Democracy in the United States is in trouble. According to the 2026 Democracy Report, produced by thousands of scholars and experts around the world for the Varieties of Democracy Institute (V-DEM), “The speed with which American democracy is currently dismantled is unprecedented in modern history.”  Civil rights, equality before the law and freedom of expression and the media in the U.S. are at their lowest level in 60 years, the report finds.

The press is under tremendous pressure from the Trump administration, which is cutting off access to journalists, suing media organizations that produce critical stories, and demanding that national news organizations toe the administration’s line.

Meanwhile, at the state and local level, news coverage is shrinking. 

In Wisconsin, which has a proud tradition of public access to government and open records, we’re experiencing a contraction in local news coverage and, recently, the temporary shutdown and uncertain future of WisconsinEye, which offers CSPAN-like video coverage of the state Legislature.

A bill banning Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAAP) that passed the Wisconsin Assembly died on Tuesday in the Wisconsin Senate, leaving media organizations vulnerable to lawsuits designed to discourage news coverage and silence free speech. Now-state Sen. Cory Tomczyk filed a SLAPP suit against the Wasau Pilot & Review back in 2021, after the news outlet reported he was overheard using an anti-gay slur. Although the news outlet prevailed, legal expenses took a heavy toll, driving the publisher to the brink of bankruptcy.

The fight to keep government open and accountable to the public is never-ending. Just this week, a bill that awards $14.6 million in taxpayer funds annually to the University of Wisconsin athletic department and sets rules for sponsorship deals by UW athletes also creates a sweeping exemption for UW athletics from the state’s open records law — shielding all revenue, spending and financial records within the UW athletic department from public view.

That kind of secrecy about the use of public funds violates public trust. So does the exemption from public records law the Legislature drafted for itself, allowing state lawmakers to delete emails to avoid turning them over to journalists and members of the public who want to know whose interests their representatives are serving.

This week is Sunshine Week, the annual collaboration among journalists and civic groups around the country to highlight the importance of public records and open government. 

Here at the Examiner, we sent out a few special newsletters this week on our reporters’ use of open records requests to investigate government activities, from Isiah Holmes’ reporting on police officers who misused surveillance technology to spy on their romantic partners to an award-winning story by Andrew Kennard and Frank Zufall about the policy of shredding mail from attorneys to their clients in Wisconsin prisons.

The Kennard-Zufall story was one of 12 by Examiner staff that the Milwaukee Press Club announced this week won top-three journalism honors, with gold, silver and bronze winners to be announced in May.

We have encountered high fees and long delays in some of our records requests, but our reporters persist. Just this week, Zufall, a Criminal Justice Project fellow, finally received a response from the Bureau of Indian Affairs to a Freedom of Information request he made in February 2025. The request was part of his reporting on a new public defender service the Lac Courte Oreilles Band of Lake Superior Chippewa is creating, citing unspecified complaints about the Wisconsin Public Defender. Stay tuned for more on that story.

We don’t do this work in a vacuum.

On Thursday night, journalists and engaged citizens gathered to honor this year’s recipients of the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council Openness in Government Awards.Wisconsin Watch reporter Tom Kerscher and the group Midwest Environmental Advocates were each honored for their work exposing the secrecy surrounding the development of massive data centers.

“The idea that tech companies whose goal is to learn everything about us are coming into the state and trying to prevent us from learning anything about them, it really has become a politically toxic issue for them,” said Michael Grief, an attorney for Midwest Environmental Advocates. MEA received  its award for lawsuits the group filed challenging the secrecy surrounding a data center project in Racine and against the state Public Service Commission, contesting the “trade secret” status of energy demand data for Meta’s proposed data center in Beaver Dam. 

Kertscher’s investigation exposed four projects in which local officials signed nondisclosure agreements with companies, much to the consternation of their constituents.

Data centers are a growing concern for the public, and we need to know about the deals to build these giant facilities.

Here at the Examiner we are proud to stand with other Wisconsin journalists and nonprofits fighting for open records and public access to government.

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With a controversial bill to stipulate a definition of antisemitism in Wisconsin law now heading to the desk of Gov. Tony Evers, opponents have stepped up a campaign against the legislation.

The measure, AB 446, would incorporate in state law a definition of antisemitism that was adopted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance in May 2016.

If enacted, it would require agencies to apply the alliance’s definition when evaluating claims of racial, religious or ethnic discrimination. The definition also would be used in decisions on enhanced penalties for crimes that target people or property based on race, religion, color or national origin.

The Assembly passed the bill Feb. 17 on a vote of 66-33 that split the body’s Democratic caucus.

The state Senate concurred Tuesday in a voice vote with no debate, a day after more than 40 organizations published an open letter urging the body to reject the bill and Evers to veto it. The letter was endorsed by organizations including Citizen Action of Wisconsin, the immigrant rights group Voces de la Frontera, the faith-based social justice group WISDOM and many more, including Muslim groups, Jewish peace groups and an assortment of other organizations.

Proponents have said the legislation is needed to draw a line against an increase in antisemitic incidents. Opponents argued that the bill infringed on free speech by conflating prejudice against Jews with criticism of Israel’s government.

Public hearings in both the Senate and the Assembly drew impassioned testimony both for and against the bill, and critics as well as supporters included prominent Jewish leaders.

The coalition letter sent Monday asserted that “there is overwhelming evidence that codifying IHRA is unconstitutional, reproduces anti-Palestinian racism, and is unnecessary and harmful to public institutions.” Its citations included a brief published by the Center for Security, Race and Rights at Rutgers University Law School in New Jersey.

Both supporters and critics have made their arguments in the context of the attack on Oct. 7, 2023, by the Palestinian political and military organization Hamas and the subsequent Israeli military attacks on the Palestinian territory of Gaza.

Proponents have cited statistics showing a sharp increase in antisemitic incidents across the country, including what they described as antisemitic actions on college campuses during demonstrations opposing Israel’s actions in Gaza.

Opponents have warned that the IHRA definition could be used to criminalize protesters who publicly criticize the Israeli government, and said that examples incorporated in the IHRA definition omit major forms and sources of antisemitism.

Supporters have highlighted language in the bill stating that it may not be construed to infringe on First Amendment rights or to conflict with federal or state antidiscrimination laws. Opponents have dismissed that disclaimer as meaningless and ineffectual, however.

On the day that the Assembly voted on the legislation, its author, Rep. Ron Tusler (R-Harrison), amended it with a declaration that “nothing in [the measure] may be construed to create any additional civil or criminal penalty, including for activity protected under the first amendment to the U.S. Constitution at any public school in this state or at any University of Wisconsin System institution or technical college.”

The opposition coalition’s letter also dismissed that provision. “When legislation requires an emergency disclaimer clarifying that it is not meant to criminalize students, that alone reveals the inherent danger embedded in the bill’s structure,” the letter declared. “The need for this language underscores what critics have warned all along: the bills were designed to invite punitive enforcement and chill protected speech.”

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In Milwaukee, the family of a woman detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) joined local activists in pleading for her release. Elvira Benitez, who was born in Mexico, has never been in trouble with the law since she came to the United States 36 years ago. But Benitez was taken into custody earlier this month after a routine check-in, and transported out of state to a detention facility in Kentucky. 

“I’m asking all of you to put aside your biases and put aside preconceived notions, and simply look at the facts of Elvira’s case,” said attorney Marc Christopher during a press conference Thursday. “And I think that if you look at it not through a political lens, not through a preconceived lens but through a lens of justice, integrity, and fairness…These are values our country has traditionally upheld, I think you’ll find her to be an extremely sympathetic case.”

Christopher, hoping to reach people both in and outside of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), recounted the story of what led Benitez to America. “I want you to imagine a 15-year-old girl whose mother has died. She’s living in poverty in Mexico, and she’s facing the most extreme and terrible abuse at the hands of her own family. She then takes her 9-year-old sister and together they flee, crossing a desert with no guarantee of safety, no certainty, and nowhere to turn. It’s not a calculated decision that that 15-year-old child made. It was a decision of survival. That girl is Elvira, 36 years ago.”

When she arrived in the United States, said Christopher, “she did what we say we all value.” Benitez worked, paid her taxes, learned English, and raised four children. She became active in her church, started a small cleaning business, and never crossed paths with the law for over three decades. “Not a jaywalking ticket, not even for anything minor,” said Christopher. 

Benitez’s world turned upside down last July. During a family trip to Niagara Falls, GPS led the family on a wrong turn towards Canada. After they turned around, both Benitez and her husband were detained at the border. Husband and wife were separated, one sent to northern Michigan and the other to Ohio. “The extended family was then required to travel to Michigan to pick up the two youngest children,” said Christopher. “For the next six months they had to endure something that you hope no family would have to endure — absolute separation from each other.”

Benitez was incarcerated with  people who had committed  serious criminal offenses. When her case was finally reviewed by an immigration judge, the judge found that Benitez was a good candidate for permanent residency. Benitez was able to go home in December, a week before Christmas, to spend time with her family. Then, on March 10, when Benitez went for a routine check-in at the ICE office. As she walked out, she was detained. The federal government had decided to appeal Benitez’s release, on the very last day they were able to do so. 

Stressing that the law does not require that she  be detained, Christopher asked, “What  purpose does this really serve? What does it say about us as a county, and us as a society?” Benitez was shackled and shipped to Chicago, then transported to Kentucky. Christopher added that people who question why Benitez did get her citizenship after 36 years do not understand the immigration system. He said that it is not fair or practical to expect a traumatized, desperate 15-year-old girl to understand immigration laws, and that Benitez integrated into American society and followed all the rules. 

Benitez’s husband and children sat beside Christopher during the press conference. “My wife is not a criminal but she is being treated that way,” her husband said, calling her detention physical and emotional abuse. Her oldest daughter, Kristal, said her mother’s case is not about politics.  “it’s about being a human.” Benitez’s two youngest children, ages 11 and 12, said they miss their mother, and the 12-year-old broke down and cried.  

A family friend of Benitez spoke about Benitez’s participation in church and community events, and said that she’s “ashamed of what’s going on in our country right now.” Kristal said that Benitez is having a hard time, having just endured an extended time in immigration detention last year. “She’s literally in despair,” said Kristal. “She’s having a hard time remaining strong this time around. She was getting her freedom again, and then taken again…And she’s scared. She is with the general population…So she’s terrified, scared that something might happen to her and she just wants to be home and she doesn’t see any hope.” 

The federal government’s appeal of Benitez’s case could take up to 18 months, meaning she’ll likely be detained for more than a year. Christine Neumann-Ortiz, executive director of Voces de la Frontera, said that using ICE detention to crush people’s hopes is an intentional strategy of the Trump administration. Neumann-Ortiz praised the Benitez family’s bravery, saying  people are often fearful of speaking out about their experiences with ICE. 

Voces de la Frontera has been collecting and verifying  reports of ICE arrests in Milwaukee. 

In early May, the group is planning a  march to Milwaukee’s federal building, calling for an end to Trump’s deportation campaign and to call for reform to the immigration system.  

In an emailed statement, a DHS spokesperson described Benitez in bold black text as “an illegal alien from Mexico” and said “she will receive full due process.” The spokesperson stated, “being in detention is a choice. We encourage all illegal aliens to take control of their departure with the [Customs and Border Protection] Home app. The United States is offering illegal aliens $2,600 and a free flight to self-deport now. We encourage every person here illegally to take advantage of this offer and reserve the chance to come back to the U.S. the right legal way to live the American dream. If not, you will be arrested and deported without a chance to return.”

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Senate Majority Leader Devin LeMahieu (R-Oostburg) announced Thursday that he will not seek another term in the state Senate this year — marking the departure of yet another top leader in Wisconsin state politics. 

LeMahieu, 53, was first elected to the state Senate in 2015. He has served as the Senate majority leader since 2020, when he was chosen by his caucus to succeed former Senate Majority Leader and now-U.S. Rep. Scott Fitzgerald. 

LeMahieu said in a statement that he made the “difficult” decision after “careful reflection and prayer.” He said that serving in the body was “the privilege of a lifetime” and said he was proud of the work that he’s done, including passing the REINS Act, a 2017 law that limited agencies’ rulemaking power, and income tax cuts.

“The time has come for a new chapter in my life,” LeMahieu said. “I am looking forward to spending more time with my wife in our new Madison-area home and, for the first time since 2006, rooting for bold conservative reform from the sidelines.”

During his first two terms as Senate leader, LeMahieu led an increasingly large Senate Republican caucus which at one time had 23 out of 33 members. Those margins allowed the Senate to reject Gov. Tony Evers’ nominees and also at times override vetoes, though those votes did not lead to any vetoes being blocked as Assembly Republicans never held a supermajority.

New legislative maps adopted in 2024 led to slimmer margins in the body, which currently has 18 Republicans and 15 Democrats. 

LeMahieu has not always been able to gather a majority of his caucus members to support legislation and has at times turned to Democrats to get bills across the finish line, especially after the Republican majority shrank.

During the Senate’s recently concluded final floor session, LeMahieu faced criticism from some of his caucus members for passing bills to legalize sports betting and help the University of Wisconsin pay student athletes for their name, image and likeness without majority support from  Republicans and with the help of Democrats. Sen. Steve Nass (R-Whitewater), who is also retiring this year, said that the passage of the “unpopular bills will help pave the way to minority status for Republicans come November.”

Prior to his election to the state Senate, LeMahieu served on the Sheboygan County Board for nine years. His time in the Legislature followed the path of his father, former Republican Rep. Daniel LeMahieu, who served in the state Assembly from 2003 until 2015.

LeMahieu joins three other Senate Republicans who recently announced their retirements including Sen. Van Wanggaard (R-Racine), Sen. Rob Hutton (R-Brookfield) and Nass.

LeMahieu’s decision means there will be completely new leadership in the state government when lawmakers return in January 2026 after the fall elections. Evers announced his retirement last year and Assembly Speaker Robin Vos (R-Rochester), the state’s longest serving speaker, announced his retirement last month. Vos has said he thinks Assembly Majority Leader Tyler August (R-Walworth) would be a good person to succeed him. 

Evers said in a statement that he appreciated working with LeMahieu and his “quiet and polite but frank approach.” 

“While we haven’t always seen eye to eye on every issue all of the time, I’ve never doubted his commitment to doing what he believes is best for the folks and families in Sheboygan County and across our state,” he said. “For the past five years he’s served as majority leader, we’ve navigated difficult issues facing the state of Wisconsin, and we’ve gotten good work done together by putting politics aside and staying focused on doing the right thing.” 

Evers noted their work together on tax cuts for working families and retirees, investments in the state’s child care industry, investments in shared revenue and an investment in the Milwaukee Brewers’ stadium.

“We’re not done yet, and I look forward to getting more good bipartisan work accomplished before our time together in office comes to an end,” Evers said. 

While lawmakers have wrapped their regular session work, leaders are still discussing ways to use the state’s $4.6 billion budget surplus to provide tax relief to Wisconsinites and additional funding to the state’s public schools. 

Negotiations were stalled on that effort last month after LeMahieu said he was cut out of negotiations between Vos and Evers, then his caucus proposed providing tax rebates to Wisconsinites instead of property tax relief or school funding. Vos and LeMahieu then came up with a compromise, but Evers rejected that. 

Vos said in a statement that he has enjoyed working with LeMahieu and repeated his assessment that “being Senate Majority Leader is the hardest job in the Capitol.”

“Devin approached each challenge deliberately and with the goal to move our state forward. We accomplished a lot during our time leading our respective chambers that I am proud of and — even when it was difficult —he always wanted to do what was right and best for the people of Wisconsin,” Vos said.

Control of the Assembly and Senate will be at stake in the November election. Democrats would need to win two additional seats in the Senate and five additional seats in the Assembly to flip the chambers for the first time since 2009. 

Senate Minority Leader Dianne Hesselbein (D-Middleton) said in a statement that LeMahieu was “a dedicated public servant” who has provided “tireless service to his constituents.” She has expressed confidence that her party will be able to win a majority in the Senate, which would open a path for her to become the top Senate leader. 

“I have found him to be a man of his word and I wish him and his family the best as he begins this next chapter,” Hesselbein said.

Assembly Speaker Pro Tempore Kevin Petersen (R-Waupaca) and Rep. Rick Gundrum (R-Slinger) also announced their retirements on Thursday. Rep. Dave Murphy (R-Hortonville) is also retiring.

Brian Schimming, chairman of the Republican Party of Wisconsin, called LeMahieu in a statement a “tireless advocate for our shared conservative values and a key force in maintaining Republican majorities.” He said that they “look forward to continuing the fight and keeping a majority in the Senate this November.”

Devin Remiker, the chair of the Democratic Party of Wisconsin, said in a statement about LeMahieu’s retirement that other Republicans should “consider retiring alongside your colleagues before you are voted out in November.”

“All potential Republican candidates should take note: Both of your leaders have abandoned you. Your policies are causing working people to turn against you in droves as the Trump administration crashes and burns,” Remiker said.

Update: This story has been updated to include comment from Assembly Speaker Robin Vos and Brian Schimming. 

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Wisconsin will now require additional coverage of breast cancer screenings for women with dense breast tissue, which puts them at a higher risk for cancer. 

Gov. Tony Evers signed SB 264, now Wisconsin Act 103, in the state Capitol Thursday while surrounded by the family of Gail Zeemer, a Neenah woman who advocated for the measure before she died in June 2024 at the age of 56 and for whom the law is named.

“The system failed Gail. However, in the face of adversity and unimaginable struggle, she chose to persevere,” Evers said. “Now, thanks to Gail, Wisconsin will have not one, but two laws on the books to protect women’s health.” He added that the bill would ensure that women at higher risk won’t “be left behind.”

Zeamer was diagnosed with Stage 3 breast cancer in 2016. According to WPR, she had been getting annual mammograms, but she was never told she had dense breast tissue or of the increased risks associated with breast density. According to the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, nearly half of women over 40 have dense breast tissue.

Zeamer headed up an advocacy effort for a measure that became law in 2017 that requires health care facilities to notify women if they have dense breast tissue. When they are notified, women are also encouraged to follow up to discuss risk and the potential need for further screening. 

According to a 2019 study from Susan G. Komen, the average out-of-pocket cost of a diagnostic mammogram was $234 on average and the average cost for a breast MRI was $1,021 on average. 

“Despite its prevalence, roughly a quarter of women with breast cancer are not diagnosed until the cancer has progressed to stage three. As a cancer survivor myself, my family and I were blessed to have caught it, but anyone who has faced this terrible disease knows that the key is getting as far ahead of it as you can,” said Evers, who was diagnosed with esophageal cancer and  underwent treatment for it in 2008. “Breast cancer is already one of the costliest cancers to treat. With these changes today, we’re ensuring no woman slips through the cracks because they weren’t able to afford additional tests that were covered by insurers.”

The law will require health insurance policies to provide coverage for diagnostic breast examinations and for supplemental breast screening examinations for women with dense breast tissue with no patient cost-sharing requirements.

The bill received unanimous support in the Assembly despite having previously been held up due to opposition from Assembly Speaker Robin Vos (R-Rochester). Vos had said recent federal changes made changes in breast cancer screening coverage unnecessary. Advocates disagreed.

Zeamer’s daughters, Claudia and Sophie, spoke about their mother’s strength in advocating for changes even as she battled cancer. 

“I feel very lucky knowing that my mom is now part of history, and I miss her more than ever, but I also know that she’s looking down on all of us with that big, beautiful smile of hers, knowing that we finished this for her,” Claudia said. “I wish more than anything that she could be here to see what she started and to see how many lives she’s going to help in the future.”

The American Cancer Society estimates that more than 6,000 women in Wisconsin will be diagnosed with breast cancer this year, and more than 600 lose their lives to cancer annually. Women with dense breast tissue are at higher risk and dense breast tissue can make it harder for radiologists to see cancer on mammograms, meaning that additional screening could help catch cancer earlier. 

“There was no doubt after she lost her battle, we would finish this for her,” Claudia said.  “She wasn’t doing it for attention or recognition. She did it because she cared so deeply about other people.” 

“My mom taught me what it really means to be selfless to do something,” she added, “not because you’ll get anything out of it, but because, you know, it might make someone else’s life better.” 

Sophie thanked the lawmakers, including bill coauthors Sen. Rachael Cabral-Guevara (R-Appleton) and Rep. Cindi Duchow (R-Town of Delafield), and advocacy groups including the American Cancer Society and Susan G. Komen.

“My family would like to extend our most heartfelt gratitude to everyone who helped make my mom’s final life’s work come to fruition,” she said. “This has been an emotional roller coaster for our family and for all involved, but persistence and the determination to make Wisconsin better for everyone has gotten us to this point today.”

The Early Detection Saves Lives Coalition, which advocated for the legislation, celebrated the signing in a statement. 

“Gail’s Law is a decisive step toward closing a critical gap in women’s health,” said Jyoti Gupta, who is the president and CEO of women’s health and X-ray for GE HealthCare. “No woman should face delays in breast cancer diagnosis because she cannot afford the imaging needed to complete her screening. By removing cost barriers to medically necessary exams, Wisconsin is helping ensure breast cancers are detected earlier, when treatment is most effective and survival rates are highest.”

As Evers signed the bill, Zeamer’s husband, Steve, wiped away tears. The crowd of advocates and lawmakers cheered.

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WASHINGTON — The U.S. Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Thursday voted to move forward Oklahoma Sen. Markwayne Mullin’s nomination to lead the Department of Homeland Security. 

After the 8-7 vote, Mullin’s nomination will head to the Senate floor. 

Thursday’s vote comes a day after Mullin, a Republican, appeared before the committee in a contentious nomination hearing in which the GOP chair, Sen. Rand Paul, questioned whether Mullin should lead the department given his “anger issues.”

Paul, of Kentucky, voted against advancing Mullin’s nomination, the only Republican on the panel to oppose a fellow senator.

But because Democratic Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania voted with the rest of the Republicans, Mullin’s nomination advanced.

In a statement, Fetterman said his vote to approve Mullin was “rooted in a strong, committed, constructive working relationship with Senator Mullin for our nation’s security.”

Paul at the Wednesday hearing took issue with Mullin referring to him as a “freaking snake” and expressing sympathy for a neighbor who assaulted Paul in 2017, breaking six ribs and injuring a lung.

Mullin told senators in the hearing that he aims to lead DHS differently than Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, the former South Dakota governor whom the president removed from the post earlier this month and reassigned to another position within the administration. 

Mullin said he would do away with several policies that Noem implemented, such as a requirement for disaster grants to be personally approved by the secretary of Homeland Security. 

He added that he wants DHS to “not be in the news every day,” referencing the aggressive enforcement tactics by immigration agents that have been caught on camera, including their involvement in the deaths of two Minneapolis residents. 

Mullin will likely leave his Senate seat after he votes for his own nomination to lead DHS. It’s similar to a move by Secretary of State Marco Rubio last year, when he left his U.S. Senate seat representing Florida after voting to confirm his nomination to lead the State Department. 

The top Democrat on the committee, Sen. Gary Peters of Michigan, said Thursday that DHS “needs a leader who can restore the trust that DHS has broken with the American people,” and that he did not have confidence that Mullin could tackle that challenge. 

Peters, like Paul, raised concerns about Mullin’s “temperament to lead this critical department.”

”There will be no shortage of political disagreements facing the new DHS secretary,” Peters said. “The department and the American people deserve a leader who is steady and proven under pressure, not just someone better than the very low bar set by his predecessor.”

WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump on Thursday didn’t rule out asking Congress for an additional $200 billion to cover the cost of his war in Iran, a substantial sum that will likely be difficult to move through both chambers. 

“It’s a small price to pay to make sure that we stay tippy top,” he said when asked about the number, first reported Wednesday evening by the Washington Post and since confirmed by several other news organizations.

The White House deferred questions from States Newsroom about a possible supplemental spending request to the Office of Management and Budget, which did not immediately respond to an email. 

Trump, when asked specifically about the $200 billion figure, didn’t rebuff the reporter’s question or say the number was incorrect. Earlier news reports expected the request to total about $50 billion, a significantly smaller sum. 

Trump also indicated he may need the additional money for other military operations. And while he didn’t specifically mention Cuba, he has talked repeatedly about “taking” the island nation in recent days. 

“We’re asking for a lot of reasons beyond even what we’re talking about in Iran,” Trump said. “This is a very volatile world and the military equipment, the power of some of this weaponry is unthinkable. You don’t even want to know about it. Oh, you could end this thing in two seconds if you wanted to. But we are being very judicious.”

Any request for emergency funding would need to move through the House, where Republicans hold an especially thin majority, and the Senate, where the GOP has a majority but legislation cannot advance past a 60-vote legislative hurdle without bipartisan support. 

‘Preposterous’

Democrats have been overwhelmingly opposed to Trump’s war in Iran since it began and are unlikely to give Republicans the votes needed to move such a large emergency spending request through the upper chamber. 

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said shortly after Trump’s remarks in a floor speech that such a request would be “preposterous.”

“Even a fraction of that is unacceptable for a war without a plan, without a goal, without the support of the American people,” he said. “Let’s be very clear, if Trump wants $200 billion, that means he believes we might be in a war with Iran for a very, very long time.”

Schumer said that funding could instead be spent on lowering health care premiums, education, helping people afford the rising costs of groceries and improving infrastructure. 

“It’s an indefensible number, one of the most wasteful and unthought-out budget requests I have ever heard in my time in the Senate,” he said. 

Defense spending already provided

No path forward in Congress would leave the Trump administration with the spending lawmakers have already approved. 

Congress approved $838.7 billion for the Department of Defense in January as part of its annual government funding process. Republicans approved another $150 billion for the Pentagon to spend on specific programs, like air and missile defense, as well as shipbuilding, in their “big, beautiful” law enacted in 2025.

The funding in the GOP tax and spending cuts package was intended to be spread out over the next few years. 

Ashley Murray contributed to this report. 

For the third state Supreme Court election in a row, the conservative supported candidate is running a campaign based largely on accusations that the liberal candidate will be a partisan actor on the bench. But this year, the target of that accusation, who is running to secure a 5-2 liberal majority on the Court, served as a Democrat in the Wisconsin Assembly for nine years  and previously worked as the state policy director for Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin. 

“I don’t come with a political agenda to the bench,” says Appeals Court Judge Chris Taylor, who, after serving in the Assembly, was appointed to the Dane County Circuit Court by Democratic Gov. Tony Evers and then elected to the District IV Court of Appeals.  “My agenda is to make sure every person has justice under the law, to make sure that everyone’s held accountable when they violate the law, regardless of how powerful or privileged they are and to be independent. And I saw in the Legislature how important it was to have an independent court. You don’t want a court to be a rubber stamp for any party or the Legislature or the federal government.” 

Taylor’s opponent, Appeals Court Judge Maria Lazar, has spent more time as a judge and throughout the campaign has accused Taylor of being a partisan actor. 

Lazar’s initial race for the Court of Appeals and her race this year have involved the support of some of the state’s most prominent election deniers. Taylor said that support and Lazar’s ruling in favor of the Wisconsin Voter Alliance are important signals for a race whose winner will likely be involved in deciding election law challenges in the 2028 presidential race. 

“I certainly don’t have confidence that she would act to protect our elections if it didn’t go the way that the right wing wants it to go,” she told the Examiner. “So yes, I would be very worried about that, and people should with her record, and they should have no such worry with me, because I will make sure that unmeritorious attacks on our elections are struck down or are rejected.” 

After the 2023 and 2025 campaigns for the Court set national records for judicial campaign fundraising, the 2026 race between Taylor and Lazar is comparatively sleepy. Taylor said at a forum hosted by Marquette Law School Wednesday that it’s probably a good thing that the temperature has been brought down a bit on the Wisconsin Supreme Court. 

But with less money involved — and the ideological lean of the Court not at stake — less attention has been paid to the race. A Marquette Law poll released last month found that Taylor had a slight lead in the race, but that most people had not yet started paying attention or learned who either candidate was. 

Taylor said she believes her campaign’s work over the past month has changed that, and that Wisconsin voters are “overwhelmed” by the state of the country. 

“The people [of Wisconsin] are so engaged in government. They are hungry for a government that works for them. They are hungry for a court that stands up for them and protects their rights,” Taylor said at the Marquette event. “Now I will say I think people are overwhelmed. I really do. I think they’re overwhelmed because it’s hard right now. I think working families are struggling with high costs, gas prices have gone up so much. You know, there’s a lot going on in the world. Sometimes it feels very overwhelming. It’s very hard to see sometimes where you can make a difference and what you should be doing. But I tell people, this is a way to make a difference, is show up and vote.” 

She said that if elected, she wants the Court to be better at engaging with regular Wisconsinites, pointing to oral arguments the Court held recently in Richland County rather than its Madison chambers as an example of something that should happen more. She also said that the Court needs to take more cases — a regular critique of the liberal-majority Court is that its caseload has dropped significantly. 

“I have a duty to be independent, but I do not want to be isolated from the public,” she said. “I’m part of the community, and I want to be out in the community, doing what I can to do my part to make sure people know what we do in the judiciary, we have confidence in what we do. I think the more we can talk about it and invite people in, the more confidence people will have in our process.” 

Both candidates in this year’s race for an open seat on the Wisconsin Supreme Court have served as circuit and appeals court judges. But Taylor says the difference between them is that she’s “never been reversed” by a higher court. 

But Taylor points to the instances in which Lazar’s decisions have been overturned as evidence that the former Waukesha County judge is more likely to tilt her rulings toward one side. 

“The only person, though, who has brought politics to the bench is my opponent,” Taylor told the Wisconsin Examiner. “And you look at the cases she has decided and thankfully been reversed on and you can see it.” 

Last year, the Supreme Court overturned Lazar’s decision in a lawsuit filed by the Wisconsin Voter Alliance, a group that has been heavily involved in the effort to discredit Wisconsin’s election administration system since the 2020 election. The group had sued to force the release of voter registration files for people who had been declared incompetent to vote by a judge. 

A previous appeals court decision had ruled the records weren’t able to be released, yet in a second lawsuit Lazar ruled otherwise — even though Wisconsin’s appeals courts don’t have the authority to overturn precedent. 

“I have never seen that be done on the Court of Appeals. My colleagues, who’ve been there, some of them, over a decade, have never seen such a blatant disregard of precedent,” Taylor said. “Maria Lazar put her thumb on the scale. She didn’t like the result. She has brought politics to this bench.” 

Taylor told the Examiner that in an era in which people across Wisconsin are worried about the Trump administration’s effects on their livelihoods and safety, the exact ideological swing of the Court is less important than having a Court that isn’t afraid to stand up on behalf of the Wisconsin people.

“People don’t care about what the ideology is on the court, they want justices who are going to protect their rights, who are going to stand up for our democracy and our elections, stand up to the federal government and make sure people get justice,” she said. “That’s what they want. That’s what my opponent does not understand. People want justices that are going to be fair and are going to protect them and have their back. My opponent has not ever done that in her life. That is not her priority like it is for me, it’s not ever been her priority.”

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• Jobs for data centers happen in three phases: development, construction and operations. 

• The largest numbers of workers are on site when a data center is being built, experts said. 

• The number of long-term jobs a data center brings depends on the size of the facility. 

• It’s difficult to measure the ripple effects data centers have on the economy; however, experts say local businesses can benefit from producing components and products for data centers. 

• Data center technicians will be in high demand as more facilities come online.

As data center developers stake out land in Wisconsin communities, much debate has surrounded whether the computer-packed warehouses will deliver economic benefits locally. 

Waves of opposition and concerns about land, water and electricity use routinely follow data center proposals, while supporters echo that the centers will create jobs and help the economy. 

But what jobs? How many of them? And will they last?

To answer those questions, Wisconsin Watch talked to three professors:

• Xiaofan Liang, who specializes in urban and regional planning at the University of Michigan.
• Scott Adams, a University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee labor economist. 
• Dijo Alexander, who specializes in information technology, digital transformation and artificial intelligence at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. 

Here are some takeaways.

What kinds of jobs do data centers bring?

Data center jobs fall into three major categories that represent phases in their creation: 

• Development
• Construction
• Operations

A data center first needs people to plan for its existence. Developers, engineers, designers and planners lay that groundwork. 

“The data center industry as an ecosystem is pretty big … When they first introduce a data center to a place, they have to figure out the design standard, how to construct all kinds of facilities, how it connects to city systems,” Liang said.

Then, developers must hire heaps of hands-on laborers to construct the gigantic warehouses from the ground up — the largest portion of workers needed in creating and operating a data center. Among other professions, this includes electricians, plumbers and pipefitters, carpenters, structural steel and iron workers, concrete workers and earth drillers.

The job boom from early phases fizzles out once the building is complete, Liang said. 

“(During) construction time, you usually have a lot more jobs — maybe 10 times in magnitude more so than operations,” Liang said. 

Operations jobs, fewer in quantity, are largely “unglamorous,” Adams said. 

Some of these roles have relatively low barriers to entry, such as maintenance workers and security guards. Meanwhile, electricians and HVAC workers are needed, considering that power and cooling are data centers’ “two most important inputs,” Adams said. 

Adams echoed a popular analogy likening data centers to warehouses full of rotting bananas that need constant cooling and replacing.

“You need banana technicians, more or less, that take the rotted bananas out and replace them with new bananas,” Adams said. “Now, granted, they’re much more expensive bananas in there, and they’re doing a whole lot, and it requires a little more expertise. But again that expertise, by and large, can be developed pretty quickly.”

Those workers will be data center technicians — people who install servers, replace hardware and cables, monitor systems and notice when things break down.

How many jobs do data centers bring? 

The number of jobs created depends on a data center’s size, Liang said.  

That can initially mean thousands of jobs at gargantuan developments like in Mount Pleasant. Microsoft says it has employed 3,000 people to construct the location, compared to 500 full-time workers once the plant is operating. But these numbers are expected to climb as the company constructs a cluster of additional centers at the site. 

Not all of these workers will be local. Given the temporary high demand, the projects will likely need out-of-town construction laborers who travel to the area and don’t stay long term.

Smaller projects will employ far fewer people. For a typical data center, Microsoft estimates it hires about 50 full-time employees. What those numbers mean for the local area depends on the community’s size. 

“In a bigger city, like Atlanta, it’s like a drop in the ocean, right? It doesn’t really affect much,” Liang said. “In a rural area, in a smaller town, hundreds of jobs … are a big deal.”

What about the trickle-down economic benefits? 

A sizable new employer entering communities could ripple across other nearby industries, though Liang notes this is hard to measure. 

“(A data center) just has such a big infrastructure need that trickles down in many different ways,” Liang said. “Now we need expanded utility infrastructure, grid, fiber, water, all these things. Construction of these infrastructure, even though it’s not directly related to (a) data center, could increase local employment in those areas.”

Inside a data center are “cabinets after cabinets of steel frames holding computers” that need to be built, Alexander said. This can boost local manufacturing, especially the metal fabrication industry. 

Wisconsin manufacturers have already begun cashing in on the construction boom nationwide. As Wisconsin Watch previously reported, just three Wisconsin companies alone have amassed more than $1 billion in equipment sales — such as motors, generators and cooling systems —  to data centers.

Massive developments like Microsoft’s in Mount Pleasant can potentially lead to a “tech corridor,” a cluster of warehouses and manufacturers near the data center they serve, Alexander said. 

“If we take the initiative and if we bring a few big enough component manufacturers, we can create locally created components for these data centers to consume,” Alexander said. “It’s like if you have a big restaurant or food manufacturer here, you will have agriculture around there, because it is easy for you to bring your produce for their consumption. Just like that. ”

The trend could also activate industries like nuclear power, Adams said. Building data centers  in conjunction with nuclear reactors to generate their power would fuel even more construction and energy jobs, he added. In Kewaunee County, an energy company wants to rebuild Kewaunee Power Station, a defunct nuclear power plant, anticipating energy demand from AI and data centers.

In more rural communities or near smaller data centers, the trickle-down effects could prove more modest — perhaps a few new restaurants and housing units, Adams said. 

Alexander also noted the effects could also be less concentrated, with growth spilling into neighboring cities as employees work at the center but live elsewhere.

But will enough permanent jobs be created to sustain the growth sparked during the early labor-intensive development phase? That’s unclear, Adams said. 

“We don’t have a firm enough grasp about the indirect effects in the longer term,” Adams said. “Short run, that’ll be great. Longer run, can we sustain the new development that might happen around these? I don’t know the answer to that. I think if the power generation side of it comes in connection with them, there’s more of a chance that that will work.”

Who are data center technicians?

Data center technicians are perhaps the most novel job introduced by the data center boom. The roles are more specialized than others needed inside the warehouses.

Job postings for data center technicians at Microsoft’s Milwaukee location say the workers will be “preparing, installing, performing diagnostics, troubleshooting, replacing, and/or decommissioning equipment under the guidance of more experienced data center colleagues.” 

The posting states the job requires a high school diploma, knowledge of computer hardware and some experience with IT equipment. Pay for lower-level technicians ranges from $23 to $36 per hour, with more experienced workers making up to about $48 per hour.

Adams said likely candidates will include engineers and computer coders and people now entering college with their sights on data center work. Microsoft and Gateway Technical College in Kenosha launched a “Data Center Academy,” preparing students to work in data center operations. Adams believes partnerships like this will become more common.

Are these good jobs?

You can use the interactive table below to explore many of the jobs data centers are expected to create, including wages, employment totals and required education.

Here’s what the data center boom means for Wisconsin’s workforce is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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