Officials in Milwaukee want to pass a city ordinance that would ban the sale of hookah products to anyone under the age of 21.

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The latest data shows producers intend to put a lot fewer acres of soybeans in the ground, amid retaliatory tariffs from China and higher production costs.

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Environmental advocates and legal experts say the outcome of this month's Wisconsin Supreme Court election will affect a number of cases coming before the court.

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The shifting rollout of Trump’s tariffs has made it hard for manufacturers to plan for the future. 

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From Manila’s jeepneys and bamboo bikes to Catholic fiestas and family feasts, Martin explores the sights of the Philippines, which also includes tribal burials, rice god rituals, shamans and tarsier […]

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Colombian musician Juanes performs a career-spanning set that includes songs from “Vida Cotidiana.”

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A World War II WASP archive; a fire helmet and fire parade hat; a 1956-1968 Al Oerter Olympic collection.

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MILWAUKEE (AP) — A Wisconsin teenager charged in the deaths of his parents faces wider allegations that he killed them to “obtain the financial means” to assassinate President Donald Trump and overthrow […]

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A complex of data centers in Ashburn, Va. (Photo by Gerville/Getty Images)

This is the first of two States Newsroom stories examining the implications of the growing need for electricity largely from artificial intelligence and data centers. Read the second here.

The next time you’re on a Zoom meeting or asking ChatGPT a question, picture this: The information zips instantaneously through a room of hot, humming servers, traveling hundreds, possibly thousands of miles, before it makes its way back to you in just a second or two.

It can be hard to wrap your mind around, said Vijay Gadepally, a senior scientist at Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Lincoln Laboratory, but large data centers are where nearly all artificial intelligence systems and computing happens today.

“Each one of these AI models has to sit on a server somewhere, and they tend to be very, very big,” he said. “So if your millions or billions of users are talking to the system simultaneously, the computing systems have to really grow and grow and grow.”

As the United States works to be a global AI superpower, it’s become a home to hundreds of data centers — buildings that store and maintain the physical equipment needed to compute information.

For users of the new and increasingly popular AI tools, it might seem like the changes have been all online, without a physical footprint. But the rise of AI has tangible effects — data centers and the physical infrastructure needed to run them use large amounts of energy, water and other resources, experts say.

“We definitely try to think about the climate side of it with a critical eye,” said Jennifer Brandon, a science and sustainability consultant. “All of a sudden, it’s adding so much strain on the grid to some of these places.”

The rise of data centers

As society traded large, desktop computers for sleek laptops, and internet infrastructure began supporting AI models and other software tools, the U.S. has built the physical infrastructure to support growing computing power.

Large language models (LLMs) and machine learning (ML) technologies — the foundation of most modern AI tools — have been used by technologists for decades, but only in the last five to seven years have they become commercialized and used by the general public, said David Acosta, cofounder and chief artificial intelligence officer of ARBOai.

To train and process information, these fast-learning AI models require graphic processing units (GPUs), servers, storage, cabling and other networking equipment, all housed in data centers across the country. Computers have been storing and processing data off-site in dedicated centers for decades, but the dot-com bubble in the early 2000s and the move to cloud storage demanded much more storage capacity over the last decade.

As more things moved online, and computing hardware and chip technology supported faster processing, AI models became attainable to the general public, Acosta said. Current AI models use thousands of GPUs to operate, and training a single chatbot like ChatGPT uses about the same amount of energy as 100 homes over the course of a year.

“And then you multiply that times the thousands of models that are being trained,” Acosta said. “It’s pretty intense.”

The United States is currently home to more than 3,600 data centers, but about 80% of them are concentrated in 15 states, Data Center Map shows. The market has doubled since 2020, Forbes reported, with 21% year over year growth. For many years, nearly all of the country’s data centers were housed in Virginia, and the state is considered a global hub with nearly 70% of the world’s internet traffic flowing through its nearly 600 centers. Texas and California follow Virginia, with 336 and 307 centers, respectively.

Tech companies that require large amounts of computing power, the private equity firms and banks that invest in them and other real estate or specialized firms are the primary funders of data centers. In September, BlackRock, Global Infrastructure Partners, Microsoft and AI investment fund MGX invested $30 billion into new and expanded data centers primarily in the U.S, and said they will seek $100 billion in total investment, including debt financing.

Investment in American data center infrastructure is encouraging considering the global “AI arms race,” we’re in, Acosta said.

“If you own the data, you have the power,” Acosta said. “I just think we just make sure we do it ethically and as preemptive as possible.”

The shuttered Three Mile Island nuclear power plant stands in the middle of the Susquehanna River on October 10, 2024 near Middletown, Pennsylvania. The plant’s owner, Constellation Energy, plans to spend $1.6 billion to refurbish the reactor that it closed five years ago and restart it by 2028 after Microsoft recently agreed to buy as much electricity as the plant can produce for the next 20 years to power its growing fleet of data centers. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Energy and environmental impact

Current estimates say data centers are responsible for about 2% of the U.S.’ energy demand, but Anthony DeOrsey, a research manager at sustainable energy research firm Cleantech group, projects data centers will be about 10% of demand by 2027.

As data centers are developed in new communities across the country, residents and their state legislators see a mix of financial benefits with energy and environmental challenges.

The development of data centers brings some infrastructure jobs to an area, and in busy data center communities, like Virginia’s Loudoun and Prince William counties, centers can generate millions in tax revenue, the Virginia Mercury reported.

Local governments can be eager to strike deals with the tech companies or private equity firms seeking to build, but the availability and cost of power is a primary concern. New large data centers require the electricity equivalent of about 750,000 homes, a February report from sustainability consultancy firm BSI and real estate services firm CBRE.

Under many state’s utilities structures, local residents can be  subjected to electric price increases to meet big electric needs of data centers. Some legislators, like Georgia State Sen. Chuck Hufstetler, have sought to protect residential and commercial customers from getting hit with higher utility bills.

Granville Martin, an Eastern Shore, Connecticut-based lawyer with expertise in finance and environmental regulation, said the same problem has come up in his own community.

“The argument was, the locals didn’t want this data center coming in there and sucking up a bunch of the available power because their view — rightly or wrongly, and I think rightly — was well, that’s just going to raise our rates,” Martin said.

Some states are exploring alternative energy sources. In Pennsylvania, Constellation Energy made a deal to restart its nuclear power plant at Three Mile Island to provide carbon-free electricity to offset Microsoft’s power usage at its nearby data centers.

But climate experts have concerns about data centers outside of their power demand.

“The general public is largely unaware that cooling industrial facilities, whatever they might be, is actually a really, really important aspect of their function,” Martin said.

The equipment in data centers, many of which run 24/7, generate a lot of heat. To regulate temperature, most pump water through tubing surrounding the IT equipment, and use air conditioning systems to keep those structures cool. About 40% of data center’s energy consumption is used for cooling, the Cleantech group found.

Some have a closed-loop system, recycling grey water through the same system, but many use fresh drinking water. The amount of water and energy used in cooling is enormous, Brandon, the sustainability consultant. said.

“The current amount of AI data centers we have takes six times the amount of water as the country of Denmark,” she said. “And then we are using the same amount of energy as Japan, which is the fifth largest energy user in the world, for data centers right now.”

 

Is there a sustainable future for data centers?

Energy is now a material issue to running an AI company, DeOrsey said, and unrestrained, quickly evolving AI models are very expensive to train and operate. DeOrsey pointed to Chinese AI company DeepSeek, which released its attempt at a cost-conscious, energy efficient large language model, R1, in January.

The company claims it trained the model on 2,000 chips, much fewer than competitors like Open AI, ChatGPT’s parent company, and Google, which use about 16,000 chips. It’s not yet clear if the model lives up to its claims of energy efficiency in use, but it’s a sign that companies are feeling the pressure to be more efficient, DeOrsey said.

“I think companies like DeepSeek are an example of companies doing constrained optimization,” he said. “They’re assuming they won’t just get all the power they need, they won’t be able to get all of the chips they need, and just make do with what they have.”

For Gadepally, who is also chief tech officer of AI company Radium Cloud, this selective optimization is a tool he hopes more companies begin using. His recent work at MIT’s Lincoln Laboratory Supercomputing Center focused on the lab’s own data center consumption. When they realized how hot their equipment was getting, they did an audit.

Gadepally said simple switches like using cheaper, less-robust AI models cut down on their energy use. Using AI models at off-peak times saved money, as did “power capping” or limiting the amount of power feeding their computer processors. The difference was nominal — you may wait a second or two more to get an answer back from a chatbot, for example.

With Northeastern University, MIT built software called Clover that watches carbon intensity for peak periods and makes adjustments, like automatically using a lower-quality AI model with less computing power when energy demand is high.

“We’ve been kind of pushing back on people for a long time saying, is it really worth it?” Gadepally said. “You might get a better, you know, knock-knock joke from this chatbot. But that’s now using 10 times the power than it was doing before. Is that worth it?”

Gadepally and Acosta both spoke about localizing AI tools as another energy and cost saving strategy for companies and data centers. In practice, that means building tools to do exactly what you need them to do, and nothing more, and hosting them on local servers that don’t need to send their computing out potentially hundreds of miles away to the nearest data center.

Health care and agricultural settings are a great example, Acosta said, where tools can be built to serve these specialized settings rather than processing their data at “bloated, over-fluffed”  large data centers.

Neither AI developer sees any slowdown in the demand for AI and processing capabilities of data centers. But Gadepally said environmental and energy concerns will come to a head for tech companies when they realize they could save money by saving energy, too. Whether DeepSeek finds the same success as some of its American competitors is yet to be seen, Gadepally said, but it will probably make them question their practices.

“It will at least make people question before someone says, ‘I need a billion dollars to buy new infrastructure,’ or ‘I need to spend a billion dollars on computing next month,” Gadepally said. “Now they may say, ‘did you try to optimize it?’”

There is no question the winters of our childhood are disappearing. In 2024, a rainy January gave way to tornadoes in February, flooding in June and drought in July and August.

So what is next for Wisconsin and how can we prepare? In this episode, Amy talks with Wisconsin's state climatologist about what could be the new normal for our state.

Host: Amy Barrilleaux

Guest: Steve Vavrus, Wisconsin State Climatologist

Resources for You:

Wisconsin Initiative on Climate Change Impacts

Wisconsin 2024 Annual Climate Summary

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The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's latest maternal mortality report found that in 2023, Black women nationally were more than three times more likely than white women to die during or after childbirth. (FatCamera/Getty Images)

Brandie Bishop-Stacker was absent from school the day her little sister was born 24 years ago. Instead, the then-10-year-old went to a Georgia hospital with her mom, rubbing her feet, getting her water, and comforting her during labor pains. She recalled her mother screaming when she initially couldn’t feel her legs after receiving an epidural. And she remembered the nurses and medical staff not offering much in the way of support.

“Nobody gave any extra support seeing that my mom was a single mom, that I was there out of school helping her that day,” said Bishop-Stacker, now a professional doula in Atlanta. “…If she needed something … that was kind of a me thing, even though, of course, there’s nursing staff and I was 10 years old.”

In the two decades since, Bishop-Stacker said she has attended the birth of hundreds of Black babies and has often seen mothers’ needs and concerns be dismissed or ignored, sometimes to the detriment of their maternal care. She was unsurprised by the latest statistics showing rising maternal deaths among U.S. Black women while rates of maternal deaths of other populations have fallen. Research shows these disparities cannot only be explained by education and income levels. And Bishop-Stacker’s experience has taught her that economic advantage does not cancel out racist attitudes in the medical care setting. 

“Here in Atlanta, I have a unique vantage point of being where there are probably the most successful Black women in the United States,” said Bishop-Stacker, who is the CEO of the National Black Doulas Association. But she said Georgia is often among the top states with the worst maternal health outcomes. “Oftentimes, when we’re looking at the money part to it, we’re not taking into consideration the fact that racism is the true issue.”

Doulas are non-medical professionals trained to support people through significant health-related experiences, such as childbirth, miscarriage, abortion and death. Bishop-Stacker said her organization has around 4,000 members and trains doulas around the country on how best to advocate for parents of color.

Increased access to community-based doulas and midwives is one of several potentially effective strategies identified by medical groups and health advocates in recent years to improve Black maternal outcomes and potentially stem a persistently high and rising national Black maternal mortality rate. But in the first three months of President Donald Trump’s administration, some state lawmakers and reproductive health advocates say they’re already seeing a rollback to emerging state and federal measures designed to better understand and improve Black maternal health outcomes.

In conjunction with the annual Black Maternal Health Week campaign founded by the Black Mamas Matter Alliance, which began Friday and ends April 18, lawmakers in dozens of states are calling on their colleagues to address what they say are alarming levels of pregnancy- and childbirth-related deaths and adverse outcomes among Black women.

“When we talk about maternal health, it’s imperative that we center Black women in that conversation, and that we also respond to this maternal health crisis in a way that brings some equity in our policymaking process,” said Democratic Mississippi Rep. Zakiya Summers, who is participating in this year’s campaign coordinated by the State Innovation Exchange (SiX), Black Mamas Matter Alliance, and the National Organization of Black Elected Legislative Women. According to SiX — a progressive nonprofit that provides policy support to state legislators — participating state lawmakers are releasing resolutions or proclamations in Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Nevada, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and Wisconsin.

Summers, whose District 68 includes West Jackson, Pearl and Richland, said the Trump administration’s categorical opposition to discussions of race and identity in policy is also reflected in the Mississippi legislature, which recently banned diversity, equity and inclusion policies from public schools.

During the past legislative session, which ended this month, Summers sponsored bills to mandate cultural competency training for certain physicians, including OB-GYNs; to establish a legal framework for licensing and regulating professional midwifery and requiring insurance companies to cover midwifery services at the same rate as physician services; and to address postpartum depression that would have required screening birth mothers for depression at the time of birth. Those bills died in committees, as did her resolution for the legislature to recognize Black Maternal Health Week and to commit to policies focused on reducing Black maternal mortality and morbidity.

“Our committee was very reluctant to bring anything that had to do with African Americans, and I think that’s due to this national conversation around DEI and Republicans being unwilling to do anything that appears to have something to do with diversity, equity or inclusion,” said Summers, adding she will issue a proclamation instead.

Bishop-Stacker said the National Black Doulas Association has had to walk away from certain partnerships “due to the companies’ change in stance on DEI and the lack of funding available for states to continue with efforts to expand Medicaid to cover doula care.”

Efforts to remove race from federal and state policy are consequential to maternal health, says Jennifer Driver, senior director of reproductive rights at SiX. She said Trump’s policies broadly — mass federal job cuts, restrictions to a national family planning program, and significant cuts to reproductive health research teams within the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention — will disproportionately affect people of color who have already been disproportionately impacted by abortion bans.

But just as disconcerting for her is how the Trump administration has begun erasing Black people from history, such as the National Park Service’s recently removed reference to Black abolitionist Harriet Tubman and her efforts to resist slavery. 

“If you don’t record our contributions, if you deny our inherent rights … you also absolve yourself and the responsibility from addressing the significant health disparities that exist for Blacks in this country,” Driver said, noting that this year’s initiative will spotlight Black-led community efforts to improve maternal outcomes in the face of what she describes as an “erasure.”

“Black communities have done what we have always done; we have turned to one another,” she said. “We’ve turned to community practices. That’s why you see this emphasis on doulas and midwives, because we know the historical practices and how we have taken care of each other when this country continues or has failed us in the past.”

Driver herself might not be here were it not for the midwife whom she said helped deliver her mother in Alabama in the 1950s. She said her grandmother was barred from giving birth in the white hospital in Birmingham because of segregation and had all 14 of her kids with a midwife.

Vast Black maternal health disparities 

The U.S. has one of the highest maternal mortality rates of any developed nation, but that is partly due to high rates among Black women and people who are nonbinary. Earlier this year the CDC released its latest maternal mortality report showing that between 2022 and 2023, maternal mortality rates went down for white women (from 19 to 14.5 deaths per 100,000 live births), Hispanic women (from 16.9 to 12.4) and Asian women (from 13.2 to 10.7) but rose for Black women (from 49.5 to 50.3), who were nationally more than three times more likely than white women to die during or after childbirth. A brand-new study from the Journal of the American Medical Association analyzing pregnancy-related deaths in the U.S. between 2018 and 2022 found the pregnancy-related death rate was 3.8 times higher among American Indian and Alaska Native women and 2.8 times higher among non-Hispanic Black women, compared with the rate among non-Hispanic white women. Other recent research has found that Black women are disproportionately impacted by rising maternal cardiac deaths and that 30% of Black women report mistreatment by medical staff during maternity care.

But in the backdrop of worsening outcomes for Black women and rising deaths attributed to abortion bans, some state governments, like in Georgia and Texas, have opted to halt or change how maternal mortality data is collected and studied. And as part of sweeping layoffs, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services recently placed on administrative leave the entire staff overseeing the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System, designed to better understand infant and maternal health.

Georgia disbanded its maternal mortality committee last year after ProPublica reported on deaths attributed to the state’s abortion ban. The committee has since been reconstructed, but a bill that would have directed the committee to focus specifically on why certain communities are disproportionately impacted failed to pass. Democratic state Rep. Jasmine Clark, who is sponsoring a resolution for Black Maternal Health Week, said she hears a lot from Black women in her district who say their pain concerns are dismissed by providers due to racist beliefs that Black people have a higher pain tolerance or are simply seeking out drugs.

Clark, who’s in her 40s and has two teenagers, said she has considered growing her family but is scared by the stories she regularly hears of Black women having detrimental reproductive health experiences or even being criminalized for their choices.

“It’s scary to hear these stories and not wonder in the back of your mind, ‘What if that were me?’” Clark said. “I worry that the policies that we have in place in the state where I live mean that not only do I have to worry about what happens if I were to go to term and to deliver a baby and what happens in the postpartum, but I also have to worry about what happens if things don’t go according to plan, and what happens in the process of miscarriage care and whether or not I will receive the care.”

Dr. Jamila Perritt, an OB-GYN in Washington, D.C., who specializes in complex family planning and is the CEO of the advocacy group Physicians for Reproductive Health, said more research is needed to combat the Black maternal mortality crisis.

“It’s actually dangerous for the federal government or state government or anyone to suggest that these review committees are not useful,” she said. “If we do not investigate, if we do not evaluate what is happening for folks while they’re dying … then how can we suggest that we care about pregnant people and their families?”

Perritt also advocates for more access to midwifery and doula services in Black communities led by culturally competent providers, which research has shown helps reduce rates of high-risk procedures, like cesarean sections and inductions.

That is clear for Jamarah Amani, who is a midwife and the executive director of the Southern Birth Justice Network based in Miami, whose mission is to increase the number of midwives and doulas throughout the U.S. and to integrate them in hospital systems.

She said that while she was in labor with her second child in a Georgia hospital, she was told by medical staff that “I was going to kill my baby,” if she got out of the bed to labor upright.

“I had a doula that actually physically blocked the door so that I could labor on the toilet, and then as the baby was crowning, I was like, ‘OK, call them in,’” Amani said. “I knew what my body needed, and I knew that that nurse was lying. She was a white nurse. I was a Black woman. When I tried to challenge her, ask questions, she got very defensive and even threatening. And I think, as a Black person, what we often experience is a fear of, you know, DCF [Department of Children and Families] being called … because we’re asserting our rights and that’s looked at as some form of neglect.”

Doula Brandie Bishop-Stacker said her work specializing in Black births has taught her how effective this kind of advocacy can be in improving health outcomes and especially coming from Black and brown doulas. Though she has never given birth herself, she said that when she was 18, she adopted her little sister “due to health concerns that limited my mom’s abilities and the incarceration of our fathers.”

“When you are able to have somebody who has a shared lived experience of not being seen, of not being heard of, not being valued, and they understand what those things feel like, that can help them to care for you in a way that goes a bit further, because they actually walked in your shoes,” she said.

After two high-profile cases in which candidates were unable to remove their names from the ballot, Wisconsin lawmakers are weighing a change to one of the nation’s strictest withdrawal laws.

Under current Wisconsin law, once candidates qualify for the ballot, they can only be removed if they die. 

The restriction received renewed attention in August 2024, when Robert F. Kennedy Jr., running as an independent, unsuccessfully sought to withdraw from the Wisconsin presidential ballot — a request that ultimately reached the state Supreme Court. 

More recently, in January, Madison Ald. Dina Nina Martinez-Rutherford announced she was dropping out of her reelection race and endorsing her opponent, citing two major life events. Despite her public withdrawal, she remained on the ballot and was reelected in April.

On Tuesday, the Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections held a public hearing on the proposal written by Rep. David Steffen, a Republican, to allow candidates for certain statewide, congressional and legislative offices and independent candidates for president and vice president to withdraw from the ballot any time before the Wisconsin Elections Commission certifies candidates’ names. 

Steffen said he’s working on an amendment to address concerns raised by election clerks about how the proposal could disrupt tight ballot production timelines.

Calling the current law outdated, Steffen told lawmakers that candidates deserve a straightforward way to remove themselves from consideration before Election Day.

Clerks raise timeline concerns; Steffen promises amendment

While the bill would not apply to local or off-cycle races like Martinez-Rutherford’s, election clerks say even the limited version could still cause issues. They warned that allowing candidates to withdraw up until the day of certification doesn’t give them enough time to finalize ballots, which are often already in production before that point.

“I have no problem if a candidate wants to remove their name,” Columbia County Clerk Sue Moll, a Republican, said. “I just want to make sure that the timeline is such that we can meet our deadlines.”

Most states provide nominees who wish to drop out of a race some sort of off-ramp. Many states allow nominees to drop off the ballot between 60 and 85 days before an election. Some states require polling places to have notices clarifying candidates’ withdrawal if they drop out after ballots are already printed. 

Wisconsin law used to allow nominees to drop off the ballot if they declined to run, but it changed in 1977 to the current policy — allowing withdrawal only in the event of death.

Under the proposal presented on Tuesday, nominees could drop off the ballot anytime before the election commission certifies candidate names. 

Processing a candidate’s withdrawal on that last day would put clerks on a “really tight” timeline, Moll said.

Even with a head start to prepare ballots, county clerks are scrambling at the last minute to get their ballots programmed, printed and sent to municipal clerks in time for them to send out by the state’s legal deadline, which is 47 days before a federal election, Moll said. 

It would have taken about an extra half-day of work to reprogram everything if Kennedy dropped off the ballot last-minute, she said. It could take more time in counties that rely on vendors to prepare their ballots and program voting equipment, she added.

When a candidate changes his or her mind and drops out, Moll said, “Well, OK, that’s one candidate. What happens if there’s five candidates?”

Rock County Clerk Lisa Tollefson, a Democrat, told Votebeat that clerks would risk going past the deadline for sending out ballots if candidates waited until the last minute to drop out.

If the deadline to withdraw was about a week before the commission certifies candidates’ names, Tollefson said, “we should be OK.”

Steffen, the author of the proposal, said at the Tuesday public hearing that an amendment in the works would do exactly that: Require nominees to withdraw at least seven business days before the Wisconsin Elections Commission meeting to certify nominees. The amendment would require clerks to be notified of a nominee’s withdrawal at least five days before the meeting.

At the hearing, Tollefson said she agrees with the amendment. She told Votebeat that the timelines would still be tight under the amendment, particularly in bigger counties like Milwaukee County and Dane County, but that clerks should be able to get their ballots done in time. 

February and April elections don’t have long enough window

Giving nominees a path to withdraw their candidacy for the February and April elections — like the one Martinez-Rutherford won after trying to exit — would be virtually impossible because those elections are run in such a short time span, clerks told Votebeat.

Clerks only have about a week between the February and April elections to prepare their ballots, get them printed and send them out to municipal clerks, Moll said.

If the amended measure becomes law and plays out well, Steffen said he may introduce a separate proposal that addresses local races. But he also acknowledged the tight timelines that clerks face in February and April elections.

Just after the hearing, at the Eastmorland Community Center in Madison, Martinez-Rutherford, the candidate who won a city council seat in April despite informally dropping out of her race, said that she would remain on the council but that it would be “reasonable” to create a process for candidates to formally drop out.

Alexander Shur is a reporter for Votebeat based in Wisconsin. Contact Shur at ashur@votebeat.org.

Votebeat is a nonprofit news organization reporting on voting access and election administration across the U.S. Sign up for Votebeat Wisconsin’s free newsletter here.

Dying to get off the ballot? Wisconsin bill offers another way out is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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