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About 5% of Americans identify as atheists, though one poll shows about 1 in 5 don’t believe in God.

Atheists believe God doesn’t exist.

According to recent polls (2023 and 2024):

Pew Research Center: Asked about their religion, 5% said they are atheists.

Asked if they believe in God or a universal spirit, 16% said no.

Pew also found that 29% of Americans (including atheists) said they are not religiously affiliated, up from 16% in 2007. The largest affiliation was Christian — 62%, down from 78%.

PRRI: 5% atheist (8% in Wisconsin). 

AP-NORC: 7% atheist. 7% agnostic (believe God’s existence is unknown). 16% “nothing in particular.” Overall, 79% professed belief in God or a higher power, including 4% of atheists.

Republican U.S. Rep. Glenn Grothman, who represents part of eastern Wisconsin, said Oct. 13 that over 18% of Americans are atheists. His office didn’t reply to comment requests.

This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.

Sources

• Pew Research Center: Religious identity
• Pew Research Center: 8 facts about atheists
• American Atheists: What is Atheism?
• Pew Research Center: Religious and spiritual beliefs
• Pew Research Center: Email
• PRRI: Atheist identification
• Associated Press: Highlights from AP-NORC poll about the religiously unaffiliated in the US

Are 1 in 5 Americans atheists? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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A new Republican bill that would exempt certain life-saving medical procedures from falling under the definition of “abortion” is drawing criticism from medical professionals despite being described by its authors as an attempt to protect reproductive health care.

Under the bill, introduced on Friday, medical procedures “designed or intended to prevent the death of a pregnant woman and not designed or intended to kill the unborn child” would not fall under Wisconsin’s abortion definition. They would also not be subject to state laws prohibiting funding for “abortion-related activities” and Wisconsin’s ban on abortion past 20 weeks.

The bill, authored by Rep. Joy Goeben, R-Hobart, and Sen. Romaine Quinn, R-Birchwood, specifically exempts early inductions or cesarean sections performed in cases of ectopic, anembryonic or molar pregnancies from being considered abortion so long as the physician conducting them makes “reasonable medical efforts” to save both parent and unborn child from harm.

Moreover, the bill would change the definition of “unborn child” in Wisconsin statute from “a human being from the time of conception until it is born alive” to “a human being from the time of fertilization until birth.”

OBGYN Carley Zeal, a representative for the Wisconsin Medical Society and fellow at Physicians for Reproductive Health, said “unborn child” is not a medically recognized term because doctors don’t confer personhood to a fertilized egg or fetus. Legal expert Howard Schweber told Wisconsin Watch he doesn’t expect changing the definition of “unborn child” to begin at fertilization will have a meaningful impact.

Abortion as a political issue hits deep in the heart of Wisconsin, where Marquette Law School polls since 2020 show 64% of all voters believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases. Democrats have campaigned in support of eliminating restrictions on abortion, while Republicans, who in 2015 passed the state’s current ban after 20 weeks of pregnancy, have sought to increase restrictions on, penalize or ban abortion completely.  

The bill follows multiple successive changes to Wisconsin’s abortion law since 2022, when the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the landmark Roe v. Wade ruling and returned the issue of abortion to individual states — leaving Wisconsin scrambling to put together a consistent abortion policy.

The new GOP bill also seems to nod toward several high-profile national incidents of patients dying from being denied reproductive care in states with restrictive abortion bans, even when the bans include exceptions for abortion care if a patient’s life is in danger. 

One  National Institutes of Health study found that after Texas’s abortion ban was passed, maternal morbidity during the gestational period doubled from the time before the law despite it having a medical emergency clause.

Goeben and Quinn stated in a memorandum that their bill seeks to “counter misinformation spread by bad actors” about doctors not performing needed medical care for fear of being criminalized under abortion statutes. Goeben told Wisconsin Watch she consulted with physicians about the bill and believes it will reassure them of their ability to provide this care.

“A doctor may at all times, no matter where the state is at on the abortion issue, feel very confident in providing the health care that women need in these very challenging situations that women face,” Goeben said.

Medical and legal experts weigh in

Both Zeal and Sheboygan OBGYN Leslie Abitz, a member of both the state medical society, the Committee to Protect Healthcare and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, said they oppose the bill. 

They argue it is an attempt by the Wisconsin Legislature to use “emotionally charged, ideologically driven, non-medical terms” to “interfere with the patient-physician relationship” in medical care.

“The stated goal of the bill — to distinguish between medical procedures from abortion — is misleading because it suggests that abortion care is not an essential part of comprehensive health care,” Abitz said. 

“A woman is putting her health and her life at risk every time she chooses to carry a pregnancy, and so she shouldn’t be mandated to put her life at risk.”

Schweber views the bill differently. While a clause in Wisconsin’s 20-week abortion ban statutes already exempts abortions performed for the “life or health of the mother,” he believes Goeben and Quinn’s bill could make hospitals and insurance companies more comfortable with authorizing lifesaving reproductive health care procedures.

“Insurance companies and hospitals or doctors, in order to err on the side of safety, will tell the doctors not to perform a procedure that is medically needed and, in fact, properly legal,” Schweber said. “(This) law is trying to prevent a chilling effect on legal medical procedures.”

Though the bill is not yet formally introduced, the Society of Family Planning, an international nonprofit composed of physicians, nurses and public health practitioners specializing in abortion and contraception science, opposes it.

“The narrative that exceptions to an abortion ban — or redefining what abortion care is — can mitigate the harm of restrictive policies is based in ideology, not evidence,” Executive Director Amanda Dennis said in a statement.

The American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology has not yet taken a position on the bill, but told Wisconsin Watch that state medical emergency clauses “do not offer adequate protection for the myriad (of) pregnancy complications people experience, resulting in substantial harm to patients” in the case of an abortion ban.

Political reaction to the bill

Prominent Democratic lawmakers, such as gubernatorial candidate Sen. Kelda Roys, D-Madison, have criticized the proposed bill as part of a series of moves by anti-abortion politicians to distance themselves from the “deadly” consequences of abortion bans. 

“The way that you protect people from legal jeopardy is by not criminalizing health care,” Roys said. “Goeben’s bill just shows how deadly and dangerous criminalizing abortion bans are. It’s an acknowledgement of the truth, which is that abortion bans kill women.”

Goeben said she is surprised by the opposition because her bill on its own does not introduce any additional penalties to abortion.

“These are the issues that the other side of the aisle has talked about, saying, ‘oh, the poor women that can’t get health care!’” Goeben said. “So I thought honestly that this would be supported by everybody, if we are really concerned about the health care of women.”

She said she would also be open to discussing amendments to the bill, which would include exemptions for abortions performed because of other medical complications such as preeclampsia or maternal sepsis.

Anti-abortion organizations Wisconsin Right to Life, Pro-Life Wisconsin, Wisconsin Catholic Conference and Wisconsin Family Action have endorsed the proposal. 

A similar bill by Quinn prior to the Wisconsin Supreme Court invalidating Wisconsin’s 1849 abortion ban in July died in the Senate last year. Even if the new bill is to pass through the Legislature, Gov. Tony Evers plans to veto it, spokesperson Britt Cudaback told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel.

Looming gubernatorial, attorney general and legislative races in 2026 could decide the future of abortion laws and enforcement in the state. New legislative maps and a national midterm environment that historically has favored the party out of power in the White House gives Democrats their best chance to win control of the Legislature since 2010. 

Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, the GOP frontrunner for governor, previously supported a bill planning to ban abortion after six weeks, though he has rolled back that position in recent media appearances and deleted all mention of abortion from his website.

Schweber said Wisconsin’s newly liberal majority Supreme Court will decide the future of abortion in the state. The justices must answer the cases being brought to them on whether the  state constitution guarantees a right to an abortion.

“Just because the U.S. Constitution does not secure a right to abortion does not mean that Wisconsin or Ohio or Texas constitutionally doesn’t have that right,” he said. “Each state supreme court now has to decide this profound question.”

Medical experts criticize Republican bill that would exclude life-saving medical procedures from ‘abortion’ definition is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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The median price of a home in Wisconsin rose nearly 120% over the past decade, from $155,000 to $337,000 according to data from the Wisconsin Realtors Association.

But median Wisconsin incomes have increased only about 50% in that time period, illustrating just one of the reasons why voters and politicians are increasingly concerned about a housing affordability crisis.

Past bipartisan efforts at the Capitol have worked to address these issues. In 2023, the Republican-led Legislature and Democratic Gov. Tony Evers dedicated more than $500 million in the biennial budget toward several loan programs at the Wisconsin Housing and Economic Development Authority aimed at creating new affordable housing, rehabilitating homes and transitioning space in commercial buildings. 

But state lawmakers and both Democratic and Republican candidates for governor in 2026 are seeking more ways to address Wisconsin’s housing challenges. 

Multiple bills passed through the Assembly in early October, from a proposal with a financial mechanism to ease the costs of infrastructure for building homes to another creating a grant program for converting multifamily housing into condominiums. 

Several of the proposals received public hearings in the Senate’s Committee on Insurance, Housing, Rural Issues and Forestry last week and lawmakers could vote on them in the coming weeks.

What bills are in the Legislature? 

The housing bills making their way through the Legislature touch on multiple avenues to boost the state’s supply of affordable housing. 

One set of proposals creates a residential tax increment district, which can ease the costs of housing infrastructure on developers and lower the initial price of starter homes.

“We’re not talking about subsidized housing, we’re talking about affordable housing … the housing stock that was built just a generation or two ago,” Rep. Robert Brooks, R-Saukville, said at a September press conference. “We’re talking about small ranch homes, bungalow homes, some of those homes built without garages or alleyways or detached garages.”

Another set of bills would establish a condo conversion reimbursement program administered by WHEDA. Legislation would provide $50,000 per parcel to convert multifamily properties to condominiums, according to the bills. The dollars would be funded through up to $10 million from a WHEDA housing rehabilitation loan program created in 2023. 

Other legislative proposals include requiring cities to allow accessory dwelling units on residential land with a single family home. But Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce, the state’s largest business lobby, expressed concerns over a prohibition on short-term rentals for accessory dwelling units.

Assembly Democrats in early October argued some of the Republican proposals fall short. An amendment offered by Rep. Ryan Clancy, D-Milwaukee, would have allowed housing cooperatives to participate in the condo conversion program. It failed after Sen. Steve Nass, R-Whitewater, raised concerns about the renovation costs of housing co-ops, which Nass referred to as “communes,” while he disparaged Clancy, a Democratic Socialist, as a “communist.”

“I will be voting for this… but it is so disappointing to have to do that because we had something better in front of us,” Clancy said.

What are candidates for governor proposing? 

The candidate field for Wisconsin’s 2026 gubernatorial race is not yet finalized, but housing affordability is a priority for many of the candidates who responded to questions from Wisconsin Watch. 

Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany told Wisconsin Watch he wants to lower housing costs through freezing property taxes and cutting government regulations. Tiffany additionally said he wants to explore how to steer the state’s housing affordability programs to focus on homeownership rather than renting. 

“We need a red tape reset that cuts regulations and lowers costs while keeping safety a priority,” Tiffany said in a statement to Wisconsin Watch. 

A campaign spokesperson for Republican Josh Schoemann said the Washington county executive would bring county programs statewide. The Heart and Homestead Earned Downpayment Incentive program helped Washington County residents with down payment loans on homes under $420,000, which could be repaid through volunteering or charitable donations. Another program, Next Generation Housing, brought together developers and local government leaders to encourage development of smaller starter homes in Washington County below $420,000.

Democratic candidates said their housing plans focused on local engagement and encouraging different financial and zoning reforms to boost affordable housing construction in Wisconsin. 

A campaign spokesperson for Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley said Crowley would gather local leaders in rural, urban and suburban communities to find housing solutions that fit their communities. Crowley has done this with partners to build affordable housing throughout Milwaukee County, the spokesperson said.

Rep. Francesca Hong, D-Madison, said in a statement that as governor she would use a combination of tax incentives, zoning reform and public bank-backed construction financing stabilization to make it easier to build affordable housing. She said she would also encourage home ownership models such as community land trusts and limited-equity co-ops.

Sen. Kelda Roys, D-Madison, said she would direct more dollars to existing affordable housing programs to speed up the time it takes for developers to get necessary funding. Roys said she wants changes to zoning laws to allow types of housing that works for certain neighborhoods around the state, such as accessory dwelling units or higher density housing in transit and commercial corridors. Additionally, Roys said she would encourage more market-rate housing development and expand support systems such as housing vouchers to help ease costs of buying a home. 

Crowley, Hong and Roys all expressed interest in a Right to Counsel program that would provide free legal representation for tenants at risk of eviction. 

A campaign spokesperson for Missy Hughes, the former head of the Wisconsin Economic Development Corp., said Hughes will share a more “comprehensive vision” of her housing plan over the course of the campaign. 

Beer vendor Ryan Strnad said he would be open to increasing subsidies for lower-income housing across the state. 

Notable

Watch your mail if you’re a disabled worker. The Wisconsin Department of Workforce Development began sending notices to 13,000 disabled workers who might be eligible for past unemployment benefits they were previously denied. 

Several legislative committees meet at the Capitol this week. Here are a few worth watching: 

• Assembly Committee on Agriculture: The committee on Tuesday will hold a public hearing on Assembly Bill 30, which would entirely prevent a foreign adversary from acquiring agriculture or forestry land in Wisconsin. The bill follows a national trend of states that are passing stricter prohibitions on who can purchase farmland. Current state law prohibits foreign adversaries from holding more than 640 acres for purposes tied to agriculture or forestry. 
• Senate Committee on Health: Lawmakers will hear public testimony during its meeting Wednesday on Senate Bill 534, a Republican-led bill to legalize medical mairjuana and create a regulation office for patients and caregivers tied to the Department of Health Services. 
• Assembly Committee on Government Operations, Accountability and Transparency: Lawmakers will hold an informational hearing following a Cap Times report that 200 cases of teacher sexual misconduct and grooming cases were shielded from the public between 2018 and 2023.

Wisconsin faces a housing affordability crisis. Here’s how lawmakers and candidates for governor plan to address it. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Angel Perez, 65, has been fishing the waters of Milwaukee for more than 25 years. Everyday during his breaks from work at the Harley-Davidson Museum, he comes down to his fishing spot underneath the Sixth Street Viaduct and casts away. One day, Perez caught seven bluegills in the Menomonee River. Perez says that everyone needs to have something to help them relax, and for him, it’s fishing.

Perez said he was introduced to fishing early in his life by several mentors while growing up in the Wrigleyville neighborhood in Chicago. Now, Perez hopes to be a mentor for kids in Milwaukee, and that’s why in 2026 he plans on starting a camp called Urban Fishing with Angel.

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Jonathan Aguilar is a visual journalist at Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service who is supported through a partnership between CatchLight Local and Report for America.

Hooked on the city: Milwaukee’s Angel Perez finds solace in urban fishing is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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A version of this story was originally published by WPR.

Thousands of protesters across the state joined the second wave of nationwide “No Kings” protests on Saturday.

The protests were held in cities and rural communities in all parts of Wisconsin. Protesters said they hoped to bring attention to what they call an authoritarian power grab by President Donald Trump.

In Milwaukee, crowds at Cathedral Square Park chanted and marched. Many held signs making fun of the president; some wore costumes — a frog suit, an inflatable Cookie Monster — joining a trend that began during protests of immigration raids in Portland, Oregon. There were many American flags, upright and upside down, along with flags of other nations.

Chad Bowman, a member of the Stockbridge-Munsee Community or Mohican Nation, donned a ceremonial ribbon shirt and part of his dancing regalia. Bowman says he is proud to be an American. 

“I’m Native, and I believe in this country,” Bowman said. “I believe in democracy, and Trump and his cronies are ruining it.”

A Milwaukee protester wearing an inflatable unicorn costume and swinging an American flag said she dressed that way “because it’s ridiculous to suggest that we’re criminals, or illegal or terrorists.” She said her name was Mary but declined to give her full name, fearing retaliation for her participation in the protests. She said she has family members who are federal employees who are not working due to the ongoing federal government shutdown.

“They can’t stand not being able to do what they are … passionate about doing for the American people,” she said.

In Madison, thousands marched from McPike Park on their way to the state Capitol. Many carried American flags as a marching band played.

Joe Myatt of Janesville carried a sign bearing a quote from Thomas Jefferson. He said he’s concerned about the “shift towards authoritarianism” in the U.S. and around the world.

“Basically, Trump’s trying to consolidate as much force into the office of the presidency and he’s violating the Constitution by doing it,” Myatt said. 

Parto Shahidi of Madison said she showed up at the protest to support freedom and democracy. Shahidi said those rights are the reason she came to the U.S. from Iran 30 years ago.

“I became a U.S. citizen just for that,” she said. “And if I want to lose it, I will go back home — there is no freedom there.”

And as in Milwaukee, many protesters posed for photos in inflatable get-ups. That included multiple people dressed as frogs, and Leo Thull of McFarland, who wore a hot dog suit.

“Seeing America slowly descend into fascism is terrifying,” he said. “But with fascists like these, I feel like the greatest power we have is to be more ridiculous than they are. That’s why I’m dressed up as a hot dog today.”

Donna Miazga of Waunakee carried a sign that said “They blame immigrants so you won’t blame billionaires.”

She said she’s been disturbed to by “Gestapo”-like images of arrests by masked Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents who “take people without due process.”

“I feel like it’s just about splitting us in two and fostering hate toward people who are even the slightest bit different,” Miazga said of the Trump’s approach to immigration.

The last major nationwide No Kings protest was in June, when as many as 5 million people took to the streets, including thousands in Milwaukee and an estimated 15,000 in Madison.

As in the case of earlier protests, communities throughout the state hosted demonstrations and marches. National organizers boasted that more than 2,700 events are planned nationwide, including in Wisconsin from Superior to Kenosha.

In Appleton, hundreds lined the streets of downtown. Organizers said nearly 1,000 people attended in the Door County community of Juddville. In the Wausau area, as many as 1,000 protesters lined Rib Mountain Drive. Protesters demonstrated in Janesville, Spooner, Waupaca and Rhinelander, among dozens of other locations.

In Rice Lake, which has a population of about 9,000, more than 700 people attended a rally, said organizer Mark Sherman — including some in frog, unicorn, shark and fairy costumes.

“We had a fun, peaceful, beautiful rally on a beautiful day,” said Sherman, 76, of Rice Lake.

He noted that he and a fellow Rice Lake organizer are both veterans, and said they were moved to get involved because of the oath they took to defend the U.S. Constitution.

Organizers of the rallies include labor unions, local Democratic Party chapters and aligned advocacy groups. The national organizers say the goal of the protests is to build a nonviolent movement to “remind the world America has no kings and the power belongs to the people.”

Republican leaders including House Speaker Mike Johnson have called the events “hate America rallies.” On social media, Republican U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden called the event “Election Denier Fest 2025.”

Editor’s note: WPR’s Rob Mentzer contributed to this story.

Wisconsinites protest Trump administration at ‘No Kings’ rallies — with signs and unicorn suits is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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“You look familiar,” state Rep. Lee Snodgrass recalled a customer saying while she was bartending at a restaurant in her district.

“Well, I’m probably your state representative,” she replied.

Snodgrass, a Democrat from Appleton, is one among many of her colleagues to also work a job outside the state Capitol.

After the state budget passes in the summer of odd-numbered years, and with campaign season many months away, the pace in Madison usually slows until the fall. Lawmakers will dial up their side gigs in the meantime.

Some own businesses, rental properties or maintain law licenses. For example, state Rep. Ryan Clancy, a Democrat from Milwaukee, is a gig driver; state Rep. Travis Tranel, a Republican from Cuba City, owns a dairy farm; and state Sen. Sarah Keyeski, a Democrat from Lodi, is a professional counselor and operates a private practice.

State Rep. Shae Sortwell, a Republican from northeastern Wisconsin, sits behind a big wheel most Fridays.

“I think they find it a little bit amusing that a politician or whatever is driving the freight trucks,” Sortwell said of his employer. But “it’s been fun.”

He left a full-time factory job when he was elected to the Assembly in 2018, he said, but after a few years of working solely as a legislator, the married father of six began looking for more work to earn some extra cash. Having another job also “gives you better perspective when dealing with policy decisions,” Sortwell wrote in an email.

Sortwell had experience operating larger vehicles from his time in the military, so he now steers a rig the size of a U-Haul for a small company in Green Bay. He typically works one 12-hour shift on Fridays but grabs extra hours in the summer, around Christmas and during hunting season, he said.

The position has helped him stay mindful of where Republicans are in 2025, he said.

“We picked up a lot of plumbers and steam fitters and carpenters and former union Democrats,” Sortwell said of the 2024 election. “I think that is certainly a perspective that we want to make sure is not lost. And I do find myself at times having to remind colleagues that, ‘Hey, don’t forget, this is actually affecting regular working class folks.’”

A ‘full-time lite’ legislature

Wisconsin’s statehouse is one step down from being considered full-time by the National Conference of State Legislatures. Wisconsin lawmakers are not as busy as those in higher-population states that have longer sessions and larger districts.

In Wisconsin, state senators and representatives will earn a salary of about $61,000 in 2025. State legislators can also claim a per diem allowance for cash spent on food and lodging when they travel to Madison. The median household income in Wisconsin is about $78,000, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

The statehouses in Illinois, Ohio and Alaska are in the same “full-time lite” category as Wisconsin. But Illinois lawmakers’ base salary in 2024 was about $90,000. In Ohio, it was about $70,000, and about $84,000 in Alaska.

“People assume our salaries are much higher than they are,” said Snodgrass. “To be able to make ends meet, maybe have a tiny bit extra, in this economy, it really does take having another job.”

When she’s not doing the people’s work in Madison, Snodgrass is a part-time bartender and server at a restaurant on the Fox River. Snodgrass, who is single and has two adult chidren, lives in Appleton and was first elected in 2020. She started picking up hours at the restaurant last year when she found herself needing a little more cash.

“To be honest, they raised my rent,” Snodgrass said. 

The gardening, bartending legislator

Snodgrass has a background in professional communications. She didn’t tend bar or wait tables in her twenties. Now she usually picks up weekend shifts at the restaurant. 

In the spring, you can also find her moving tomato flats and ringing out customers at the garden center in Appleton’sNorthside True Value. Between both jobs, she’s learned never to serve white wine in a warm glass and that the Latin name for Black-eyed Susan is Rudbeckia hirta.

“It demystifies who I am,” Snodgrass said about her other jobs. “When I’m there, I really do forget. I take off that hat.”

There were times in May when she’d spend eight hours at the garden center, pick up a couple shifts behind the bar and attend her legislative meetings during the regular work week.

It was a “juggling act,” she said. 

After the legislature passes the state budget, it’s “adult field trip time,” Snodgrass said. She schedules meetings and tours with organizations in her district with a goal of learning more about her community.

Snodgrass tries to leave politics at the door, but sometimes customers or coworkers recognize her. Once at the garden center, an employee who works for the hardware store approached her. She knew he wasn’t a Democrat, she explained.

“I hear you’re a politician,” he said.

“I just said, ‘You know, I don’t like to talk politics in front of the plants, it’s not good for their growth.’ He started laughing,” she said. 

“The people that come into the garden center, the people that come into the restaurant, their politics may not be the same as mine,” Snodgrass continued. “But it’s a really good thing for me to interact with them and have casual conversation and just learn what’s top of mind for them.”

‘Tethered to reality’

Sortwell believes the Assembly’s Republican Caucus represents a breadth of experience. Snodgrass, however, acknowledged that the compensation of state representatives virtually ensures that only a select few can afford to run for office.

“We are never going to be able to recruit a real variety of people and working-class people to do this job if we don’t find a way to make it affordable” for people to support themselves, she said. 

Many of her colleagues, Snodgrass said, have a spouse or partner with a lucrative profession.

There are also dozens of business owners, multiple attorneys and a handful of realtors between the state Assembly and state Senate, according to a review by The Badger Project. Dozens more do not list any other employment on their bios.

State Rep. David Steffen (R-Howard) runs a land development business that builds single-family homes in Brown County. He also secures book deals and speaker engagements as the business manager for Immaculée Ilibagiza, an American author and motivational speaker from Rwanda.  

“I’ve been able to manage that effectively for a decade, and I’ve had two or more jobs for almost my entire life, so it feels very normal for me,” Steffen said. “I think it’s something that benefits, not detracts from my ability and output as a legislator.”

He understands the issues of small business owners personally, he said. And when he’s in the business mindset, the political hat comes off. 

“I’m just a normal small business owner in those times,” Steffen said. “And I like that.”

The list goes on. 

State Rep. Benjamin Franklin (R-De Pere) — yes, that’s his real name — is the director of operations for Papa John’s Pizza in Wisconsin. State Rep. Karen Hurd (D-Withee) is a nutritionist, and state Rep. Clint Moses (R-Menomonie) is a chiropractor. State Rep. Robert Wittke (R-Caledonia) helps large companies prepare their taxes. State Sen. Jesse James (R-Thorp) is an interim police chief in Chippewa County. State Rep. Chanz Green (R-Grand View) owns a northwoods tavern.

It “informs us and keeps us very closely tethered to reality,” Steffen said. 

Sortwell echoed the sentiment: “It’s an important perspective that people who are representing the people of Wisconsin … are still employed and still feeling the same pressure in the job market that every other Wisconsinite is feeling. I actually think it brings strength to the Legislature.”

Her “number one priority is obviously the legislature,” Snodgrass said. But at other moments, it’s simply time to start “pouring wine.”

The Badger Project is a nonpartisan, citizen-supported journalism nonprofit in Wisconsin.

An Uber driver, a dairy farmer and a therapist walk into the Capitol: Many Wisconsin lawmakers have side gigs is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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This story was originally published by Bridge Michigan, a nonprofit and nonpartisan news organization. To get regular coverage from Bridge Michigan, sign up for a free Bridge Michigan newsletter here.

Western religions say it worked once. Now, some are exploring a Noah’s Ark strategy to save whitefish from collapse in lakes Michigan and Huron.

Once abundant in these lakes, stocks have plunged so sharply that scientists fear entire bloodlines could vanish within years. With no cure in sight for the mussel invasion that has made the big lakes so unlivable, some want to move whitefish to inland lakes or ponds, where they would live as refugees until conditions improve.

“We need to make sure that, 20 years from now, if the lake is ready again, we can return the descendants of fish that came from here,” said Jason Smith, a scientist with the Bay Mills Indian Community who is winning some early interest in his “genetic rescue” strategy.

Modeled in part on a successful pond stocking program in the Upper Peninsula, the idea echoes a global trend. As human-caused harms push millions of Earth’s species to the brink, interventions that once may have seemed far-fetched are becoming routine.

“We’re going to see more of this,” said Gregory Kaebick, a senior research scholar at the Hastings Center for Bioethics, a nonprofit think tank based in Garrison, New York.

“The extinctions right now are almost entirely due to human intervention in the first place. So there’s a sense that if we’ve caused the problem, then we ought to be contributing to trying to fix it.”

The pond rescue idea is just one among many to save whitefish, none of which are sure bets. But there’s evidence it could work: For several years, the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians has reported success raising small numbers of whitefish in ponds, then releasing them into lakes when they are larger.

“It’s more hands-off and the fish are exposed to the environment,” said Rusty Aikens, the tribe’s fisheries enhancement coordinator.

Expanding upon that methodology to keep the fish in ponds indefinitely would require millions of dollars and coordination among the tribal, state and federal agencies that co-manage the Great Lakes fishery.

But the idea speaks to desperation to prevent a loss that would not only corrode a key piece of Great Lakes culture but ripple through the food web and regional fishing economy.

“We think of Atikameg as the canary in the coal mine,” said Smith, using the Anishinaabe word for whitefish. “They’re the ones struggling first, but we would be foolish to think they’re the only ones.”

Whitefish in exile

Whitefish are endangered by tiny quagga and zebra mussels, natives of Eastern Europe that came to the Great Lakes in freighters and were first spotted here in 1989. They now blanket the bottom of four out of five Great Lakes, siphoning nutrients and plankton and leaving behind crystal-clear water with barely anything for whitefish to eat.

Scientists are searching for a solution, but a breakthrough could be decades away, and the effort is poorly funded compared to other Great Lakes threats.

Though whitefish remain stable in Saginaw Bay, lower Green Bay and Lake Superior, scientists fear the mussels could eventually harm those fish, too. Even if not, shrinking a deep gene pool down to a few smaller populations creates a risk of lost fitness and inbreeding. And tribes leading the whitefish rescue effort say it’s about more than ecology.

The fish are kin, deserving protection in exchange for the millenia they have spent sustaining human diets.

“If they’re extirpated, or if they’re diminished such that we don’t have access to them, we’d be lesser as a community,” said Doug Craven, natural resources director for the Little Traverse Bay Band of Odawa Indians.

Advocates of pond-rearing view it as a cheaper, more humane and more promising alternative to raising fish in hatcheries, where they are often packed into concrete raceways or plastic tanks that require lots of electricity and constant monitoring.

Studies also show that fish raised in these tightly controlled environments have less knack for surviving in the wild.

For the past five years, the Sault Tribe has been raising small numbers of whitefish in ponds near Sault Ste. Marie (225,000 this year) until they are several months old, at which point they’re trucked to the north shore of lakes Huron and Michigan. It’s a workaround, meant to protect them from the zooplankton shortage that kills hatchlings in the Great Lakes.

Unlike hatchery-raised fish, these fish must learn to feed themselves, steer clear of predators and deal with changing weather and other variables. The mortality rate in ponds is higher than in hatcheries. But Aikens said that’s not necessarily a bad thing:

“The ones that do make it to this point? They’re fitter,” he said as Sault Tribe scientists netted the 3-inch fingerlings in preparation for transport to Lake Huron.

The trouble is, the stocking program is tiny. And it will take years to know if it’s working. Young whitefish disappear into the deep water and typically aren’t seen again until they return ashore to spawn years later.

“There’s a lot of hurdles they need to overcome between now and then,” Aikens said.

So from Smith’s perspective, there’s a need for a backup plan.

Encouraged by the promise of pond-rearing, he began talking with U.S. Forest Service officials last year about finding some ponds in the Hiawatha National Forest where whitefish could hunker down indefinitely, perhaps for multiple generations, until the mussel invasion subsides.

“Time is of the essence to see if there’s consensus that we should do this or some other preservation measure,” Smith said. “It’s not simple, it’s not inexpensive, but it might be really important.”

Officials with the Little Traverse Bay Band are open to partnering on such a project, while state regulators and The Nature Conservancy have also shown some interest.

One barrier to more coordinated action: There is no comprehensive rehabilitation plan for whitefish, unlike lake trout and sturgeon. Tribal, state and federal experts have begun discussing whether it’s time to write one, said Steve Lenart, a fish biologist with the Michigan Department of Natural Resources.

“I don’t think anybody’s thinking that it’s not a pretty urgent topic,” Lenart said, but “coordination and collaboration — those things take time.”

Get used to it

If circumventing species loss by moving fish to a whole new environment sounds radical, get used to it.

Human forces including habitat loss, climate change and the spread of invasive species are pushing nature to the brink, forcing emergency rescues and heartbreaking decisions about what not to save.

Life on Earth is vanishing at a rate unmatched in human history, with some 28% of species assessed by the International Union for Conservation of Nature at risk. In Michigan, state officials have designated 407 species as threatened or endangered.

“We are in an extinction crisis, no question about it,” said Budhan Pukazhenthi, a scientist with the Smithsonian’s National Zoo and Conservation Biology Institute. “But the challenge is also, what can we do to either slow it down or to completely stop it?”

Groups like his have cloned endangered animals. Governments are freezing animals’ tissue samples “just in case” and establishing massive seed libraries like the “doomsday vault” on the island of Spitsbergen, Norway. Zoos around the globe — including in Michigan — are breeding and releasing rare animals into the wild.

Still, it won’t be feasible to save everything. Some officials have begun using a framework known as Resist, Accept Direct to help them decide when and how to intervene.

“We know these systems are changing,” said Abigail Lynch, a scientist with the USGS National Climate Adaptation Science Center. “We can either acknowledge these difficult issues now and make more informed decisions, or we can ignore them and let those decisions be made for us.”

Time is running short for many of the lower lakes’ whitefish. In some areas, almost no hatchlings have survived to adulthood for nearly two decades. Most whitefish left in those waters are grandparents that will soon die of old age.

In Little Traverse Bay, the average whitefish caught in fishing nets is more than 20 years old. It’s growing difficult to even catch enough fish for experiments that aim to save this genetically distinct population.

Smith knows some might see the pond rescue idea as extreme. But to him, risking the fish’s disappearance from the lower lakes is far moreso. Money, time, uncertainty about whether it will work — he sees those all as worthwhile sacrifices to save an icon of the Great Lakes.

With one caveat:

“If we do it, does that absolutely obligate us to bust our ass to fix the lakes?” he said. “One-hundred percent.”

Time running out for Great Lakes whitefish. Can ponds become their Noah’s Ark? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Reading Time: 5 minutes

Derek Williams, 51, has been spending a lot of time thinking about certain numbers.

He committed 12 armed robberies in and around Milwaukee 30 years ago. In 1997, the North Side native was sentenced to 15 years in prison for each robbery – a total of 180 years.

In 2023, a Milwaukee County judge cut that sentence in half after Williams stopped an attack of a correctional officer who was being stabbed with a sharpened pen. The reduction in his sentence made Williams eligible for parole. 

But Williams, who was transferred to Sturtevant Transitional Facility from Oakhill Correctional Institution in September, has learned that parole eligibility is not the same as being released. Now, he worries about another number – how many days he will have to wait to go home to his family. 

“I’m seeing a parole process that really has no clear path on what a person’s supposed to do,” Williams said. “They create an ideal, and at every turn it’s another road going left or right.”

Frustrations with the parole process

In Wisconsin, only people who committed their crimes before Dec. 31, 1999, can become eligible for parole. 

Those sentenced for crimes committed on or after Jan. 1, 2000, fall under 1997 Wisconsin Act 283, more commonly known as the Truth-in-Sentencing law. These people must serve the entirety of their prison sentence. 

Those sentenced before Truth-in-Sentencing took effect become eligible for parole after serving one-quarter of their prison sentence or after reaching their mandatory release date, whichever comes first.

Before Williams’ sentence was reduced, he would have been eligible for parole in 2042.  

Since his sentence reduction in 2023, Williams has gone before the Wisconsin Parole Commission twice – in May 2024 and June 2025. 

Both times, the commission said he wasn’t ready for release.

State regulation requires the Parole Commission to consider several factors when deciding whether to grant release: acceptable conduct in prison; completion of required programming; reduction of risk to the public; sufficient time served so release does not depreciate the seriousness of the crime; and an approved release plan.

For both of his parole hearings, the Parole Commission said Williams’ conduct and participation in programming were adequate. 

Yet both times the commission deferred Williams’ parole to be reconsidered at some later date. The commission cited an “unreasonable risk to the public” and said Williams had “not served sufficient time for punishment.”

Williams said he doesn’t understand how the commission arrived at these conclusions, especially after the Milwaukee County District Attorney’s Office and the judge who modified his sentence reduction said he had already served enough time. 

“In terms of the armed robberies themselves, we were most acutely concerned with the level of violence,” said Paul Dedinsky, an assistant district attorney for Milwaukee County, during the sentence modification hearing. “I found them to all be extremely serious and necessitating an enormous amount of incarceration, but we believe that end has been met.”

Milwaukee County Circuit Judge Jack Davila agreed. 

Williams’ frustration with the parole process is not surprising, said Laura Yurs, a Remington legal fellow at the University of Wisconsin Law School. 

“Because parole release is discretionary, it is impossible to predict and tends not to operate as a standardized set of steps,” Yurs said. “For example, what is deemed ‘sufficient time for punishment’ can vary widely from person to person – even when the crime of conviction is the same.” 

Parole trends

In recent years, fewer people in Wisconsin are being granted parole, according to Department of Corrections data.

An average of 37 people were granted parole in 2023 and 2024, compared with an average of 144 a year from 2017 to 2022, the data show.  

From Jan. 1 to Aug. 31 of 2025, there have been 234 parole hearings for people convicted in Milwaukee County. Out of these, 19 people were granted parole, 201 were deferred and 14 were denied. 

As of Aug. 31, 43 people had been granted parole in Wisconsin in 2025, out of 551 hearings. 

Williams hopes to add his name to the list of people granted parole, but that is still in question. 

‘Not an entitlement’

A spokesperson for the Wisconsin Parole Commission said in an email to NNS that a parole is “not an entitlement.” He said all five parole requirements must be met, including reducing the risk someone poses to the public and that a person has served enough time. 

He said risk reduction is determined using several factors, including sustained good conduct, completion of required programming, transition through lower security levels and the approval of their release plan. 

“This requirement is met when the risk to the public upon release is considered not unreasonable,” the spokesperson said.

For time served, the commission spokesperson said the requirement is met “when the amount of time served is sufficient to not diminish the seriousness of the original offense.”

Red tape?

Williams, whose next parole hearing is scheduled for January, disputes the commission’s assessment. Nevertheless, he is trying to follow its guidance leading up to his next hearing.  

Williams said this is easier said than done, given the lack of clarity about parole. 

Williams said he is also worried about being deferred again because of a lack of coordination within the Department of Corrections. 

After his most recent parole hearing in June, commissioners endorsed a transfer for Williams to a less restrictive facility – called a Wisconsin Correctional Center System facility – where he would be able to participate in work release. 

Programming and activities at these facilities place an emphasis on life after release and only house people requiring minimum security.

About a month after his June parole hearing, the Program Review Committee at Oakhill could not reach a consensus on whether to transfer Williams, according to paperwork he received from Oakhill staff.  

After learning of the split decision, Rikki Williams, Derek’s wife, raised their concerns to Jason Benzel, director of the Department of Corrections’ Bureau of Offender Classification and Movement.

In an email, Benzel told Rikki to “be patient and allow the process to occur.” 

She then contacted Jared Hoy, secretary of the Department of Corrections.

“I understand your frustration, I really do,” Hoy wrote in an email to Rikki. “If we cut corners for Derek and rush the process, or if I intervene and put my thumb on the scale, that would not be fair to the many, many others who go through a similar process.”

These explanations ring hollow for Rikki.

“Everyone tells us to ‘trust the process,’ ” Rikki said. “What process?” 

Recent progress for Williams

Wayne Olson, the warden at Oakhill, and another Department of Corrections administrator reviewed the Program Review Committee’s split decision on Williams’ transfer. They approved a transfer but not to a Wisconsin Correctional Center System facility. 

Instead, on Sept. 16, Williams arrived at Sturtevant Transitional Facility, which houses people requiring minimum or medium security. 

Olson and the DOC administrator chose Sturtevant because it can provide a more “gradual transition” from Oakhill, according to the paperwork.

Off-site employment is available at Sturtevant, the paperwork stated, “at the discretion of the warden,” and requires a “period of monitoring on-site.”

As Williams waits in limbo, he often returns to a particular irony. 

“I made a life-or-death decision in a heartbeat,” he said. “But it’s taken years for anyone to decide what to do with my life.”

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Jonathan Aguilar is a visual journalist at Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service who is supported through a partnership between CatchLight Local and Report for America.

His 180-year prison sentence was cut after saving a guard’s life. Years later, he’s still waiting to go home. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Reading Time: 4 minutes

For over 30 years, Ruby Johnson-Harden and her husband fostered Milwaukee youths in need of temporary homes. 

Though fostering is time-consuming and sometimes challenging, Johnson-Harden said she understood the need for children to have a safe place to go and for their parents to get the support they need. 

“It is definitely hard to give children back even when you know the intention is to give them back,” she said. “But you think about it, and there is always another kid that needs somewhere to go.” 

Though the number of children being removed from their homes is decreasing, the foster care system in Milwaukee, and in Wisconsin in general, is under growing strain.

Advocates say the problem isn’t strictly a shortage of foster homes, but a mismatch between the needs of many children entering care and the level of support, training and resources that foster families have to provide what’s needed. 

Few feel equipped enough or are willing to take on teens and children coping with trauma, behavioral health challenges or emotional dysregulation, according to foster care advocates. 

Shortage of proper placements

“In Milwaukee, we have enough foster homes and other placement providers for children. Everybody is placed,” said Jill Collins, ongoing services section manager for the Division of Milwaukee Child Protective Services. “But we don’t necessarily always have the right match for children.” 

She said that because youths with mental health or behavioral needs are harder to place, some children are placed in group homes or residential care facilities where professionals are better equipped to meet their needs. 

According to the Wisconsin Department of Children and Families’ data dashboard, 7,000 children are placed in out-of-home care annually. That includes kinship care, foster care and other residential facilities. 

The Division of Milwaukee Child Protective Services reported that at the beginning of 2024 there was an average of 1,743 children in out-of-home care. 

According to the dashboard, the older a child is when entering the system, the less likely it is for the child to be placed in a home. 

In 2024, there was an average of 515 children aged 12 years or older in out-of-home care. Of these older children, 275 (53%) were placed in a family-like setting, 146 (28%) were placed in congregate care, and 94 (18%) were in other care.

Ninety percent of children aged 12 and under were placed in family-like care. 

“I had few teens,” Johnson-Harden said. “Usually they’ve already been through so much that they are kind of set in their ways. It’s harder for them to open up.” 

DeShanda Williams-Clark, chief program officer at Pathfinders, works with many young people who are already a part of the child welfare system. 

“They’ll come in if they don’t feel safe in their placements,” Williams-Clark said. 

She said the young people Pathfinders serves can have a number of nuanced concerns that can fall through the cracks. Some are experiencing homelessness or are survivors of trafficking and exploitation, she said. 

“(The youths) have given feedback and say, well, I don’t feel safe being at my group home because my group home is publicly listed,” she said. “Or we’ve had children say, ‘I know this family is receiving a check for me because they’re reporting that I have worse behaviors or that I need medication.’ ”  

What’s being done

The Wisconsin Department of Children and Families is working to reduce the number of children in out-of-home care through its Putting Families First initiative. 

The initiative focuses on keeping families together by supporting them in-home with resources and services. In situations where families can’t stay together, the initiative emphasizes relying on people already in the child’s or children’s network before resorting to foster care. 

As a result of this approach, there has been a decline in the number of children who are removed from their homes and taken into foster care, said Emily Erickson, director of the Bureau of Permanence and Out-of-Home Care at the agency.

“We have been focusing on solutions that are community-based, that can support parents in healing and growing while they continue to parent their children in their homes safely,” Erickson said. 

She said the program utilizes a mix of formal and informal support networks to help provide safety but allows children to stay in their homes because research shows a lasting negative impact once relationships are severed. 

Additionally, DCF funds the Projects for Assistance in Transition from Homelessness program for youths who have aged out of foster care. 

According to Williams-Clark, the program not only helps young people who have aged out of the child welfare system find housing, but it also supports them through the entire process. 

The program gives young people a choice regarding independent living, she said. 

“Then we give them wraparound care and support by making sure they have access to socially integrate into the communities that they want to live in, helping them to set goals for education and their academics, getting them connected to income and employment programs, and then just really working on those life skills,” Williams-Clark said.

How you can help

Advocates suggest several ways you can help. 

One way is to consider fostering. 

“The need is great. Especially for teens and siblings,” said Jane Halpin, a recruitment consultant with Community Care Resources, a private foster care agency.

She said it can become difficult because it’s time-consuming, but you won’t be alone. Community Care Resources offers around-the-clock support to those who foster through the agency. 

Williams-Clark said people need more education around fostering to help destigmatize the work of the child welfare system. 

Wisconsin Department of Children and Families officials suggested being a support system for family and friends who may be in need and considering specialized training to become a foster parent who can care for older youths or children with higher needs. 

They also encourage local organizations, churches and individuals to support foster families and children, not just through financial means but also by offering practical help and emotional support. They also encourage the use of community resources to support families before involving the child welfare system, to minimize trauma.

Johnson-Harden said the rewards of fostering are immense. 

“Fostering kids, to me, is about the joy of showing up for children in your community,” she said. “It’s about supporting a family and doing your best to lessen any trauma they’ve already experienced.” 

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Jonathan Aguilar is a visual journalist at Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service who is supported through a partnership between CatchLight Local and Report for America.

Fewer children are in foster care, but finding homes remains a challenge is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Reading Time: 4 minutes

Devin Remiker, the 33-year-old new chair of Wisconsin’s Democratic Party, has a plan to win it all in 2026, when voters will elect a new governor, state legislators, a state Supreme Court justice, and potentially flip seats crucial to Democrats’ efforts to retake the House.

The job is “about building a bulwark against a hostile administration that seems intent on subverting democracy,” he told NOTUS. “That really places in me an immense sense of responsibility to help make sure that we can be that bulwark ahead of 2028.”

Remiker is one of 24 chairs of Democratic state parties elected since the party lost the presidency, Senate and most governor’s races in November. While that turnover for party chairs is not unusual, it leaves Democrats’ fresh-faced state leadership to chart the party’s new course at a time of unprecedented political upheaval. As the chair of one of the most fiercely competitive states on the map, Remiker has a significant role to play in that future.

“Devin matches what I would argue we need in a chair,” said Jane Kleeb, president of the Association of State Democratic Committees, an organization within the Democratic National Committee that represents state parties.

Kleeb said professionalism and optimism are the “key characteristics” the party has sought in new chairs, in addition to exceptional fundraising skills and the ability to persuade donors that the party is making structural changes to win as far out as 2028.

Remiker is taking over the chair position from Ben Wikler, who grew the party’s fundraising into eight-digit territory each election cycle. Wikler created new virtual volunteer opportunities and expanded the party’s existing neighbor-to-neighbor organizing teams into a year-round campaign apparatus, Wikler said. When Wikler assumed the post in 2019, Remiker was a political director, later moving up to executive director before working as a senior adviser to Kamala Harris’ campaign in Wisconsin, according to the party site.

“Even if you’re taking the baton from a well-qualified chair who built up an incredible infrastructure like Ben Wikler … even that is daunting,” Kleeb said.

Remiker told NOTUS his job is to continue growing the bread and butter of Wisconsin Democrats’ campaigning.

“The core of the party’s work in Wisconsin is year-round organizing, both in traditional organizing — knocking on doors, getting neighbors to talk to neighbors about the issues that impact them most — but also year-round communications infrastructure,” he said. “Right now, where our party has the most room to grow is in communicating with folks in new, innovative ways that meet voters where they’re at.”

Remiker is working on ways to tailor the party’s messaging to voters in each of the state’s 72 counties — work that’s overseen by a new director for the all-county strategy, he said. Remiker is also looking to change how the party communicates with voters by putting more resources into relational organizing and social media outreach.

He emphasized getting the party’s message to rural voters by sending canvassers to parades, farmers markets and other public events that can help the Democrats build a community presence across the state and save time walking up long rural driveways.

“What we uniquely have here in Wisconsin is a foundation to build upon, and that’s really how I view my role coming into this job,” Remiker said. “I’m here to, yes, fix or tweak what wasn’t working or wasn’t working the best, but to really build upon the foundation” set by Wikler and Martha Laning, Wikler’s predecessor who expanded the party’s voter outreach.

That plan echoes what Wikler envisions for his successor.

“A lot of people are coming into these roles with a mandate for change. In Wisconsin, Devin’s mandate is to learn everything about what can be improved but it’s also really to keep building things that we know have had a huge effect that helped Tammy Baldwin win in 2024,” Wikler said.

Remiker’s approach could make inroads in rural Wisconsin, which overwhelmingly voted Republican in 2024. Wisconsin Democrats lost to President Donald Trump by less than a percentage point, but reelected Democratic Sen. Tammy Baldwin.

The party followed that up in April by holding onto a liberal majority in the state Supreme Court — a race that drew over $53 million in spending by conservative groups and led Elon Musk to host a $1 million sweepstakes for voters. Remiker led the Democrats’ “People v. Musk” campaign in the months before his election as chair and will now preside over the party as a redistricting lawsuit winds its way through the state’s courts, a case that could help the Democrats flip seats if decided in time to redraw maps before the midterm elections.

The Wisconsin Democrats’ full-force organizing for candidates up and down the ballot in all corners of the state has been something of a blueprint for other state parties. Newly minted Democratic chairs of swing states told NOTUS they are working toward the year-round operation at the center of Wisconsin’s successful program.

Eugene DePasquale, the chair of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party who was elected last month, praised Wisconsin Democrats’ use of data to “help drive” strategy and their development of campaign infrastructure to last beyond any one cycle.

“What we’ve done in Pennsylvania is like Groundhog Day all over again, which is you build up an infrastructure, win or lose the campaign, then it goes away, then you start up again next summer,” he said. “I want to hopefully build with the team we’re putting together an infrastructure that lasts, where we’re basically going year-round.”

This story was produced and originally published by Wisconsin Watch and NOTUS, a publication from the nonprofit, nonpartisan Allbritton Journalism Institute.

New Wisconsin Dems chair says he’s ‘building a bulwark’ against the Trump administration is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Reading Time: 12 minutes

Note: This article contains descriptions of sexual misconduct and grooming behavior toward children.

This reporting was supported by the Pulitzer Center.

Click here to read highlights from the story

• The state Department of Public Instruction investigated more than 200 Wisconsin teachers, aides, substitutes and administrators from 2018 to 2023 who were accused of sexual misconduct or grooming behaviors toward students — information previously unknown to the public.  

• The department is dedicating scant resources to investigate educator misconduct, raising questions about the quality of its oversight and protection of children. 

• Licensing officials also allow educators under investigation to forfeit their credentials in exchange for avoiding in-depth probes.

After Shawn Umland took a group of his students on a field trip to Florida, licensing regulators at the Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction started investigating him. The inquiry followed a media report alleging Umland touched the tops of a student’s breasts during the trip while applying sunburn treatment in a hotel room, the agency’s records show. 

That was in 2019. Umland had previously been disciplined in 2005 for his behavior in a hotel room with a female student on a school trip, according to the department’s records. 

Umland, who worked at Lakeland Union High School in Minocqua, resigned in lieu of being fired. But he kept his Wisconsin teaching license. Officials at the Department of Public Instruction concluded there wasn’t enough evidence to revoke it, citing inconsistencies in witness statements. 

Michael Igl similarly resigned from the White Lake School District in northern Wisconsin but kept his license in exchange for taking a course on maintaining appropriate boundaries. The Department of Public Instruction opened an inquiry into allegations that he made sexual comments to students, communicated with students inappropriately on social media and gave them rides home unsupervised, department records show. 

Michael Hanson kept his license after he resigned from teaching in the Baraboo School District. School administrators concluded Hanson “did not recognize appropriate student-teacher boundaries and his behavior with two students constituted grooming,” licensing regulators wrote in their case notes. 

The notes say Hanson texted female students “excessively” and often visited their homes unannounced, to the point one student considered a restraining order against him. Again, officials at the Department of Public Instruction cited insufficient evidence to revoke Hanson’s teaching license. 

A yearlong investigation by the Cap Times found the state Department of Public Instruction investigated more than 200 Wisconsin teachers, aides, substitutes and administrators from 2018 to 2023 who were accused of sexual misconduct or grooming behaviors toward students — information previously unknown to the public.  

The department’s internal records show these allegations included educators sexually assaulting students, soliciting nude photos from children or initiating sexual relationships immediately after students graduated.  

Licensing officials also investigated educators accused of grooming behaviors like flirting with children, spending non-school time alone and isolated with students, or invading students’ personal space by rubbing their shoulders, thighs and lower backs. 

Child sexual abuse prevention advocates and researchers say these behaviors have lasting psychological effects on children, making it harder for them to succeed in school and have healthy relationships. The Cap Times interviewed seven academics and advocates about how the Department of Public Instruction investigates and documents educator misconduct. Each said the department’s practices are inadequately protecting students. 

“They need to change. That’s insufficient. That’s not going to keep kids safe,” said Charol Shakeshaft, who authored one of the most comprehensive reviews of teacher sexual misconduct for the U.S. Department of Education. 

Best estimates show one in 10 students experiences sexual misconduct from educators during their K-12 schooling, according to that federal report. In Wisconsin, that rate would amount to more than 93,000 school children. 

Sexual misconduct is a spectrum of physical, verbal and electronic behaviors that don’t belong in schools, according to Shakeshaft, a distinguished professor emeritus at Virginia Commonwealth University. She is also under contract with the Department of Public Instruction, serving as an expert witness in the agency’s grooming investigations.

Grooming, as Shakeshaft defines it, specifically consists of crossing boundaries to develop trust between the educator and student through gifts, attention, desensitization to touch in ways that appear harmless, as well as discussion of sexual or sensitive topics. 

The Cap Times found at least 44% of the Department of Public Instruction’s over 450 educator license investigations since 2018 have involved sexual misconduct or grooming allegations — a number researchers and advocates say is likely an undercount of these cases. 

“That’s what they’ve investigated. That doesn’t even take into account the full scope of prevalence,” said Shiwali Patel, an attorney with the National Women’s Law Center who focuses on gender and sexual harassment in schools. 

The Cap Times investigation also found: 

• The Department of Public Instruction is dedicating scant resources to investigate educator misconduct, raising questions about the quality of its oversight and protection of children. 
• The department, run by State Superintendent Jill Underly, relies on a rudimentary system to track its investigations, obscuring the scale of misconduct for policymakers and the public.  
• Licensing officials also allow educators under investigation to forfeit their credentials in exchange for avoiding in-depth probes.  
• Unlike a different agency that regulates hundreds of other state-licensed professionals — like nurses and accountants — the Department of Public Instruction doesn’t tell the public why an educator lost their license. Advocates say this lack of transparency makes it easier for educator misconduct to avoid detection and happen again. 
• Out of 461 teachers the state investigated from 2018 to 2023 for all forms of misconduct, 207 kept their credentials and could continue working in schools with children. 

Department of Public Instruction spokesperson Chris Bucher said the agency is always looking for ways to improve and that license misconduct investigations are critical to the safety of children. However, the agency is limited in funding and staffing because state lawmakers consistently cut their operating budget, he said. 

In the current two-year state budget, lawmakers approved a 10% annual reduction, a cut of about $1.3 million, to the department’s general operations from previous funding levels. 

“We do as much as we can with the resources and tools and authority that we have,” Bucher said. “That is an area of need.” 

Underly declined requests for an interview. Discussing the Department of Public Instruction’s investigations would create a “conflict of interest” since Underly oversees educator licenses, Bucher said. 

As state superintendent, Underly is Wisconsin’s highest ranking education official. Voters first elected her to office in 2021 and re-elected her in April to another four-year term. 

Ben Jones, the department’s former head of educator misconduct investigations, also declined requests for an interview, citing attorney-client privilege. Jones ran the department’s Office of Legal Services as the chief legal counsel for six years and left in July after Gov. Tony Evers appointed him to a Dane County judgeship. The department’s new head of legal services is Kyle Olsen, who took over in August.  

Umland, the Minocqua teacher, continues to work in education. He is the president of the Lakeland Union High School Board of Education. It’s unclear whether Igl is still working in education or has left the profession. Hanson has since stopped teaching and works at a private biochemical company in the Madison area. 

Umland didn’t respond to a request for an interview or written questions. In their case notes, licensing officials wrote he “generally denied the allegations.”  

Hanson told the Cap Times that during Baraboo’s investigation, school administrators weaved “a narrative that fit, in my opinion, what they wanted to see and what the parents wanted to see.” He said he resigned from his teaching position because the investigation harmed his reputation and he felt burned out from teaching.  

Igl was unable to be reached by social media, email or phone. In a letter to Department of Public Instruction investigators at the time, he said he “would never consider having inappropriate communication” with a student and resigned feeling he had no other option despite denying the allegations.  

Police also investigated Umland and Igl, according to Department of Public Instruction records, although the state’s online court records indicate neither was criminally charged. Hanson was not criminally charged either. 

Madison East graduate: ‘I stopped going to school’  

Students who are sexually abused, harassed and groomed by teachers, principals or coaches often experience lasting psychological and physiological harm, said Shakeshaft, who authored the book “Organizational Betrayal” on how schools enable sexual misconduct. 

“We see then long-term a sort of maladjustment in the world: drug and alcohol abuse, (self) cutting, failure to have the confidence to go forward and go for new jobs and speak out,” Shakeshaft said.  

The trauma affects children’s ability to succeed in school as well, said Jetta Bernier, executive director of the prevention advocacy group Enough Abuse.  

“Their learning is more difficult. They’re involved in more remedial classes. Their graduation rates are less,” she said.  

Lauren Engle and Sydney Marz each described wanting to avoid school and a deep distrust of teachers and school administrators after experiencing educator sexual misconduct. 

“I stopped going to school, and if I did go to school, I did not go into class,” Engle said. “I went to the student services, and I sat there for the entire day. It was so terrible to be around people who either knew or thought they knew and wanted to know more.” 

Both attended the Madison Metropolitan School District and were students of East High School teacher David Kruchten starting in 2016. Throughout their four years at East, Engle and Marz said they went on multiple overnight field trips with Kruchten.  

Kruchten pleaded guilty in 2021 to federal charges of attempting to produce child sexual abuse material. He had placed surreptitious recording devices in students’ hotel bathrooms and sleeping areas while on school trips, according to federal prosecutors.  

“I was just focused on obviously the criminal case and whatnot, and feeling like a shell of a human being basically and just really weird all the time,” Marz said. “I had a hard time focusing. I was always very stressed out, but also very disengaged.” 

Even if an educator’s conduct never escalates to sexual contact, boundary violations like spending time alone together outside of school, gift-giving and hand-holding are harmful to students, Shakeshaft said. These types of behaviors make students easier targets for exploitation. 

“They’re already groomed that this is normal behavior. This is OK,” she said. 

No consistent tracking, short on details 

Sexual misconduct and grooming by teachers is sometimes called education’s best-kept secret, a moniker Shakeshaft said rings true. A failure to track educators who abuse, harass and groom children allows it to go unchecked, she said. 

In Wisconsin, the state Department of Public Instruction is responsible for teacher licenses but doesn’t track data on how many educators have been investigated following allegations of sexual misconduct or grooming. 

Obtaining that information “would require a good deal of manual work to fulfill,” said Bucher, the department spokesperson. 

The lack of information makes it harder to stop sexual misconduct from happening again, said Billie-Jo Grant, a researcher and the CEO of McGrath Training Solutions, which provides instruction on educator misconduct prevention.  

“When we don’t have numbers for how often something is happening, it’s very difficult for the public and for legislators to understand the magnitude of the problem and to allocate funding and resources to solve the problem,” Grant said. 

The Department of Public Instruction routinely gathers and publishes data on other potential signs of student harm, such as how often students are chronically absent, experience homelessness or feel unsafe at school — but not the frequency of educator misconduct. 

Under Wisconsin open records laws, the Cap Times obtained and reviewed a Google spreadsheet used by the Department of Public Instruction to track its more than 450 misconduct investigations from 2018 through 2023. The Cap Times also obtained the department’s case notes showing summaries of misconduct allegations, investigation practices and outcomes from probes spanning 2019 through part of 2022. 

Over 204 of the investigations involved allegations of sexual misconduct or grooming, a Cap Times analysis of the records found. Another 158 investigations involved allegations of physical assault, drug use or discriminatory comments, among other unethical behavior. 

In almost a fifth of the total cases, the nature of the misconduct allegations is unclear from the records. The spreadsheet and case notes either lack enough detail or contain none at all to categorize. 

Parents would likely be outraged to learn the department isn’t more consistently tracking this information, said Charles Hobson, a professor at Indiana University Northwest and a board member of the advocacy group Stop Educator Sexual Abuse Misconduct & Exploitation.  

“It’s appalling to me that these kinds of things continue to happen and that otherwise good people turn their back on this issue. I just, I don’t understand it,” Hobson said. 

Bucher said investigators attempted to “modernize our review process and use emerging technology” by implementing case tracking software from 2015 to 2018. But the department stopped using it. 

“The software did not work as well as we hoped and was expensive,” Bucher said. 

The current spreadsheet has worked well to serve the department’s investigation purposes, Bucher said. He did not specify any plans to change or update to a more comprehensive software. 

Over 100 investigations a year for two DPI employees 

The Department of Public Instruction faces challenges while investigating educator sexual misconduct and grooming, Bucher said. The state needs to ensure sensitivity toward victims while it deals with limited information in redacted police reports, reluctant witnesses, delays in reporting incidents and a lack of clear intent behind alleged inappropriate behavior, he said. 

The department has one full-time and one part-time investigator, which Bucher said isn’t enough staff to handle the 113 investigations opened on average each year. That figure includes misconduct investigations and additional background screenings for license applicants. Both employees also have other job duties outside of license investigations, Bucher said. 

Grant, the misconduct prevention trainer, called the department’s staffing levels “woefully inadequate” given the caseload size.  

“Doing an investigation requires time,” Grant said. “That means interviewing multiple parties and witnesses, and gathering information, and writing a report on how you know what you know, to know if you should (revoke) that license.” 

Bucher said one of the department’s investigations has contributed to a criminal case that put an abuser behind bars, underscoring the importance of their work. He blamed state lawmakers for underfunding the department rather than pointing to Underly or other agency leaders, who oversee how state funding is used internally. 

“The Legislature has consistently cut DPI agency operations instead of funding more staff to work on things such as educator misconduct investigations,” Bucher said.  

In Underly’s most recent state budget request, she sought over $600,000 for modernizing the agency’s online background checks and licensing platform.  

The proposal was rejected by lawmakers. 

Underly requested no additional funding specifically for educator misconduct investigations. 

Surrendering licenses to avoid investigation 

Glenn Buelow and Paul J. Mleziva are among more than 80 Wisconsin educators since 2018 who have given up their teaching licenses after the Department of Public Instruction opened investigations into allegations they had engaged in sexual misconduct or grooming. 

The department’s case notes show a colleague reported they caught Buelow “making out” with a student. Investigators wrote that Buelow also admitted to sending inappropriate images to the student, such as a meme saying, “Elmo loves anal.” 

Licensing investigators wrote Mleziva sent sexual text messages to a student and told her after she graduated that “he wanted to have a sexual relationship,” according to Department of Public Instruction records.  

In both of these investigations, the educators resigned from their jobs and voluntarily surrendered their teaching licenses. Mleziva denied any wrongdoing to licensing investigators, while Buelow did not respond to the department’s investigation notice.  

Buelow worked for the Racine Unified School District until 2019 and Mleziva for the Two Rivers Public School District until 2020. Neither was criminally charged. 

Reached by phone Sept. 24 for comment on the Department of Public Instruction’s investigation, Buelow confirmed he had kissed a Racine student while he was a teacher, but said the student started the interaction.  

“It was taken totally out of context and it was not initiated by me,” he said.   

Also reached by phone, Mleziva said Sept. 24 that his messages with a Two Rivers student were “borderline at best” when asked if the messages were sexual in nature. Mleziva said the student misinterpreted his conversation after she graduated and that it wasn’t about initiating a sexual relationship.  

Voluntary license surrender is the most common way Wisconsin educators lose their teaching credentials across all types of misconduct, including physical assault, financial impropriety and criminal convictions, the Cap Times found.  

Department of Public Instruction investigators offer every educator the ability to surrender their teaching credentials at the start of a case to “resolve the matter,” Bucher said. Educators are also given other opportunities throughout the process.  

State investigators have written in some case notes that “no meaningful DPI investigation” happened because the educator surrendered their credentials. 

When licenses are forfeited, the department closes the investigation without an official finding of wrongdoing. On the Department of Public Instruction’s website showing the status of an educator’s license, no information is provided on why the credential was surrendered.  

Not publishing the circumstances of a surrendered license contributes to a culture of secrecy around educator grooming and sexual misconduct, said Hobson, the Indiana professor. 

“The harassers know that system inside and out. They know that it’s not reported. They know how to game the system,” he said.  

Making the information publicly available is important in case the former educator tries to work with children again, Grant added. 

“You only need a license to teach, but you can serve in other roles in a school or a youth-serving organization and not require a license,” Grant said. “By having information publicly about why your license was … revoked, it can help to deter youth-serving organizations from hiring someone that has a history of misconduct.” 

Bernier, the advocate with Enough Abuse, said public accountability is needed for educators who lose their credentials for misconduct. Officials at the Department of Public Instruction have to make a choice, she said. 

“They can either protect those who would abuse our children, or they can protect the children. But they can’t do both,” Bernier said.  

For hundreds of other state-licensed professions, disciplinary histories are published online by the Wisconsin Department of Safety and Professional Services. Misconduct records for doctors, accountants, manicurists and others are more publicly accessible than similar records for teachers.  

“I think that to kind of single out teachers and to not require that information to be available, especially given that they’re surrounded by kids and the high prevalence of … sexual misconduct, I mean that is concerning,” said Patel, the attorney.  

The Department of Public Instruction has tried to make the information available in the past but its licensing software isn’t equipped for that purpose, Bucher said. The agency would need new software, which would require funding.   

Hobson, an educator himself, said the fundamental mission of teachers is to safeguard the children under their care from harm. Despite that duty, educator sexual misconduct and grooming continues to happen.  

“My God, this is a flawed system, and it’s not protecting our children,” Hobson said.  

Hundreds of Wisconsin teacher misconduct cases shielded from public is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Inside our newsroom, we often talk about filling information gaps — providing Wisconsinites with information they need but struggle to find elsewhere.

We’ve filled a range of gaps, whether related to accessing FoodShare benefits, applying for college financial aid or preventing the spread of infectious diseases like measles. It’s all part of our effort to “complete rather than compete” with other sources of quality information. 

We’re also identifying gaps in our own work. That means asking whether everyone we aim to serve can access our reporting. 

For the past several weeks we’ve discussed how to improve the experience of one particular demographic of readers: those who are blind or visually impaired. 

In partnership with the nonprofit Hacks/Hackers, a convener of technologists and journalists to improve the information ecosystem, we’re experimenting ways to improve the audio descriptions of photos for those who use screen readers, known as alt text. That includes formalizing internal standards for higher-quality alt text and testing artificial intelligence tools — always checked by a human editor — to efficiently generate alt text that adheres to our new standards. 

The result, we hope, will be a better experience for visually impaired readers.

Our next step will be to explore offering more audio versions of our reporting. While we currently partner with WPR to produce audio versions of Addie Costello’s stories and have begun airing audio versions of fact briefs through Civic Media radio stations, much of our reporting still exists only as text. Expanding audio serves a variety of audiences, not just people with visual impairments. 

As we’re having these conversations, we want to hear from you. If you use a screen reader or have other accessibility needs, tell us how we’re doing and what we can improve. You can email me directly at jmalewitz@wisconsinwatch.org.   

How can we make news more accessible? We want to hear from you.  is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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About 13,000 disabled workers previously declared ineligible for unemployment insurance are being sent mailed notices from the Wisconsin Department of Workforce Development notifying them they might be eligible for past benefits, worth potentially hundreds to thousands of dollars per person. 

The DWD began processing nearly 10 years worth of unemployment claims from individuals who, under a 2013 state law, were previously declared ineligible for those benefits due to simultaneously receiving Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI). But last year a court struck down that law.

That means thousands of people could receive financial compensation if they were either denied unemployment benefits or ordered to repay benefits they received between Sept. 8, 2015, and July 29, 2025, because the person collected SSDI. 

A spokesperson for DWD said the total cost of the claims the agency may have to pay out is unclear right now. Individuals who receive unemployment insurance can receive a maximum of $370 per week for at most 26 weeks, which would be $9,620. But not every person files for the entire 26-week period. The current average is 13 weeks, the spokesperson said. 

What led to this?

A federal judge in 2024 struck down the law that previously blocked individuals from receiving both SSDI benefits and unemployment insurance. 

While the judge ruled the law was discriminatory, the DWD continued to deny unemployment claims until July when the process was ordered to stop. The same federal judge then in August ordered DWD to compensate people who were previously denied or forced to repay unemployment benefits while receiving SSDI between 2015 and 2025. 

A spokesperson for DWD said it is mailing notices to individuals who may be eligible for past benefits, but warned that it will take time to process the claims from the designated time period. 

While DWD is mailing about 13,000 notices, the agency doesn’t know how many people will actually reach out about filing a claim to receive the past benefits. Individuals must call DWD about their claim within 90 days of receiving a notice from the agency. 

Where can I go for more information?

The DWD has a web page with guidance and answers to questions about the court order and individuals who may be eligible for past unemployment benefits. 

People with questions can also contact a DWD Help Center phone number at 414-435-7069 or toll free at 844-910-3661 during business hours.

After court ruling, some 13,000 disabled Wisconsin workers notified they may be eligible for backpay is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Is unemployment for young US workers the highest since the pandemic? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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• Fox Valley Technical College in Appleton recently unveiled a $2.1 million expansion to its dental training program, part of $20 million set aside by the Legislature specifically to target the state’s shortage of dental workers. 

• Officials identified the shortage before the COVID-19 pandemic and explored the issue after an influx of dental workers retired during the pandemic. 

• The issue? The state’s dental training programs were at capacity with long waiting lists. 

• They took their findings to lawmakers and lobbied for funding to expand training opportunities. 

• It will be a few years before students earn their credentials and get into the workforce.

It took Allison Beining and Kaitlyn Weyenberg almost three years to get accepted into Fox Valley Technical College’s dental hygiene program. While they inched up the waiting list for one of the coveted 15 spots, they completed dental assisting training, which taught them to operate radiographic equipment and sterilize medical instruments, among other skills.

Now, as the two students prepare to graduate and begin working as hygienists, the Appleton-based college is debuting a $2.1 million expansion to oral health training — so future students won’t have to wait as long to enroll. Across the state, 13 more campuses are unveiling similar projects. 

Following a $20 million investment from the Legislature, Wisconsin’s technical colleges are trying to solve the state’s dental worker shortage by revamping their oral health programs, constructing upgraded labs and enrolling hundreds more students. 

“We know that this is a need, and this expansion allows us to serve more students in these programs than we had previously, which means more hygienists, more assistants into the community and into the workforce quicker,” FVTC Chief Academic Officer Jennifer Lanter said.

Wisconsin’s dearth of dental workers has been well documented in recent years. Forty-two of Wisconsin’s 72 counties are impacted by the scarcity, according to the Rural Health Information Hub. 

Dentists are poorly distributed across the state, with an uneven share practicing in metropolitan areas and too few in rural regions. Too few dental hygienists and assistants — largely trained by technical schools — have entered the field to replace those who have retired in recent years.

Officials at nearly every Wisconsin technical college are looking to respond by expanding their training capacity. The technical college system trains about 2,200 students in oral health professions each year, and the new state funding will allow colleges to increase enrollment by about 10%, System President Layla Merrifield said. 

An influx of students graduating and entering the workforce should make booking oral health care appointments easier, industry officials say. 

“Not only was it a workforce issue for our dentist offices, but it was starting to impact patient care — access to care — where patients weren’t able to get their cleanings and their routine work done,” said Wisconsin Dental Association Executive Director Mark Paget. “It became a health issue for us, and thankfully, the Legislature understood the problem.”

‘It always boils down to money’

Industry leaders began staring down the barrel of a dental worker shortage roughly seven years ago. Then, an influx of hygienists retired during the COVID-19 pandemic, “throwing gasoline on the fire,” Paget said.

The dental association created a task force with the state’s technical college system, the Office of Rural Health and the Workforce Development Association to discuss solutions. 

It quickly identified a major snag keeping new workers from entering the profession: The state’s eight dental hygiene training programs were all at capacity, with students stuck on waiting lists to participate. 

“We met with the technical colleges several times and said, ‘OK, what would it take to increase your class sizes?’ Because that’s obviously where the problem is. There’s just not enough capacity for the schools to teach the classes,” Paget said. “The technical college said the magic words. It’s always money, right? It always boils down to money.”

Merrifield said the steep cost of installing equipment, such as chairs and tools, was a major barrier to colleges educating more students.

In FVTC’s case, that meant some of the dental lab spaces were physically cramped, which allowed room for fewer learners and sometimes led to errors. 

“The sterilization room … it was so small,” Beining, the student, recalled. “Things would get lost, people would get frustrated.”

In 2023, the dental association’s advocacy team lobbied the Legislature for more money to increase training capacity. Lawmakers allocated $20 million in that year’s budget to expand the oral health care workforce, such as increased class sizes, new programs and investments in equipment.

The funds flowed to the technical college system, which dispersed portions to schools as grants. Fourteen out of 16 colleges received a share, Merrifield said. 

While roughly half of the colleges offer dental hygiene programs, some funding went to assistant training and creating Expanded Function Dental Auxiliary certificate programs, which give advanced training to dental assistants. FVTC used grant funds to introduce an EFDA certificate this year.

Light at the end of the tunnel

Inside Lakeshore College’s dental lab, it might be easy to forget you’re on a college campus and not inside a dentist’s office. The space is outfitted with a reception desk and waiting room, 11 sleek dental chairs and a locker room for students to dress in their scrubs.

The college, based in Cleveland, Wisconsin, used its $1.2 million in grant funds to renovate its dental lab, upgrade equipment and introduce a dental hygiene associate degree. 

Previously, Lakeshore College offered only a semester-long dental assistant certificate. Now, the college will increase to training 15 assistant students each semester and enroll 10 more in the hygiene program. 

“There’s definitely a need in this area,” said Christina McGinnis, Lakeshore’s dental program coordinator. “Often when you call the dentist, it takes a long time to get in. So having more chairs, more students can definitely help fill that void in the local community.” 

Inside a newly constructed classroom, three stations are equipped with mannequin heads with wide-open mouths. The students will practice using their suction and cleaning instruments on the dummies before they work on real people. The simulators are just one of the technology upgrades the college was able to purchase with the grant funds, and they will help students become familiar with the tools they’ll use in the industry.

“(We’re) trying to stay on top of what’s out there, for what our students are going to be seeing when they go out to the community, working as assistants or hygienists,” McGinnis said. “They know what they’re going to be exposed to here, and then they’ll also see that in the dental world.”

Almost all Lakeshore College dental assisting students have a full-time job lined up when they graduate, McGinnis said, and it’s typical for students to enter the field earning $20 per hour. The college is waiting for a dental program accreditor to approve the hygienist degree. Officials hope it will launch in the fall of 2026.

Other Wisconsin technical colleges are starting programs tailored to needs in their service areas. For example, Madison Area Technical College recently renovated its lab and added an EFDA certificate program. Northcentral Technical College in Wausau, surrounded by rural counties with severe shortages, is introducing the state’s first dental therapist training. 

“If you’re growing up as a kid on Medicaid in the Northwoods, you almost never see a dentist. It’s very, very difficult to even see a hygienist,” Merrifield said. “So the idea with that particular program is to produce these professionals — not that they’re gonna compete with dentists because they can’t do everything that a dentist can do — but they can expand that access and make it a little bit easier.”

In the meantime, the industry just has to get through the next year or two before the additional students start graduating from the programs and filling the many empty jobs, Paget said. 

“The system works exactly how the system was supposed to work,” he said. “The technical colleges, the Legislature, the governor, everybody came together to solve a problem.”

This story was updated with the correct name for Lakeshore College. Wisconsin Watch regrets the error.

Miranda Dunlap reports on pathways to success in northeast Wisconsin, working in partnership with Open Campus.

Long wait for a dental appointment? Wisconsin tech colleges are working to fix that is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Standard driver’s licenses are not proof of U.S. citizenship.

Enhanced driver’s licenses, which require documents such as a birth certificate or passport, provide proof. Intended for use in U.S. border crossing by vehicle, they are available in Michigan, Minnesota, New York, Vermont and Washington.

Citizenship is required to vote in federal, state and the vast majority of local elections. 

To register to vote, people in Wisconsin and most states must declare citizenship, under penalty of perjury. Proof isn’t required.

A 2024 lawsuit sought to require the Wisconsin Elections Commission to verify citizenship for voting. The commission argued that no state law requires citizenship proof.

A judge Oct. 3 ordered the commission to determine whether any noncitizens are registered to vote and to stop accepting voter registrations without verifying citizenship. The state is challenging the order.

Audits have found that very few registered voters are noncitizens.

This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.

Sources

• Michigan Department of State: Enhanced license and ID
• U.S. Department of Homeland Security: Enhanced Drivers Licenses: What Are They?
• U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services: Voter Registration and Voter List Maintenance Fact Sheet
• Wisconsin Watch: Has the District of Columbia adopted a law allowing noncitizens to vote in local elections?
• USA.gov: Who can and cannot vote
• Bipartisan Policy Center: Four Things to Know about Noncitizen Voting
• Ballotpedia: Laws permitting noncitizens to vote in the United States
• Votebeat: Wisconsin must verify citizenship of registered voters and new applicants, judge rules
• Waukesha County Circuit Court: Decision and Order
• Votebeat: Wisconsin Elections Commission challenges order requiring voter citizenship checks
• Waukesha County Circuit Court: Order — Renewed Motion for Stay Pending Appeal
• Bipartisan Policy Center: Modernizing Voter List Maintenance

Do standard driver’s licenses prove US citizenship? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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This story was originally published by ProPublica.

Following public outcry, the U.S. Department of Education has restored funding for students who have both hearing and vision loss, about a month after cutting it.

But rather than sending the money directly to the four programs that are part of a national network helping students who are deaf and blind, a condition known as deafblindness, the department has instead rerouted the grants to a different organization that will provide funding for those vulnerable students.

The Trump administration targeted the programs in its attacks on diversity, equity and inclusion; a department spokesperson had cited concerns about “divisive concepts” and “fairness” in explaining the decision to withhold the funding.

ProPublica and other news organizations reported last month on the canceled grants to agencies that serve these students in Oregon, Washington and Wisconsin, as well as in five states that are part of a New England consortium.

Programs then appealed to the Education Department to retain their funding, but the appeals were denied. Last week, the National Center on Deafblindness, the parent organization of the agencies that were denied, told the four programs that the Education Department had provided it with additional grant money and the center was passing it on to them.

“This will enable families, schools, and early intervention programs to continue to … meet the unique needs of children who are deafblind,” according to the letter from the organization to the agencies, which was provided to ProPublica. Education Department officials did not respond to questions from ProPublica; automatic email replies cited the government shutdown.

When the funding was canceled, the programs were in the middle of a five-year grant that was expected to continue through September 2028. The funding from the center is only for one year.

“We don’t know what will happen” in future years, said Lisa McConachie of the Oregon DeafBlind Project, which serves 114 students in the state. McConachie said that with uncertain funding, her agency had to cancel a retreat this fall that had been organized for parents to swap medical equipment, share resources and learn about services to help students when they get older. She hopes to reschedule it for the spring.

“It is still a disruption to families,’’ she said. “It creates this mistrust, that you are gone and back and gone and back.”

Oregon’s grant application for its deafblind program, submitted in 2023, included a statement about its commitment to address “inequities, racism, bias” and the marginalization of disability groups, language that was encouraged by the Biden administration. It also attached the strategic plan for Portland Public Schools, where the Oregon DeafBlind Project is headquartered, that mentioned the establishment of a Center for Black Student Excellence — which is unrelated to the deafblind project. The Education Department’s letter said that those initiatives were “in conflict with agency policy and priorities.”

An advocate for deafblind students said he was happy to see the funding restored but called the department’s decision-making “amateurish” and disruptive to students and families. “It is mean-spirited to do this to families and kids and school systems at the beginning of the year when all of these things should be so smooth,” said Maurice Belote, co-chair of the National DeafBlind Coalition, which advocates for legislation that supports deafblind children and young adults.

Grants to the four agencies total about $1 million a year. The department started funding state-level programs to help deafblind students more than 40 years ago in response to the rubella epidemic in the late 1960s. Nationally, there are about 10,000 children and young adults, from infants to 21-year-olds, who are deafblind and more than 1,000 in the eight affected states, according to the National Center on Deafblindness.

While the population is small, it is among the most complex to serve; educators rely on the deafblindness programs for support and training.

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

Students with hearing and vision loss get funding back despite Trump’s anti-DEI campaign is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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• Looming sales of manufactured housing parks can cause anxiety among residents who own their homes but rent the land they sit on — especially as profit-maximizing private equity companies increasingly make purchases.

• In some communities, residents have purchased parks themselves and run them as cooperatives. Converting into a cooperative often initially increases monthly fees, but residents typically see smaller increases over time when compared to commercially owned parks.

• Wisconsin’s relative lack of consumer protections and incentives for co-op sales doesn’t make the process easy. Minnesota offers more resources to make co-op purchases more viable.

Standing on her porch, Vikki Braker pointed out her favorite lawn cutouts, arranged in a colorful scene: Silhouettes of two children smelled pink flowers as a line of googly-eyed red ants marched beneath their feet. A tree stretching over them wore a Green Bay Packers hat.

The decorations were among many Braker inherited during nearly half a century at Cedar Falls Acres mobile home park near Menomonie, Wisconsin. She figures more people get to enjoy her outdoor display than anything she keeps inside.

Neat rows of brick bordered each decorative scene atop grass her son had trimmed. Even as she slows down in her yardwork, the 67-year-old can’t imagine giving it up.

But Braker does not own her yard, only the home that sits on top of it. She worries about who will soon control her well-manicured lot.

Like thousands of Wisconsinites, Braker lives in a manufactured home, the more accurate name for what many call mobile homes or trailers — structures that make up the country’s largest portion of unsubsidized low-income housing. 

Braker has rented her lot since she was 18. It’s where she raised three children, battled cancer and took care of her dying husband.

She paid rent to the same owner for most of those years: Vince Hague, 81. But he’s retiring and selling the lot. Braker and her neighbors are nervous about what’s next, especially as profit-maximizing private equity companies are buying manufactured home communities nationwide. 

Some of Braker’s neighbors have discussed buying the park themselves and running it as a cooperative. Many view the model as a way to keep communities well-maintained and affordable. But forming a resident-owned cooperative can be difficult — especially in Wisconsin.

Might Braker want to join a cooperative if she gets the option? She’s not sure. She wants more information to feel more comfortable about her future.

Co-op conversions aren’t easy

Braker and her husband, Roger, bought a mobile home in Cedar Falls Acres 49 years ago, seeing it as an affordable way to move out of Roger’s parents’ house. They planned to buy land of their own and build a home when they got older. But as decades passed by, they remained happy enough in their peaceful community.

“We never did buy a house,” Braker said. “We were always very comfortable here.”

Roger worked as a school bus driver. Braker worked in education before managing a Walmart and a gas station. Even when the couple could have afforded a down payment on a traditional home, they worried money would later get tight, she said.

The looming sale of Cedar Falls Acres — and the anxiety that comes with it — makes her wonder whether they should have tried to make traditional ownership work. Or if she should give up her home and yard and consider an apartment. 

“But I just can’t make myself do it,” Braker said. “I love being outside.”

In an ideal world, Braker said, Hague would find another local buyer to step in to keep the park peaceful and affordable. But such “mom-and-pop” owners are increasingly rare. Large corporations are taking their place, often raising lot rents and sometimes neglecting conditions.

Braker attended multiple resident-led meetings to explore whether a cooperative might preserve a semblance of the status quo. She left “really confused.”

Converting a manufactured home community into a resident-owned cooperative isn’t easy. 

In this case, Cedar Falls Acres homeowners and those at a neighboring park Hague owns would likely form a limited equity co-op. Residents would pay little up front but would not profit from their ownership over time.

Residents of limited equity co-ops pay a small fee to join, usually between $100 and $1,000, and simply get that fee back if they leave, even if the co-op’s land increases in value.

Cooperatives need large loans to cover the land purchase and any overdue maintenance.

Residents pay monthly fees to pay down park debt over time and cover routine maintenance. When major projects pop up, like fixing septic system issues, residents may vote to increase lot rent or refinance the debt.

What would a co-op mean for Braker’s pocketbook? 

When they first moved in, Braker and her husband paid $60 in monthly rent. That gradually increased to the $360 she pays today, slightly above the rate of inflation since the 1970s. Braker now lives on a fixed income from Social Security and can’t afford to pay much more.

Converting into a cooperative often initially increases monthly fees, said Victoria Clark-West, executive director of CoNorth, a nonprofit focused on developing manufactured home co-ops in Minnesota and Wisconsin. But residents typically see smaller rate increases over time when compared to commercially owned parks.

CoNorth is part of a nationwide network called ROC USA. The organization has reached out to Hague about a resident purchase of his Menomonie parks, Clark-West said.

CoNorth-supported cooperatives see a 2% average annual increase, less than half of the average market increase, according to the organization’s website.

Co-ops allow community residents to control what happens to the equity their land builds over time, Clark-West said.

“Manufactured home communities are uniquely positioned to be really successfully, cooperatively owned,” she said. “You have an existing constituency of folks that already own their home, and they have the land in common.”

But like a business, co-ops can fail. For instance, a ROC USA co-op in Colorado faced foreclosure earlier this year. While residents are not liable when a co-op defaults on a loan, they lose their say in what happens to the land. 

None of the co-ops CoNorth has supported since 2004 have defaulted on their debt, Clark-West said. Only one has voted to dissolve. Typically, co-ops’ loan agreements specify that if a co-op decides to sell its land, the profits go to a nonprofit.

CoNorth has answers to Braker’s questions, but the organization does not start fully engaging residents until a park owner agrees to sell to a co-op. 

Hague said he’s open to selling to any qualified buyer. He’s ready for someone else to take over. The Menomonie resident has enjoyed interacting with residents during his decades running Cedar Falls Acres.

Unlike Wisconsin, Minnesota incentivizes co-op sales

But it’s getting harder for residents to compete with commercial buyers as investors increasingly eye park sales, Clark-West said.

Wisconsin’s relative lack of consumer protections and incentives for co-op sales doesn’t help.

CoNorth assists 13 co-ops in Minnesota but just three in Wisconsin. That’s partly because of the nonprofit’s St. Paul headquarters, but it’s also because Minnesota offers resources to make co-op purchases more viable, Clark-West said.

“There’s definitely more scrapping it in Wisconsin.” 

The Minnesota Legislature in 2023 enacted a 5% tax incentive for park owners who sell to resident-owned co-ops or nonprofits — along with expanded requirements that owners notify residents about potential sales. 

Wisconsin has no such incentive or requirement. Legislation last session would have required such notification and “good faith” negotiation with co-ops, but it failed alongside a proposed grant and loan program to fund park improvements. 

Policies interfering in the sales of communities could have unintended consequences, said Lesli Gooch, the CEO of the Manufactured Housing Institute, national trade group for the manufactured home industry. 

“If this market is stifled, you are going to see more community closures,” Gooch said.

Private owners often increase rents to cover the costs of deferred maintenance. Those increases are necessary to preserve communities that remain more affordable than other forms of housing, she said.

When residents form co-ops, they are taking on the maintenance responsibilities without the property management experience of many for-profit owners, she said. 

Expensive maintenance costs can challenge any owner. That’s why Minnesota’s grant dollars for park infrastructure projects have been transformative for the state’s co-ops, Clark-West said. 

The neighboring state has allocated millions of dollars to help manufactured home park owners make major repairs. That allows co-ops to avoid taking on more debt and bolsters lender confidence, Clark-West said. 

Two decades of community ownership 

Steve Parliament has observed the anxiety a pending manufactured housing park sale can bring — like when he learned 20 years ago that Countryside Park in Cumberland, Wisconsin, was set to close and residents were being evicted. The news sent him door knocking. 

The details are now fuzzy, but he remembers the tears. Residents felt helpless, with many of their homes too old to survive a move. 

Parliament had organized co-ops in Minnesota and San Francisco before starting at West Central Wisconsin Community Action Agency, a quasi-governmental agency created to fight poverty. He told one park resident to invite his neighbors over for coffee and a discussion about trying to buy their community. 

“That was the easiest organizing job I ever did,” Parliament recalled.

Financing the purchase was more difficult. After working with the city to address the park’s sewage issues, Parliament’s employer, WestCap, stepped in to help. The organization lined up loans and grants to purchase the community before the co-op was ready to take ownership.

The cooperative is still running today. 

Replicating the Countryside sale today would be difficult, Parliament said, adding that the rise of private equity has only bolstered the need for co-ops.

That was his motivation to co-found the Wisconsin Manufactured Home Owners Alliance late last year. The nonprofit aims to keep manufactured home communities viable by pushing for stronger legal protections and helping residents organize. 

An antidote to loneliness

Co-ops are not the solution for every community, said Arica Young, director for housing access and affordability at the nonprofit Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, which researches issues related to land use.

“They are a lot of work. There’s a lot of expense entailed,” Young said.

But co-ops may deliver benefits beyond housing stability, Young said, such as a sense of community that can counteract the loneliness epidemic.

Morris Bussewitz jokes that the friendliness of his neighbors at Countryside has become a problem. More than a decade after he and his wife moved in, he can’t finish a lap around his home without getting stopped for a chat, interfering with his exercise. 

He started walking in the cemetery across the street to get his steps in uninterrupted.

“My friends there, they don’t want to stop and talk to me. They let me walk right by,” he said.

Countryside had just become a co-op as Bussewitz and his wife were looking for a permanent place to retire. Community ownership was a draw.

Monthly fees for their lot started around $140 and have since increased to just $230. They are able to keep fees low by volunteering to finish park maintenance, Bussewitz said. 

“It has worked out really good,” he said.

Members attend multiple meetings each year to vote on significant spending items or changes. Residents volunteer as leaders. Bussewitz has spent years on the co-op’s board. Others take turns mowing the grass. One resident makes bird houses that decorate yards throughout the small park.

“People own part of the park,” Bussewitz said, “and they take care of it.”

Residents consider a cooperative future as manufactured housing parks go up for sale is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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• A new analysis finds that Wisconsin ranks 46th in college affordability. 

• The report, published annually by the nonprofit National College Attainment Network, focuses on each state’s “affordability gap” – the difference between the cost of public college and what students and their families can pay.

• Spokespeople for the Universities of Wisconsin and the Wisconsin Technical College System say leaders at their respective institutions know students have unmet needs and are working to support them. 

• As a result of Wisconsin lawmakers spending less on higher education, some experts think tuition promise programs will be part of the solution.

Public college is less affordable in Wisconsin than in nearly every other state, according to a new analysis of 2022-23 school year data. The nonprofit National College Attainment Network, which advocates for college access, reports annually on each state’s “affordability gap” between the cost of college and what students and their families can pay. 

The analysis included 28 Wisconsin colleges, finding that all of the state’s public four-year schools and nearly 90% of the technical colleges were unaffordable.  

Just four states ranked lower than Wisconsin in the share of their colleges considered affordable: Delaware, New Hampshire, North Dakota and Rhode Island. Nationwide, nearly half (48%) of all public four-year colleges and more than a third (35%) of community or technical colleges were affordable, the report found. 

“We saw (Wisconsin) stand out as particularly unaffordable as compared to our national average and to the other states in the region,” said report author Louisa Woodhouse, a senior associate for the organization.

To estimate what students could pay at each school, Woodhouse added up the average grants, loans and work study payments they receive, as reported in a federal database. She added that to an estimate of summer wages — based on full-time work at the state minimum wage — and an “expected family contribution” using average Pell grant awards. 

Woodhouse compared those figures with each school’s published cost of attendance. That included tuition, fees and estimated costs of items like housing, food, books and transportation. She added a flat $300 for emergency expenses. 

The report considers a college affordable if attendance and emergency expenses totaled less than income and aid.

The study included 13 Wisconsin public colleges or universities that grant bachelor’s degrees, as well as 15 of the state’s 16 technical colleges. It excluded Madison College, which belongs to the technical college system but is classified as a four-year school in federal data.

None of the four-year schools and just two technical colleges were affordable, Woodhouse found.

Wisconsin technical college students face an average affordability gap of $1,336, nearly triple the $486 national average, Woodhouse calculated. 

Students at Wisconsin’s four-year schools experienced a $3,549 gap, more than twice the national average of $1,555. 

Calling affordability and accessibility “cornerstones of our mission,” Universities of Wisconsin spokesperson Ethan Schuh noted that the system charges the lowest average tuition rates in the Upper Midwest. 

“We recognize there can be affordability gaps,” Schuh said in an email, adding that the report’s “novel datasets and methodologies” might “unintentionally disadvantage universities with low tuition and limited aid,” like those in the UW system.

Schuh attributed cost issues raised in the report to broader national trends, which “underscore the need for continued investment in financial aid and student support.” 

“While we are not immune to these challenges, we are actively working to address them,” Schuh said. 

Wisconsin Technical College System spokesperson Katy Pettersen said the report “raises important concerns about affordability.” But she questioned whether the study’s methodology accurately evaluated the state’s tech colleges, where students often attend school part time while working full time. Many earn above minimum wage in Wisconsin’s competitive labor market, Pettersen said. 

Meanwhile, Pettersen said, Wisconsin’s technical colleges work differently than counterparts in other states, making them hard to compare. Wisconsin’s tech colleges emphasize hands-on education in technology-intensive labs, while many community colleges elsewhere prioritize lower-cost classroom education, Pettersen said. 

“We acknowledge that many students face unmet financial needs. Addressing these challenges is a priority, and we continue to explore ways to support students beyond tuition,” Petterson said in an email. “Affordability is a multifaceted issue, and while we recognize the challenges, we remain committed to providing high-value education and supporting students in every way we can.” 

Shrinking state funding for higher education

Wisconsin college costs are partially the result of state and federal policy decisions. Like many of their Midwestern peers, Wisconsin’s public colleges rely heavily on tuition, Woodhouse said.

Wisconsin’s state government allocates nearly 17% less funding per full-time student than it did in 1980, according to the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association — a trend UW system leaders are closely watching.

Today, the state provides just 20% of the system’s budget, half the share it covered in 1985, Schuh said.

About 60% of university revenue now comes from tuition and fees, nearly triple the previous levels, Schuh added. 

“This shift has placed a growing financial burden on students and families, limiting access to the same educational opportunities that have long defined Wisconsin’s public universities,” Schuh said. 

Paying for college in Wisconsin could get more difficult in the coming years, Woodhouse said, pointing to recent federal cuts to food aid, Medicaid and other safety net programs. States often  fill the gap in those services by diverting money from education.

Colleges, in turn, may raise tuition to patch budget holes, putting college further out of reach. 

”That’s just another argument towards the importance of investing in higher education funding, both operational support for public institutions and also need-based aid in the years to come,” Woodhouse said.

Wisconsin tech college tuition over the last decade has risen no faster than inflation, Petterson said. At UW system campuses, tuition rose 4% to 5% this year, following a 10-year tuition freeze.

Political debates are swirling around the value of college, with Republicans increasingly asking whether pursuing a degree is worthwhile. Carole Trone, executive director of the Wisconsin-based Fair Opportunity Project, wants more bipartisan scrutiny of those high price tags.

“Are colleges doing everything they can do to keep the college costs down?” asked Trone, whose organization offers online counseling to help students nationwide apply to and pay for college. 

Some studies show inflation-adjusted tuition rates have plateaued or even declined, Trone said, but rent and other living costs are soaring. 

“The cost of college keeps going up because of all those other costs that, in some cases, are outside of a college’s control,” Trone said. 

Meanwhile, federal aid doesn’t stretch as far as it used to. Federal Pell grant awards, for instance, have increased more slowly than inflation. In 1975, they covered more than three-quarters of the average cost to attend a public, four-year university, according to the National College Attainment Network. That’s compared to just one-third of average attendance costs today.

UW ‘promise’ aims to fill gap for higher-need students

A growing number of Wisconsin students are eligible to have their full tuition and fees covered with the help of “promise” programs, which pick up remaining costs after eligible students use federal financial aid and scholarships. 

UW-Madison’s Bucky’s Tuition Promise, launched in 2018, helps students with household incomes of $65,000 or less. It covers most costs but excludes expenses like rent, groceries or textbooks.

The UW system expanded the program to other campuses in 2023 but cut it the next year due to budget woes. 

The system resumed the program this fall with private funding: Madison-based student loan guarantor Ascendium Education Group will cover costs for students in households making $55,000 or less. 

Until the program has stable funding, Woodhouse said, eligible students may hesitate to enroll in college for fear of being stuck with costs in future years.

Democratic state lawmakers want to allocate nearly $40 million to provide that stability. They introduced legislation on Thursday to extend the Wisconsin Tuition Promise program with state dollars, covering costs for students of all UW schools except UW-Madison whose families make $71,000 or less. 

“Higher education powers Wisconsin and cost should not prevent students from families in every income bracket in Wisconsin from having the opportunity to earn a degree,” Senate Democratic Leader Dianne Hesselbein, D-Middleton, said in an emailed statement.

Schuh said the proposal would allow Wisconsin to compete as other states take steps to lower college costs. 

“It would eliminate the affordability gap for thousands of students and restore the promise of higher education as a public good,” Schuh said. “It would ensure that the opportunities available to past generations remain accessible to all Wisconsinites today and into the future.”

Disclosure: Ascendium Education Group is a donor to Wisconsin Watch but has no control over its editorial decisions. A complete list of donors and funders, as well as donation acceptance policies, can be found on our funding page. 

Natalie Yahr reports on pathways to success statewide for Wisconsin Watch, working in partnership with Open Campus. Email her at nyahr@wisconsinwatch.org.

Study: Wisconsin trails most states in college affordability is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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For $4, hungry dairy enthusiasts who attended the recent World Dairy Expo could enjoy a grilled cheese bite at the “cheese stand” with a choice of American, Swiss or the daily “specialty cheese.” 

With options such as Muenster, smoked Gouda and dill havarti, one in four customers tried the specialty cheese, estimated Grace Mansell, a biological systems engineering student at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and manager of the stand operated by the Badger Dairy Club and the Collegiate Farm Bureau.

“It’s a really great, new and exciting thing that people are getting into (specialty cheese). It’s not necessarily just your classic flavors anymore,” Mansell said. “Everybody likes a good classic American, but it’s kind of fun to have something different every day for people to try.”

Last year, over a quarter (28%) of the cheese produced in Wisconsin was considered specialty cheese, according to the USDA. Longer-term data show a growing interest among cheesemakers in making more specialty cheeses each year.

Specialty cheese generally refers to premium cheeses that stand out for their unique styles, flavors or craftsmanship, according to Chris Kuske Riese, senior vice president of channel marketing for Dairy Farmers of Wisconsin. There’s no single definition for the category, so they can be cheese curds with Cajun spices, cheddar cheese with smoked flavor, or a wide variety of Hispanic cheeses.

“From a marketing perspective, specialty cheese plays an important role in consumer perception,” Riese wrote in an email to Wisconsin Watch. “These products help elevate Wisconsin Cheese’s reputation for quality and innovation, while complementing the broader category of cheeses consumers enjoy every day.”

Wisconsin cheesemakers produced over 1 billion pounds of specialty cheese in 2024. That marked a twelvefold increase since the USDA started collecting data in 1993.

USDA reported 93 of Wisconsin’s 116 cheese plants manufactured at least one type of specialty cheese last year. The number has more than doubled within three decades. However, the number of specialty cheesemakers remained mostly stable since 2009, meaning cheese plants are increasing specialty cheese production each year.

Luke Buholzer, vice president of sales for the Klondike Cheese Company, said the company produced about 38 million pounds of cheese last year, almost doubling the production from a decade ago. All of his company’s products are considered specialty cheeses. 

Wisconsin cheesemakers first showed their interest in specialty cheese in the early 1980s. 

“Cheesemakers at smaller plants started to become more flexible, entrepreneurial and willing to take on some risk. They got fed up with the low cheese prices and trying to compete with commodity plants and recognized they needed to do something different,” John Lucey, director of the Wisconsin Center for Dairy Research at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, wrote in a guest column for Cheese Market News.

“The whole reason we went into specialty cheeses is because they do have better (profit) margins, so we can keep the business afloat,” Buholzer said. Cheesemakers needed larger production volumes to make commodity cheeses profitable, yet drastically increasing production volume was not ideal for smaller cheese manufacturers.

Klondike made commodity cheeses like cheddar and Colby during that time. The company introduced Muenster cheese in the early 1980s as its first specialty product. The company gradually introduced more specialty cheese products throughout the decade, including feta in 1988 and dill havarti in the early 2000s. The company simultaneously phased out its commodity cheese production.

Among all the specialty cheese products from Wisconsin, Hispanic cheese eclipses all, with over 150 million pounds being produced last year. Feta followed closely in second place. Buholzer said the popularity of this Greek-style cheese was largely boosted by a baked feta pasta recipe that went viral on TikTok in 2021. The recipe required 8 ounces of feta cheese. 

“Within a week, I saw sales on that particular item go up over 288%,” Buholzer said.

Parmesan wheels are also gaining popularity. Specialty cheddar, havarti and Asiago are also some of the more commonly produced specialty cheeses in Wisconsin. 

“Several market reports suggest growth in the gourmet food/premium foods space,” Riese wrote. “Wisconsin has a distinct advantage in this space because of its long tradition of cheesemaking, the only Master Cheesemaker program outside of Switzerland, and the ability to innovate while still producing at scale.”

DataWatch: Wisconsin-made cheese is special. Here are the numbers to prove it. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.