penalties. 

Patton said the penalty of freezing state funding would put the system’s financial health at risk — and potentially compromise the system’s ability to carry out its mission of being a “marketplace of ideas.” 

“Freedom of expression and free speech is not just a constitutional principle. It’s at the very core of what makes our universities thrive,” Patton said. “The First Amendment guarantees this right, and our institutions take seriously our responsibility to uphold it for all students, faculty, staff, visitors and stakeholders at the Universities of Wisconsin. We already have really robust policies and procedures in place.”

Sen. Rachael Cabral-Guevara (R-Appleton), a coauthor on the bill, urged lawmakers to “please understand” that the bill is “not to punish any of our institutions,” but is to “ensure that they’re following what’s already in the Bill of Rights.”

Sen. Chis Larson (D-Milwaukee), the top Democrat on the committee, expressed concern about the aims of the legislation, whether free speech was a top concern that was widespread on campuses and whether the bill could bolster harmful language. 

“I appreciate you guys coming up here to embrace DEI for Republican viewpoints, which this seems to be what this bill is all about — making sure that Republican viewpoints are more represented and encouraged and being inclusive to that,” Larson said. 

“You can call it DEI for conservatism, but there’s nothing in the bill that addresses anything specific to conservatives, liberals, Republicans, Democrats,” Nedweski replied. “It’s free speech protections for everyone.”

Larson noted that he represents the UW-Milwaukee campus and often speaks with students about their concerns and free speech is typically low on the list. He said he hears concerns about affordability and safety more frequently. 

“Other concerns include safety, especially for students who are LGBTQ, students who are of a different race than Caucasian, of their safety on campus, of being targeted with hate crimes,” Larson said. 

Larson also brought up a recent Politico article, which exposed racist messages sent into a group chat of Young Republicans, to ask whether lawmakers thought their bill could encourage that type of speech. 

Larson said he wasn’t concerned with self-censorship that discouraged people from “saying these racist, homophobic, xenophobic, glorification of rape things out in the public, because that is something that in a free and open society should have consequences associated with it.”

“We do not have the exemption for hate speech in our laws and in the First Amendment. It does not exempt hate speech,” Larson said. “It seems to me that this [bill] would pave the way to be able to say, yes, that would be something that is not only allowed on campus, but encouraged.” 

Nedweski said she was not concerned that the bill would “further unhinge people.” 

“We’re all concerned about the political temperature that has risen so high in this country,” Nedweski said. “I don’t have concerns this bill is going to push anybody overboard. The intent is to protect people whether I agree with what their ideas… are or not. I have no association with the group that you’re talking about. I don’t agree with the things that they said. It’s unfortunate that that happened.”

Capping tuition increases

Under SB 399, the UW Board of Regents would be prohibited from increasing undergraduate tuition by more than the consumer price index increase in a given year. 

The bill, coauthored by Sen. Andre Jacque (R-New Franken) and Rep. Dave Murphy (R-Hortonville), was introduced this year after the UW system adopted its third consecutive tuition increase in July. The increases were a maximum of 5% for each campus and were implemented after the recent state budget did not reach the requests the system said would be needed to avoid a hike. 

“With the continued rising prices in almost every area of the economy, some increase in resident tuition is to be expected but we must set common sense guardrails so that any price increases are reasonable, ensuring the UW system remains a cost-effective option for Wisconsin families,” Jacque said. 

Jacque said the recent hike “might be the impetus for the timing this session” but he has seen it as a “reasonable policy” for a while, noting that versions of the bill have been proposed in previous years.

Murphy said he thought the legislation would make it so that lawmakers don’t “have to always be looking” at tuition.

“It’s just up and down and up and down and up and down,” Murphy said. The bill, he added, would help provide a semblance of predictability down the line. “If you have a youngster in the K-12 system and you’re looking at what college is going to cost in the future, you could probably have a good idea of where it is going to go.”

Larson said he found it “noble” what the Republican lawmakers were trying to accomplish with the bill, but asked about why there wasn’t any state contribution included in the bill.

He noted that the portion of state funding that makes up the UW system’s budget has been decreasing over many years. 

“It’s like the cost of groceries,” Larson said, comparing it to “shrinkflation,” a form of inflation where the price of a product stays the same but the size or quantity of a product is reduced. “We’re gonna freeze the cost of a loaf of bread, and then year after year, you’re going to get one slice less, one slice less, one slice less. It will still be the same cost, but you’re getting less. I worry… if you freeze it, we’re going to be getting the equivalent of one slice less every single year in terms of what the deliverable is from the University.” 

Murphy noted that the legislation would just cap increases, not freeze tuition. 

GET THE MORNING HEADLINES.

SUBSCRIBE

UW-Milwaukee offers its own tuition promise program which covers up to four years of tuition and segregated fees for students from families earning less than $62,000 per year. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)

Democratic lawmakers are proposing a package of higher education bills to help address affordability for students by investing in a statewide tuition promise program and to support faculty and staff members by reversing Walker-era collective bargaining and tenure policies. 

Rep. Jodi Emerson (D-Eau Claire), the ranking member on the Assembly Colleges and Universities committee, said Democratic lawmakers are looking for ways to ensure Wisconsin’s higher education system is strong and accessible to “anybody who has the talent and the work ethic to want to pursue something.” 

“That’s part of our American dream, is that no matter where you start out in life, you’ve got an opportunity to do better and to gain knowledge and training,” Emerson said. 

Emerson said Democratic lawmakers hope the bills can kickstart discussions about policy changes that could be made. She noted that Republican lawmakers have often stripped proposals from the budget, saying that policy should be passed through individual bills outside of the budget process.

“We’re putting some of these bills back out now and saying, let’s have the policy discussion,” Emerson said. “If you’re not willing to have that during the budget, let’s have the discussion now.” 

Emerson said the first pair of bills that lawmakers unveiled at a press conference last week seek to specifically help with the affordability of higher education. 

“A lot of us heard loud and clear last election that pocketbook issues are really what are leading people right now,” Emerson said, adding that it’s part of the reason she supported the recent state budget. “But it wasn’t a perfect budget, and so we thought, how can we make this a little bit better?”

One bill, coauthored by Sen. Kristin Dassler-Alfheim (D-Appleton) and Rep. Brienne Brown (D-Whitewater), would implement a statewide “tuition promise” program, allowing first-time, in-state students from households with an adjusted gross income of $71,000 or less to have their tuition covered at any UW school, other than UW-Madison. Under the bill, the state would dedicate nearly $40 million towards the program. 

The program would function as “last-dollar, gap funding” meaning it would fill in the rest of the tuition costs after all federal and state grants and scholarships are calculated.

According to The Hechinger Report , as of 2024, 37 states offered a statewide promise program. 

UW-Madison already offers “Bucky’s Tuition Promise,” which launched in 2018 and is funded with private gifts and other institutional resources, not state tax dollars. The program guarantees four years of tuition and segregated fees for any incoming freshman from Wisconsin whose family’s annual household adjusted gross income is $65,000 or less. 

Recent studies have found the tuition promise program increased enrollment among accepted students at UW-Madison and increased retention rates. 

UW-Milwaukee also offers its own program which covers up to four years of tuition and segregated fees for students from families earning less than $62,000 per year. 

The UW system also has a version of the program that recently relaunched in 2025 after the system secured private funding. The Wisconsin Tuition Promise first launched in 2023, but was ended in 2024 after Republican lawmakers declined to fund the program. 

Another bill by Dassler-Alfheim and Rep. Angela Stroud (D-Ashland) would invest $10 million in the UW system for student retention and talent development efforts. 

At the press conference last week, Dassler-Alfheim said the bills are essential for supporting the state’s workforce.  

“If our workforce is the engine that runs our economy, then our Universities of Wisconsin and Wisconsin Technical Colleges are the gasoline that power that engine as our baby boomers retire in droves. We have workforce shortages in every category. We have all struggled to schedule a doctor’s appointment, a plumber, an accountant, or even a cleaning at the dentist,” Dassler-Alfheim said. “The purpose of these two bills is to help qualified students access the higher education needed to advance themselves and to fulfill the promise to Wisconsin employers to develop the workforce necessary to maintain and grow Wisconsin’s economy.”

Democratic lawmakers also circulated bill drafts meant to help support staff and faculty at UW system campuses. 

One would again allow most UW system employees, faculty and academic staff to collectively bargain over wages, hours, and conditions of employment. UW employees were stripped of that ability under the Walker-era law Act 10. 

Another bill would reverse changes made in the 2015 state budget that eliminated language in state statute that protected tenure. Lawmakers said in 2015 that the changes were necessary to give the UW system flexibility to deal with budget cuts, though faculty members said then that the changes were an attack on tenure. 

Emerson said it is getting harder to recruit people to work at the universities in the state and that some of the changes could help. 

“If we’re making these big changes about how universities are dealt with, staff and faculty need to have a seat at the table for having these conversations and having a seat at the table in meaningful ways where their concerns are addressed too,” Emerson said. 

Emerson noted that in recent years Republican lawmakers have pushed through proposals and deals that triggered pushback from faculty members. 

The most recent budget deal negotiated between lawmakers and Gov. Tony Evers included new work load requirements for UW faculty, mandating that they teach a minimum of 24 credits per academic year, or four 3-credit courses, starting in Sept. 2026. The requirement has garnered concerned reactions from faculty, some of who have said it could be difficult to balance teaching and research demands.

In 2023, Republican lawmakers negotiated with UW leaders to secure concessions on diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives in exchange for staff pay raises and money for buildings. The deal garnered a lot of pushback from staff and students at the time.

“You know, the workload requirements that came through the budget, or the DEI deal that happened last session, none of those would have happened if we had collective bargaining in place,” Emerson said. “Those are two things that when you have people who don’t work in an industry trying to put working parameters around that industry, it falls flat.”

Bills likely won’t advance in Republican Legislature

The Democratic proposals will face a difficult road in the Republican-led Legislature. Emerson said the likelihood for a public hearing on the Democratic bills is “slim to none.”

However, Emerson said Democratic lawmakers plan to take the ideas to people in the state other ways. She and some of her Democratic colleagues will be on the UW-Stevens Point campus this week to start a tour of campuses around the state. 

Emerson said the purpose is to have as many conversations with staff, faculty and students as possible. 

“If we’re not going to have a hearing in Madison on it, we are ready to take this around to other campuses and other parts of the state and have the conversation on the college campuses,” Emerson said. “I want to hear what matters to the students. I want to hear what, you know, the career people need their students to have to get jobs. I want to hear from the business people in these communities.”

Emerson said part of the goal is to also start laying the foundation for if Democrats win more legislative power in 2026. 

“It’s always good when you’re making policy about something that you’re talking to the people that this is going to impact, so this is what we’re really hoping to do — work out all the kinks, and dust everything off, and, hopefully, have a little bit more governing power coming up in the next session, and be able to really hit the ground running with some of these bills,” Emerson said.

Emerson said Democratic lawmakers’ approach is focused on figuring out how the state can make higher education available for “anybody no matter their zip code, no matter their income level,” and she expressed skepticism the Republican bills will do that. 

“A lot of the bills that I see coming from my Republican colleagues about higher education tend to either be punitive — one person said one thing on one campus, therefore we have to make sure nobody ever says that again and getting into these free speech pieces — or they’re doing things in a way that tells me that they haven’t been on a college campus for a really long time,” Emerson said.

The Senate Universities and Technical Colleges Committee is scheduled to have a public hearing on eight Republican-authored higher education-related bills Wednesday. 

One bill, coauthored by Sen. Andre Jacque (R-New Franken) and Rep. Dave Murphy (R-Hortonville), would place caps on annual tuition hikes. It was proposed in reaction to the 5% tuition increase that was approved after the recent state budget was completed. The increase was the third annual hike in a row. UW President Jay Rothman and UW regents had said the tuition increases would be necessary if the system didn’t secure enough funding from the state. 

In a memo about the bill, the Republican lawmakers said the Legislature needed to “implement a common sense law placing controls on these types of skyrocketing tuition increases” and that a cap on tuition increases would provide families with “the predictability required to budget for college expenses into the future.” Sen. Julian Bradley (R-New Berlin) has also argued that the bill is about “protecting affordability.” 

Under the bill, the UW Board of Regents would be prohibited from increasing undergraduate tuition by more than the consumer price index increase in a given year.

Emerson said she didn’t think the bill would have the intended effect of helping students and families afford school. She noted some of the effects seen during the decade-long tuition freeze implemented under the Walker administration. 

UW leaders said at the time that the freeze was unsustainable as it limited campuses ability to maintain its program and course offerings and wages for staff and faculty. 

“Students couldn’t get the classes that they needed… so people would sometimes have to go for an extra year to get all of the classes that they needed to complete their degree. It ended up costing people more because they had to stay in longer to get the one last requirement that they needed for their degree,” Emerson said. “It’s a good messaging point to say we’re gonna not increase [tuition] by a certain amount, but I don’t think that that has the end result that they’re thinking it does.”

GET THE MORNING HEADLINES.

SUBSCRIBE

Reading Time: 3 minutes

A bill with bipartisan support scheduled for a committee vote on Tuesday could restore funding for Wisconsin veterans homes in Green Bay and Chippewa Falls that closed in September due to funding cuts in the 2025-27 state budget.

Democratic Gov. Tony Evers told Wisconsin Watch he would sign the Republican-sponsored bill, even though it includes additional items that are not part of a Democratic “clean” proposal that only funds the veterans homes. But it’s unclear if the bill will pass the Republican-controlled Assembly.

Senate Bill 411, from Sen. André Jacque, R-New Franken, would provide the Wisconsin Department of Veterans Affairs $1.95 million over the biennium to increase funding for the costs of running the agency’s Veterans Housing and Recovery Program, which supports veterans at risk of homelessness. The dollars would also cover costs for leasing a new facility in Chippewa Falls. Klein Hall, which housed VHRP veterans there, was nearly 50 years old and needed repairs, staff told Wisconsin Watch this summer. 

Veterans organizations, Republicans and Democrats spoke in favor of the bill at a public hearing in September, and no one spoke against it. The bill also requires the Universities of Wisconsin System Board of Regents to fund the Missing-in-Action Recovery and Identification Project and reduces the disability rating threshold for veterans or their surviving spouses to claim property tax credits. 

But the bill’s path beyond Tuesday’s executive session vote in the Senate’s Committee on Natural Resources, Veteran and Military Affairs, which Jacque leads, remains unclear at this point. 

Even if Jacque’s bill makes it to Evers’ desk for his signature, it would still take “a few months” to reopen the Green Bay facility and at least a year for a site to reopen in Chippewa Falls, said Colleen Flaherty, a spokesperson for the WDVA. The Chippewa Falls timeline is longer because the WDVA would have to apply for a new round of federal grants, Flaherty said.

Still, Jacque said in a statement to Wisconsin Watch that he was “heartened” by the support for SB 411 so far. 

“I look forward to continuing discussions with the Department of Veterans Affairs and fellow committee members to get this legislation to the governor as quickly as possible,” he said. 

How we got here

SB 411 is one of several legislative proposals brought forward after the state’s two-year budget passed without additional funds to cover the rising costs of running veterans homes across the state. 

Evers originally proposed $1.9 million in new funding for the low-cost housing option, but the Legislature’s Republican-led budget writing committee removed those dollars during the legislative process.  

Political finger-pointing followed as the state prepared to close the Green Bay and Chippewa Falls facilities. Evers placed the blame on the Republicans in the Legislature. Republican lawmakers, such as Sen. Eric Wimberger, R-Oconto, argued Evers and the WDVA already had funding to keep the veterans homes open. 

According to the nonpartisan Legislative Fiscal Bureau, the WDVA receives an appropriation for “general program administration,” which has been underspent its funding by $600,000 to $2 million in each of the last six fiscal years. The agency has broad enough stipulations that it could use extra funds to support the veterans housing program. 

But it’s possible the WDVA believes the Legislature did not intend to continue to support the veterans homes when it did not approve the specific funding proposed during the budget process, the LFB said. Flaherty, with the WDVA, said the agency “needs legislative approval for the funding.”

Evers spokesperson Britt Cudaback said the governor is “hopeful” the Legislature will “work quickly” and pass SB 411 in its current form, which he would sign into law.

“While it’s great to see that Republicans have now decided they support Gov. Evers’ budget requests, it’s disappointing they chose not to approve these investments months ago when they had the chance, which could have prevented two facilities serving homeless veterans from closing,” Cudaback said. 

Wimberger, in a statement to Wisconsin Watch, continued to place the blame on Evers.

“I’m not opposed to Senator Jacque’s bill,” Wimberger said. “However, Governor Evers is extorting the Legislature since the program already has funding. If paying twice makes Governor Evers stop sending veterans out on the streets, maybe we do that.” 

What’s next for SB 411?

Should SB 411 move beyond the Senate’s committee, it would then go to the full Senate for consideration. The chamber has not met since early July. 

It’s also unclear how far SB 411 would go in the Assembly. State Rep. William Penterman, R-Hustisford, who leads the Assembly Committee on Veterans and Military Affairs, did not respond to questions from Wisconsin Watch on if he would hold a hearing on Jacque’s bill. 

Two Assembly bills that also seek to restore veterans home funding, one from Democrats and another from Republicans, have not received any public hearings yet. Nor has another Senate Democratic-sponsored bill, which would only provide funding for veterans homes. 

In the meantime, the WDVA found new placements for all of the veterans who previously called the Green Bay and Chippewa Falls sites home. The last veteran left Chippewa Falls on Sept. 9 and Green Bay on Sept. 12, Flaherty said. 

Can Wisconsin’s split government pass a bill to support homeless veterans? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Gov. Tony Evers and Veterans Affairs Sec. James Bond spoke an event for veterans in the state Capitol on April 22, 2025. (Photo via Wisconsin Department of Veterans Affairs Facebook page)

A Republican bill that would provide funding for the Veterans Housing and Recovery Program received a hearing in the state Senate on Thursday, advancing a potential solution to the cuts the program is facing even as it appears too late to stop the closures. 

Sen. André Jacque (R-New Franken), the lead author on the proposal, told the Senate Natural Resources, Veteran and Military Affairs committee that it is the responsibility of lawmakers to ensure that Wisconsin “properly honors the sacrifices made by our brave men and women of the armed services” and his bill would help do that. He also serves as the chair of the committee.

“I know that there’s been a lot of confusion and contentious finger pointing over responsibility for the interruption of service at these sites. Ideally, these issues would have already been resolved but finger pointing accomplishes nothing,” Jacque said. 

The Veterans Housing and Recovery Program (VHRP) has been a source of back-and-forth between Gov. Tony Evers and Democratic lawmakers and Republican lawmakers since the closure of two sites, one in Chippewa Falls and the other in the Green Bay area, was announced in July. 

The program, operated by the Wisconsin Department of Veterans Affairs, has focused on providing support to veterans on the verge of or experiencing homelessness, including those who have experienced incarceration, unemployment or physical and mental health problems. Veterans in the program are able to participate for a maximum of 24 months, but the average length of stay is six to 10 months.

Evers announced in July that the sites would close on Sept. 30 due to a lack of state funding in the budget. He had requested an additional $2 million from lawmakers to help sustain the program, but that request wasn’t heeded and Democratic attempts to put the funding back in the budget were rejected by Republicans — apart from Jacque, who voted with Democrats. 

Gov. Tony Evers’ administration announced shortly after the end of the budget process in July that the two facilities would be closing. 

Evers blamed the closures on lawmakers for not providing the additional funds, while lawmakers said Evers didn’t try to negotiate for the funding.

Then some Republican lawmakers who represent areas surrounding the facilities started claiming that money should be available for the administration to use. In a 16-page letter on Sept. 10, a handful of Republican lawmakers, including Sens. Eric Wimberger (R-Oconto) and Jesse James (R-Thorp) and Reps. Karen Hurd (R-Withee) and Benjamin Franklin (R-De Pere), claimed that the Evers administration should have access to funds to help support the program. That letter pointed to the balance that the WDVA returns at the end of the year, though an agency spokesperson has noted that the agency cannot spend funds on whatever the administration chooses, and is “only allowed to spend the money they tell us to spend.”

Evers had also denied the claim, saying “the money is not there.” He noted that a paper from the nonpartisan Legislative Fiscal Bureau to the Joint Finance Committee warned lawmakers that additional funds were needed for the program. 

“Without additional funding, the Department [of Veterans Affairs] would not have sufficient resources to maintain the program’s three sites,” the paper stated.

Senate Bill 411 would provide $900,000 in 2025-26 and $1,050,000 in 2026-27 for the program and for costs associated with the Chippewa Falls site. Jacque’s bill also includes two other policy changes that he said veterans have been requesting. One would require the Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin system to provide funding to the UW Missing-in-Action Recovery and Identification Project to support missions to recover and identify Wisconsin veterans who are missing, and the other would lower the eligibility threshold for veterans and surviving spouses to claim the veterans and surviving spouses property tax credit.

“We have the opportunity to achieve a proactive, bipartisan solution to the funding problem, and I encourage my committee members to join me in approving this funding package,” Jacque said. “Supporting our veterans has not been and must not be a partisan fight. I truly believe there’s enough support and good will on both sides of the aisle to accomplish each of these priorities.” 

The bill does currently has only nine Republican sponsors and no Democratic sponsors. Democratic lawmakers had proposed their own bill with Senate Minority Leader Dianne Hesselbein (D-Middleton) saying at a press conference that she preferred “clean legislation.” That bill is unlikely to advance in the Republican-led Legislature even as Democrats call for a bill hearing on it. 

Jacque said legislators are also discussing  the potential for the Joint Finance Committee to reallocate funds for the program, and that his conversations about his bill have been productive on both sides of the aisle. 

“That was my goal in bringing it forward immediately after the budget was done, to have a vehicle to continue that conversation and make sure that we get some additional progress done on these issues beyond budget,” Jacque said. 

The VHRP has been funded through three revenue streams: trust fund payments, payments made by program participants and per diem payments, which are made to the agency by the federal government at a current rate of about $71 per resident per day. 

Growing staffing and maintenance costs have strained those funds. A contract with Lutheran Social Services, which staffs the facilities, makes up about 70% of the costs. The Evers administration had postponed some of the looming financial hardship by allocating American Rescue Plan Act funding to the program in 2023-24, but those funds have been expended. 

WDVA Assistant Deputy Secretary Joey Hoey said in testimony that it is too late to stop the closure of the facilities at least for a time.

Hoey said that when the budget passed on July 3, the three VHRP sites were in their fourth year of the federal VA’s Grant and Per Diem (GPD) Program with the option to renew for a fifth and final year starting October 1, 2025.

The agency was forced to consolidate the facilities to the Union Grove location, the site in best physical condition, without dedicated state funding for the program. The agency also had to notify the USDVA that it would not be renewing its grant agreement for Chippewa Falls. It asked to renew and change the scope of the grant agreement that covers both Union Grove and Green Bay, reducing the total number of beds from 57 to 40 to reflect the closure of the Green Bay facility. 

“Being forced to close our facilities in Green Bay and Chippewa Falls was gut wrenching for the veterans and for staff,” Hoey said. “I want to assure everyone in this room that with the help of veteran advocates, our partners at Lutheran Social Services and others, we were able to provide all the veterans in our care at Green Bay and Chippewa Falls with alternative options. As of last week, neither facility has any veterans still at the facility. All those residents have been successfully placed either in other treatment programs for veterans, other treatment programs that are not veteran centered, some have moved to Minneapolis, some moved to Michigan, a good amount have moved to our facility in Union Grove, but no veterans were kicked out on the street.” 

Hoey said even if the state were to pass the bill before the end of September, the state agency cannot rescind the notification for Chippewa Falls. It would only be able to apply for the next round of grants, which wouldn’t be available until October 2026.

“The earliest we could resume the program in Chippewa Falls would be sometime after October 1, 2026,” Hoey said. “If this bill passes, we stand ready to ask the USDVA to change the scope of our agreement covering Union Grove and Green Bay to go back up to the 57 beds included in the original grant. We believe that the USDVA would approve that change, meaning we could resume the program in Green Bay relatively quickly, provided that the landlord has not rented out the facility we were using and that we can sign a contract with Lutheran Social Services.”

GET THE MORNING HEADLINES.

SUBSCRIBE