Victims rights advocate Michael Bell Sr. championed the state law that requires independent investigations of police shootings. The next step, he says, is incident reviews that ask how training can be improved to prevent them.
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Democrats running to be Wisconsin’s next governor and Republican frontrunner Tom Tiffany are calling for a swift, transparent and independent investigation into the Madison police shooting of 38-year-old Corey Ruiz.
The post Candidates for Wisconsin governor react to Madison shooting appeared first on WPR.
Hundreds of people gathered Thursday night for a vigil at the spot where a Madison police officer fatally shot 38-year-old Corey Ruiz the day before.
The post Friends, family and neighbors mourn Madison man killed by police appeared first on WPR.
The man shot and killed by Madison police on Wednesday afternoon was 38-year-old Corey Ruiz.
The post Officials ID man shot, killed by Madison police at news conference interrupted by protesters appeared first on WPR.
Chippewa County prosecutors say their Sheriff, Travis Hakes, doesn't meet "the basic credibility standard" to hold the office and risks the public's confidence in the criminal justice system. Hakes says the statement is a "disingenuous" political attack ahead of his upcoming Republican primary election.
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Protesters burst into a Thursday news conference about the police shooting of a homeless man in Madison, taking the microphone from the police chief and arguing with some attendees who said they wanted to hear more about the investigation.
The group of roughly 20 protesters burst into the room at the Madison police station, shortly after Mayor Satya Rhodes-Conway and Common Council President Sabrina Madison identified the man killed by police as Corey Durell Ruiz, a homeless resident.
Ruiz, 38, was shot and killed Wednesday after police said he resisted arrest and injured an officer with a knife.
Police Chief John Patterson stepped away from the microphone when the protesters were shouting, and one man in the group took his spot at the podium. The event quickly devolved into a shouting match.
@wisconsinwatch A vigil for Corey Ruiz was held Thursday at the intersection of Williamson Street and South Baldwin Street in Madison, where Ruiz was fatally shot by a Madison police officer. We spoke to several Madison residents about the fatal shooting. Madison Police Department’s police chief, John Patterson, said Ruiz’s death will be investigated as a homicide during a press conference shortly before the vigil. The Wisconsin Department of Justice’s Division of Criminal Investigation is investigating the shooting. #wisconsinwatch #coreyruiz #mpd #madisonshooting #madison
♬ original sound – Wisconsin Watch – Wisconsin Watch
One protester held a sign saying “Corrupt cops deserve to die too!!!”
Moments earlier, the mayor said the shooting will be “rigorously investigated.”
“It does not matter who you are or what your past is, you should not lose your life as a result of an encounter with law enforcement,” Satya Rhodes-Conway said.
Madison, for her part, said “Corey could have been my brother because my brother is homeless and he often rides a bike.”
Court records show Ruiz had been in and out of jail over the past decade on charges including failing to pay child support, driving a vehicle without consent, jumping bail, threatening authorities, taking a vehicle without consent, possessing drug paraphernalia, resisting an officer and retail theft.
“He’s a human being. He had a family. He has parents who loved him who brought him home, who cared for him,” Madison said, adding that she’s struggling to understand what she’s seen in videos of the shooting that have circulated on social media.
“My first thought is, when the officer’s walking away, why isn’t he walking away in cuffs,” Madison said. “I’m angry, there’s no way around it.”
Once the protesters quieted down, the chief resumed his presentation, promising his department’s full cooperation with the state investigation.
The shooting has roiled Wisconsin’s capital city, with Gov. Tony Evers calling for “transparency and accountability” and Madison community members gathering Thursday at a growing memorial.
None of the four officers who were detaining the man wore body cameras, but passersby recorded the confrontation on video, and accused the officers of overreacting.
“I thought, ‘Holy cow — what could have warranted that?’ It looked to me like they had him under control,” David Ortiz-Whittingham, who saw officers swarming and heard the gunshots, said Thursday. “Even now, knowing about the knife, did he have to die for it? Could this have been de-escalated without him losing his life?”
The police chief released few details Thursday, saying the investigation into the officer-involved shooting must run its course.
Earlier Thursday, Madison’s independent police monitor, Aeiramique Glass, said police have not yet shared evidence or the officer’s identity with her office, which will review the case and can recommend to the district attorney that charges be filed if warranted. She said the department and city are “obstructing what the community and the public” want.
“Let me do my job,” she said.
Patterson said the police were committed to cooperating with Glass as the independent monitor’s investigation is carried out, at the same time as the state’s probe.
Patterson has urged caution in reading too much from the cellphone videos. He said none show the perspective of the officers, and additional video that hasn’t been released is being reviewed.
The officer who fired his weapon is a veteran of the force, the chief said. He and the three other responding officers will be placed on administrative leave pending an independent investigation by the Wisconsin Department of Criminal Investigation, as required under state law.
Patterson said police were responding to calls that someone was attempting to enter parked vehicles, and the suspect fled on a bike before the officers surrounded him. One deployed a taser, but Patterson said he didn’t know if the taser worked. Those efforts failed to control the man, Patterson said.
In the videos circulating online, the man can be seen standing before he’s brought to his knees as the officers struggle to force him into a prone position. Then he falls quickly to the pavement after what sounds like three gunshots and seems motionless as the officers handcuff him behind his back. Arriving officers then escort one of the officers a short distance away.
Patterson said he did not know the extent of the injuries sustained by the officer who was injured by the knife.
“This situation was clearly dangerous,” Patterson said. He later continued, “I am incredibly saddened by the loss of life.”
The shooting happened in the middle of an intersection in the popular Marquette neighborhood, which is lined with restaurants, bars, shops and homes less than 2 miles (3.2 kilometers) from the state Capitol. The bystander videos show numerous cars at the scene, with people watching and commenting as it unfolded.
“I saw everything! I saw everything! You did not need to kill him! … We watched it all!” a woman yelled in the video recorded by Ortiz-Whittingham. Three loud shots could be heard among the sirens, followed by screams.
Residents who dealt with two other police killings within the same few blocks expressed their frustration on Thursday.
In 2015, a white police officer shot and killed Tony Robinson, who was biracial, on the same street. Large protests followed, but the district attorney filed no charges, determining the officer was justified. In 2012, Paul Heenan, a white musician, was fatally shot after he had been drinking and mistakenly entered his neighbor’s house. That officer was exonerated as well.
The chief acknowledged that the neighborhood “has experienced a lot of trauma” and urged people to support one another.
“I want transparency, I want accountability,” Patterson said.
The race of the officer who fired his gun on Wednesday and that of the man he killed were not released by police.
But Black advocacy groups, protesters and politicians spoke out against the crime and said they believe the man was Black.
The shooting also focused attention on the Madison Police Department’s lack of body-worn cameras. The force of around 500 is among the largest in the Midwest that doesn’t use the devices.
Common Council President Sabrina Madison said Thursday that she expects a police request for $400,000 to be approved, enabling the cameras to be phased in over the next three years. Others lamented that cameras aren’t already being used.
“Nobody can agree on anything,” said Katey Nelson, a member of the police civilian oversight board and operations director at YWCA Madison, a racial justice group. “Now we’re here, looking at another police shooting where we don’t have what we need to make sure the officers are held accountable.”
The mayor said her budget, which has not yet been released, will include funding for body-worn cameras. Rhodes-Conway said the city needs to put together a policy for the use of the cameras, and said that will be completed before the budget takes effect in January.
Madison, home to the University of Wisconsin, has a long history of organized protest dating back to the 1960s. More than 100,000 people marched on the state Capitol in 2011 in favor of union rights. There were large demonstrations that turned violent after the death of George Floyd in 2020.
And so the shooting quickly infused itself into the race to succeed Evers as governor, with voting already underway in the Aug. 11 primary.
“This state sanctioned violence was an execution,” posted Francesca Hong, a democratic socialist candidate who appeared with a bullhorn at the scene just a few blocks from her campaign office. She has called for defunding the police.
Another Democrat in the race, Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, said while the details must become public, “these reports are painfully reminiscent of the tragedies we have witnessed in Kenosha, Minneapolis, and far too many communities across our country.”
Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany called on his rivals to let the state investigation “establish the facts without politicians rushing to judgment or stoking division” in a statement that also said he would “work to end revolving-door criminal justice policies.”
Associated Press writers Ed White in Detroit and Jake Offenhartz in New York contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: The Associated Press erroneously reported George Floyd was shot and killed by police. An officer in Minneapolis murdered Floyd by pinning him to the pavement and putting a knee to his neck. This story has been updated to reflect the correction.
Madison officials identify Corey Ruiz as man police shot and killed is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
One officer fired shots, although a total of four officers were involved in the incident and have been placed on leave.
The post MPD: Man shot, killed by police on Madison’s east side after officer was injured with knife appeared first on WPR.
A Madison police officer shot and killed a man after that man produced a knife, Madison Police Chief John Patterson said.
The same officer who fired the shots was injured by the man’s knife, according to Patterson.
The incident happened at about 1:30 p.m. on Wednesday, according to an incident report posted by the Madison Police Department that afternoon. Multiple streets in the area were blocked off Wednesday afternoon — and crowds gathered in protest.
Patterson said officials had notified the deceased man’s family about his death. However, Patterson declined to disclose the man’s race or name during a news conference just before 5 p.m. Wednesday. He said the man was in his 30s.
Patterson said one officer fired shots, although a total of four officers were involved in the incident and have been placed on leave. The Division of Criminal Investigation at Wisconsin’s Department of Justice is investigating the incident.
Patterson said police initially responded to a call about a man who was checking cars in Madison’s Marquette neighborhood. When officers arrived, Patterson said the man fled on his bike.
The chief said the man produced a knife while officers were trying to arrest him.
“This is not a small folding knife,” Patterson told reporters. “It’s a large fixed blade knife that was there and present.”
During the incident, Patterson said, police used a stun weapon on the man.
“A less lethal device, a Taser, was deployed,” Patterson said. “Unfortunately, it was unsuccessful.”
During the incident, Patterson said a second officer was injured, but police do not believe that officer was injured by the man’s knife.
“It’s not clear how that occurred,” Patterson said.
A video posted to social media on Wednesday shows police cruisers arriving at an intersection with sirens on. A person can be seen riding into the intersection and then falling off a bike onto the pavement, before multiple officers are on top of the person. The video shows the person trying to get away. Then, an officer appears to fire multiple shots at the person.
The video was posted by Richard Hegwood, who lives at the intersection and witnessed the shooting. He told a reporter he began recording when he saw police chasing a man on a bike.
“They catch the dude, they have him on the ground. He’s struggling, he’s struggling to get up, and that’s when they shot him. They shot him three times,” Hegwood said. “I never saw a weapon. He never brandished a weapon.”
Hegwood said three officers had been struggling with the person before the shots were fired.
A second video from a closer vantage point was taken by resident Michael Doubek, who said he saw an officer knock the man from a bike.
“He was on the ground, he had nearly been handcuffed, he had already been tased,” Doubek said. “One of the officers says he has a knife, after which one of the officers pulls a taser, yells, ‘Taser taser taser,’ tases him. Then all three, all of them sort of all fall on the ground together, after which one of the cops stands up kind of on one knee and shoots him three times in the head point blank while he is on the ground.”
Doubek said he does not know the details of what led to the confrontation. “But from where I was standing 10 feet away, that looked an awful lot like an execution to me,” he said.
After the shooting, the area was closed off by police tape. The person’s bicycle remained on the ground.
Advocates for Madison’s Black community said the man killed was Black.
“Another Black man is dead on a Madison street, and our community watched him die before we even knew his name,” said Brandi Grayson, the head of the Madison-based Black community advocacy group Urban Triage. “That is the cruelty of state violence.”
Hundreds of protesters gathered near the scene Wednesday evening before marching together to the state Capitol where a Concerts on the Square event was underway.
Protesters chanted and held signs with slogans, including “no justice, no peace” and “Madison police executed a human today.” Some concertgoers showed support by clapping and raising fists.
The concert was eventually canceled by organizers.
During Wednesday’s news conference earlier in the afternoon, Patterson asked Madisonians to “please take a moment to to reflect and offer some support to one another.”
He referenced the man who died, and added, “I want to take a moment to honestly and sincerely offer my my heartfelt sympathies to his family for this loss.”
Wednesday’s shooting took place in the same neighborhood where a Madison police officer fatally shot Tony Robinson, a 19-year-old Black man, inside an apartment building in 2015.
Robinson was unarmed. The Dane County district attorney did not issue charges against that police officer, after determining the officer had reason to fear for his life after concluding that Robinson had physically assaulted the officer at the top of the stairs within the building.
“I want to start with an acknowledgement that today involves a very traumatic incident,” Patterson said, referencing the Robinson shooting during Wednesday’s news conference. “A traumatic incident that has occurred in a neighborhood that has experienced a lot of trauma in the past.”
In an update sent just before 2:45 p.m. Wednesday, District 6 Madison Ald. Davy Mayer said he was “aware of an officer-involved shooting on Williamson and Baldwin Street earlier this afternoon.”
“My priority is to make sure the community remains safe and that the public receives full details about what happened as soon as possible,” Mayer wrote in the blog post.
A version of this story was originally published by WPR. Information was added from the Associated Press.
Hundreds protest after police officer fatally shoots man on Madison’s east side is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
A 20-year-old New York man has been indicted on felony charges after allegedly pointing a handgun at a school bus carrying three children with special needs during a road rage incident earlier this year, reported Mid-Hudson News.
According to the news report, a Westchester County grand jury indicted Michael Alarcon of Mahopac on charges of criminal possession of a weapon, menacing and endangering the welfare of a child.
The incident reportedly occurred Feb. 4 on the Taconic State Parkway in the town of Mount Pleasant. Authorities allege Alarcon pointed what appeared to be a pistol at the school bus driver while the driver was transporting the three children.
New York State Police located Alarcon later that day and took him into custody. During the investigation, authorities reportedly recovered a .22-caliber handgun equipped with a green laser and a weapon-mounted light.
No injuries were reported in connection with the incident. “The defendant’s actions were egregious,” Westchester County District Attorney Susan Cacace said via the article “The fact that the victims were special needs children only amplifies the recklessness. Thankfully, he was quickly apprehended, and no one was injured.”
According to the report, the most serious charge carries a maximum sentence of 15 years in state prison if Alarcon is convicted. He was 19 when he was arrested following the alleged incident and is now 20. The indictment follows Alarcon’s initial arrest and arraignment in Febuary. He remains free on bail while the case proceeds and is scheduled to return to court Oct. 14.
Written with the assistance of AI.
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The post New York Man Indicted After Allegedly Pointing Gun at School Bus appeared first on School Transportation News.
The family of an Indiana teenager filed a lawsuit against Amazon after a company delivery driver struck a school bus carrying a high school baseball team and caused serious injury, reported CBS News.
The lawsuit stems from a May 8, 2025, crash involving Shawn Akison and a school bus carrying members of a La Porte County High School baseball team. Akison was working as an Amazon delivery driver when he struck the bus.
Lucas Bradshaw, who was reportedly 17 at the time, was ejected from the school bus during the crash. Attorneys said via the report that he suffered a traumatic brain injury, a brain hemorrhage and a broken arm. He remained in a coma for nearly two months following the collision.
Akison later pleaded guilty to driving under the influence and is serving a sentence related to the crash. Details about the length of his sentence were not provided.
According to the article, the lawsuit alleges Amazon failed to conduct an adequate background check before allowing Akison to drive and permitted him to continue working despite a history of driving and substance abuse-related violations.
Attorneys for Bradshaw’s family said Akison’s criminal record goes back decades and includes driver’s license suspensions and substance abuse-related incidents in Illinois, Wisconsin and Indiana. The lawsuit also alleges Akison had been arrested for heroin possession several months before the school bus crash.
The family argues that a more thorough review of Akison’s history should have prevented him from being placed behind the wheel of a delivery vehicle. The specific damages sought in the lawsuit were not disclosed.
Amazon expressed sympathy for Bradshaw, his family and others affected by the collision but declined to discuss the allegations because the case remains pending, according to local news reporters.
“This was a tragedy, and our hearts are with the families affected as they recover and the entire LaPorte County community,” Amazon said via the article. “Given this is active litigation, we have no further comment.”
Written with the assistance of AI.
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Several dozen people rallied outside the Department of Corrections headquarters in Madison Wednesday, calling for an end to prison overcrowding.
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Another member of the Milwaukee Police Department has been charged with allegedly misusing the department's license plate camera reader system.
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(Illustration by Alex Cochran for Stateline)
Democrats are seizing the mantle of states’ rights to oppose the agenda of President Donald Trump, who has sought to reset Washington’s relationship with the states.
While the party out of federal power has always pushed its agenda in statehouses, Democrats across the country have recently demanded more autonomy for governors and state lawmakers. Liberals, longtime proponents of a stronger central government, are now championing an ideology that evokes odious memories of slavery and segregation.
Many state leaders hope that a renewed focus on federalism could help lower the national political temperature. By shifting more political decisions to the states, they envision a nation less subject to blue-red swings that change the entire course of federal law enforcement, environmental policy and business regulation.
“Otherwise we just end up fighting every four years over red king-blue king,” said Utah state Rep. Ken Ivory, a Republican. “And our entire nation goes entirely one way, and then 180 degrees the other way.”
Ivory said the pendulum swinging is “ripping our nation apart” politically and costing untold dollars as national policy reverses depending on who is in power. He leads Utah’s Federalism Commission, a bipartisan legislative group assessing state-federal boundaries and working to educate leaders across the country on federalism issues.
While he’s been pushing for a smaller federal government and heightened role for the states for years, he said the fiery policy debates in Trump’s second term have given the effort unprecedented momentum.
Last June, California Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom said the White House had violated his state’s sovereignty in deploying the National Guard to Los Angeles without the governor’s consent. In a lawsuit the state ultimately won, California cited arguments made by founding father James Madison in the Federalist Papers calling for ratification of the Constitution more than 200 years ago.
And this winter in Minnesota, Democrats pushed for more state oversight of the federal government after immigration officers killed Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis.
“This is a matter of states’ rights,” said Democratic state Senate leader Erin Murphy. “And while we can’t impact — except for next November – the makeup of Congress, we can impact and bring relief for the people of Minnesota.”
Many of the most high-profile conversations surrounding states rights’ have proven predictably partisan. Yet Democrats and Republicans behind the scenes have been quietly building momentum for a rebalancing of state-federal authority.
Conservative state lawmakers who have long pushed for a smaller federal government are welcoming liberal counterparts to a growing movement underscoring the importance of federalism, the uniquely American system created by the framers of the Constitution to share power between Washington, D.C., and the states.
As the United States celebrates its 250th anniversary, Stateline is exploring how the Trump era is transforming the relationship between the states and the federal government. This article is the third in an occasional series examining the fraught moment and what evolving — and often deteriorating — state-federal ties mean for the country, now and in the future.
In Utah, the Republican House speaker called Rep. Ivory several days after Trump’s 2024 election, noting that even California’s liberal governor was talking about federalism.
“He says, ‘We have the opportunity of our lifetime. … We need to get out and work with other states, get them together,’” Ivory recalled.
“I said, Mr. Speaker, I agree with you. But if Gavin Newsom does something that we believe is state jurisdiction, even if we don’t like the policy, we’ve got to stand with him. And he said, ‘I know,’ and that had never happened before.”
The debate over how much power states should wield is as old as the nation itself: Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson, the forebears of our two-party system, famously argued for larger and smaller federal roles, respectively.
In Trump’s second term, Democrats have leaned on federalism principles as a means of checking federal power, said Troy Smith, a professor of constitutional federalism and director of the Constitutional Federalism Initiative at Utah Valley University in Orem.
The American federalist system is always evolving as states and the federal government tussle over authority and the two parties come in and out of national power. Smith said state governments, namely governors, have grown increasingly partisan since the 1990s. But that may be changing as Republicans and Democrats embrace states’ rights.
“I think we’re in an inflection point now that looks like it has the potential to go in that direction as the states start recognizing they have many things in common that transcends party and cooperation could be to their benefit,” Smith said.
Federalism scholars took note of December’s inaugural meeting of the Assembly of State Legislative Leaders, a bipartisan gathering of lawmakers from 30 states. Though not highly publicized, that group signed off on a 449-word declaration on the importance of states’ ability to legislate independently.
“I think that’s pretty unique and telling in this moment that Republican and Democratic leaders came together and unanimously approved that resolution,” Smith said.
The group of lawmakers has yet to publicize any more meetings and its leader, Ohio’s Republican House Speaker Matt Huffman, declined an interview request.
But New Hampshire House Speaker Sherman Packard, who attended that gathering, said it was clear that concerns over the size and scope of the federal government transcend parties.
“It’s strictly a bipartisan issue,” said Packard, a Republican. “It isn’t an issue that’s dominated by one blue state or one red state. It’s an issue that I think almost every state legislature is dealing with, and red or blue, it’s worth telling the federal government, ‘enough is enough.’”
Tennessee Democratic state Rep. Karen Camper, though, is skeptical that the states will mark meaningful progress during Trump’s term.
“Bipartisan has become a nasty word for this president,” she said. “So it’s going to have to be after he’s gone, because he will kill it. That’s what I’ve seen from this president.”
Camper, the Tennessee state House minority leader, pointed to May’s special legislative session in which the GOP pushed through a controversial congressional redistricting plan. It splits the state’s only majority-Black congressional district in Memphis across three districts, diluting that area’s vote as Republicans attempt to flip the state’s only Democratic-held district.
“Look at what just happened in our state,” Camper said, highlighting Trump’s push for redistricting. “That was a chance for our Republican supermajority to say, ‘We’re not going down this road.’”
Camper is also the chair of the Black Legislative Leaders Network, a national group of Black lawmakers who lead state chambers, caucuses and committees. She said she worries that too much focus on state autonomy could jeopardize important freedoms that were won at the federal level, including civil rights and voting rights.
“So we’re going to be fighting, refighting some of the same stuff, some of the same things that we fought for,” she said. “…We should be protected by these rights, regardless of where we go in this country, but in states’ rights, there’s a chance that you won’t.”
The debate over states’ rights is inextricably tied to race, equality and segregation.
And some Southerners continue to argue that conflicts over states’ rights — rather than slavery — drove secession ahead of the Civil War. Historians, though, note the only significant right under debate at that time was the right to enslave people.
In the Jim Crow era, Southern states continued the siren call of states’ rights as they defended racial segregation and fought civil rights movements.
While the concept can still evoke those deeply divisive times, liberals in recent years have found political value in embracing states’ rights, said Paul Nolette, professor and director of the Les Aspin Center for Government at Marquette University and co-editor of a national academic journal on federalism.
That’s particularly true of Democratic attorneys general, who have been aggressively challenging the White House in the past year with scores of lawsuits over its immigration enforcement efforts, environmental policies and the withholding of federal funds from states.
“If states were just this weak link, then they would be able to do nothing,” Nolette said. “You know, it would just be the federal government getting whatever it wants. But in fact, the states have a lot of tools themselves to push back on the federal government.”
Though the federal government has grown in scope over the decades, Nolette noted, state bureaucracies have also expanded influence. Many federal programs, including the national food stamp program and safety net health insurance, are administered by state governments.
“So the nature of federal policy over the last few decades has actually given states additional powers to have a say in national policy,” he said.
Nick Brown, Washington state’s Democratic attorney general, acknowledged his view of states’ rights has evolved over the years.
Like many others, the phrase to him frequently evoked the Southerners who championed states’ rights in their efforts to oppose racial integration. The state’s first Black attorney general, Brown previously spent years working in the U.S. Department of Justice, a federal agency he admired for its role in pursuing civil rights cases.
But he said the Trump era demands a different role for states as the president continues to flout congressional appropriations and punish political opponents.
“I think certainly we have to look differently at what states’ authorities are in this moment,” he said.
Brown said a heightened focus on states is welcome after years of outsized attention on national politics. That’s because the issues most important to most people — taxes, schools and public safety — are most affected by local policy decisions, he said.
In Utah, state officials are looking to lead a national movement to bring more authority back to the states.
While fears over the Trump administration’s overreach have fueled Democratic interest, Ivory, the Republican representative leading that effort, said the initiative is more focused on governmental structure than politics.
Ivory likened the current federal-state dynamic to a bicycle with a bloated front tire threatening to bust and a back tire so flat it’s about to chew the rubber off the rim.
“Well, the answer is not to get a different rider or a stronger rider or to steer the bike to the left or to the right. It’s to fix the balance in the tires,” he said. “Our structure, our vehicle of government was two spheres with very specific balance, and we haven’t been paying attention to that for a long time.”
This discussion comes naturally in Western states that have for generations feuded with Washington over the proper use and ownership of federal lands. Over 90% of federal lands are located in the West, according to the Congressional Western Caucus, with the federal government owning 1 of every 2 acres.
States are oftentimes too wrapped up in whether we're blue states or red states to really have each other's back.
– Utah state Rep. Jennifer Dailey-Provost, a Democrat
Utah’s commission aims at connecting state lawmakers and agency staff from across the country to better adjudicate federal and state jurisdiction on everything from land management to law enforcement. Ivory said the group would also like to help fill the void left after the 1996 disbandment of the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, an entity that put state and local governments in direct contact with federal agencies.
Utah Democratic state Rep. Jennifer Dailey-Provost acknowledged her initial skepticism of the GOP’s federalism push there because of its historic ties to slavery and segregation.
“I’m pretty liberal,” she said. “Federalism is something that was always viewed, I think for not unjustified reasons, as something that was hostile to equality and equitable outcomes and fairness.”
But after a 90-minute conversation with her Republican colleague, she began to see the value — especially now — of pushing for an expanded role for states. Now a member of the state’s federalism commission, she said she envisions a better structure where states stand together, regardless of party affiliation, to counterbalance the federal government.
“States are oftentimes too wrapped up in whether we’re blue states or red states to really have each other’s back,” she said. “And it’s been hard, politically, to convince a red state like Utah to vocally say blue-state California wants to do things its way, we have to have their back and say that they have the right to do things that way, even if it’s not how we would do things.”
As a member of the political minority in Utah, she acknowledged how difficult that can be. Utah’s Republican party holds all statewide offices and enjoys supermajorities in both legislative chambers. And Dailey-Provost said the state’s LGBTQ+ population has been subjected to “constant attacks” from the GOP there.
Still, she said, she would rather have that debate locally than rely on the federal government to protect those residents.
“So, I don’t like the current policy outcomes, but I see more opportunity to continue to work with communities and try to fix it over time here at the state level,” Dailey-Provost said. “… At least I feel like there’s a path forward at the local level.”
Stateline reporter Kevin Hardy can be reached at khardy@stateline.org. States Newsroom reporter Jonathan Shorman can be reached at jshorman@statesnewsroom.com.
This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Wisconsin Examiner, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.
In 2024, a sheriff’s deputy working for the Outagamie County Sheriff’s Department was forced out for being lousy at his job. But even though the deputy, Cristian Morales, was flagged in the state’s negative separation database, he ended up being hired a few months later by the Menasha Police Department.
Earlier this year, Morales was arrested and accused of stalking an ex-girlfriend using the city’s Flock camera system. He’s now facing criminal charges.
While some folks are suited for the difficult work of being a law enforcement officer, many are not. It’s hardly a controversial statement to say that police, who can arrest people and use force when necessary, should be held to a higher standard than the rest of us.
And yet our reporting at The Badger Project has found that police chiefs and sheriffs in Wisconsin often give these “wandering officers” second or third chances, despite research saying that officers fired or forced out for misconduct are more likely than other cops to reoffend.
At our last count, more than 300 active officers in Wisconsin had been fired or forced out of previous law enforcement jobs. Many of these separations involved novices who couldn’t cut it in a tough job during their probationary period, when the bar for termination is low. But some, we’ve found, lost jobs for misconduct, including drunk driving, writing misleading reports and using sexist and racist language.
In Wisconsin, law enforcement agencies can report to the state DOJ when they fire or force out an officer, so we can track when that cop goes on to get hired by another policing agency. But we are currently unable to track these wandering officers who have been fired or forced out in other states and come to work here because we don’t have a list of all law enforcement officers here.
That’s why The Badger Project, along with our partners at the Invisible Institute, a Chicago-based nonprofit journalism organization, requested the full list of names and work histories from the Wisconsin Department of Justice and sued when it refused.
In April, Dane County Circuit Court Judge Rhonda Lanford ruled in our favor and ordered the DOJ to release the records. She cited a previous state appeals court ruling that said law enforcement officers “necessarily relinquish certain privacy and reputational rights by virtue of the amount of trust society places in them and must be subject to public scrutiny.”
Prominent members of Wisconsin’s law enforcement community have criticized the judge’s ruling, saying it goes too far. An appeal could be coming.
Jim Palmer, executive director of the Wisconsin Professional Police Association, wrote an op-ed saying the release of these records could put officers at “risk of harassment, doxxing and worse.” He said officers’ birthdates are part of the records whose release we are seeking. Not so: While our initial records request asked for birthdates or birth years (to distinguish between officers with the same name), our lawsuit only asked for birth years, not months and days.
The state DOJ raised another objection, saying release of the names would jeopardize undercover officers. But what cop uses his or her real name when working undercover? We did not request photos of the officers.
I salute and thank the men and women in law enforcement who are serving their communities. I don’t envy the chiefs and sheriffs who must staff their agencies at a time when finding good job applicants for law enforcement jobs is as hard as ever.
And you know what? We at The Badger Project are not against second chances for cops who screwed up. Perhaps an officer who made a fireable mistake has learned from it. Whether that officer should continue in law enforcement is not for us to decide. Our job, as journalists, is to shine a light on those in power and get facts to the public who are being policed by these folks.
If chiefs or sheriffs want to hire an officer with problems in the past, they should say so publicly and defend their decision. They just can’t make these decisions in secret.
Your Right to Know is a monthly column distributed by the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council (wisfoic.org), a nonprofit, nonpartisan group dedicated to open government. Peter Cameron is managing editor of The Badger Project, a nonprofit news outlet.
Your Right to Know: Names of police should be public is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
This article was produced by the nonprofit journalism publication Bolts, which covers the nuts and bolts of power and political change, from the local up.
The Dane County Sheriff’s Office will stop using dozens of AI surveillance cameras posted up across Madison and surrounding towns, after the county Board of Supervisors pulled funding from a contract with Flock Safety, the latest setback in this state for the Atlanta-based tech company.
Flock has swiftly grown a sprawling, nationwide network of cameras that photograph passing cars and use AI to track their movements with precision, with thousands of law enforcement agencies installing Flock cameras in exchange for access to the company’s database. But many local governments are now breaking off their agreements with Flock after numerous instances where the cameras were misused and breached, or where the data they collected ended up in ICE’s hands.
Within Dane County, the cascade started when the city of Verona pulled its three automated license plate readers from the Flock network in November, after police officers elsewhere in the country accessed Verona’s cameras on behalf of immigration agents. Bolts previously reported that Flock ignored demands by Verona officials to take down the cameras for months after they ended the contract, and the city eventually covered the surveillance cameras with black plastic bags to protect residents’ privacy. Verona Mayor Luke Diaz told Bolts at the time that the county government’s contract with Flock was “the next big domino” to fall in Wisconsin.
Verona’s representative on the Dane County Board, Supervisor Chad Kemp, then proposed defunding the sheriff’s agreement with Flock, and the board voted 32-1 in April to strip $80,000 from the budget allocated to paying for the cameras. Sheriff Kalvin Barrett’s office confirmed to Bolts via email on April 30 that he will abide by the board’s wishes and cease using Flock.
Other Wisconsin cities have dropped their Flock contracts since Dane County’s vote, including Monona, a suburb of Madison, and Oshkosh, in Winnebago County, where the police chief not just ended the contract but also covered cameras in plastic bags after Flock allegedly misrepresented how its data was used.
Diaz is heartened by this ongoing domino effect that’s rocking Wisconsin. “If police chiefs are bailing on it, that really shows momentum,” he said in a follow-up interview this month. “I feel like, at least politically, it is a sign that we’re winning.”
“It really shows that local activists can make a really big difference,” he said. “Small communities can be laboratories of democracy, and we can stand up to be an example for other communities.”
Now privacy activists are pushing to remove Wisconsin’s remaining Flock cameras, including those operated by the Milwaukee Police Department and by the University of Wisconsin-Madison police.
But beyond targeting any specific Flock contract, they’re also pressuring local officials across the state to set proactive guardrails around AI surveillance technologies.
They hope to stop law enforcement agencies from responding to their wins against Flock by just turning to Flock’s competitors to install similar systems of automated license plate readers (ALPRs).
A spokesperson for the Dane County Sheriff’s Office told Bolts that the office is already exploring other vendors to replace Flock.
Law enforcement agencies often deploy invasive technologies like ALPRs without notifying the people being spied on and without approval from elected officials, said Jon McCray-Jones, a policy analyst with the ACLU of Wisconsin. He warns that, without robust protections limiting what police can do, residents will be “playing a game of Whack-A-Mole with surveillance companies” as police seek lesser-known companies like Motorola.
“We’re starting to miss the forest for the trees, where the conversation has been about how bad Flock is,” McCray-Jones told Bolts. “Sure, the headline changes with a slightly better company. But the innate issues around ALPRs don’t. You still have similar cameras, similar databases, similar mass, warrantless tracking. You just have a different logo on the contract.”
The Dane County sheriff was able to install the Flock system initially without getting approval from the board since it was paid for by a $68,750 grant funded by a separate surveillance company, Axon Enterprise. Axon used to have a partnership with Flock but has since severed it. The sheriff’s spokesperson ruled out seeking outside funding again.
Jade, a Madison resident and privacy advocate who created Deflock Dane, a project that maps the cameras that watch over the area, warns that a new technology could just as easily be installed to replace the Flock cameras without any public input. (Jade agreed to talk using only their first name for privacy concerns.)
“Some regulation has to be put in place,” Jade said. “Reacting to whatever secretive contract is signed in the future might work, but it is not ideal to have a revolving door of surveillance companies.”
In the absence of state restrictions, the ACLU of Wisconsin is advocating for local governments to adopt ordinances that give elected officials oversight over police surveillance. A model policy endorsed by the ACLU called Community Control Over Police Surveillance, or CCOPS, would require law enforcement to get approval from a city council or county commission before using new surveillance tools, as well as develop use policies and provide annual reports on them.
According to the ACLU, 26 jurisdictions nationwide already have a CCOPS ordinance in place, but the city of Madison is the only one in Wisconsin. (Madison police currently have no ALPR contract.) Dane County has no such ordinance, which gives the sheriff a lot more discretion.
Supporters say CCOPS ordinances allow cities to better vet the vendors that are hired, while also allowing residents to weigh in on what level of surveillance and risk they are willing to accept before the technology is used on them. McCray-Jones says elected officials can make informed decisions “instead of having to look into these technologies on their own and after the fact, in the aftermath when the damage is already done.”
But efforts to curtail AI surveillance in this way are hitting a wall in Milwaukee, Wisconsin’s most populous city, which became a cautionary tale for Flock when a police officer repeatedly used the cameras to stalk a romantic partner. The police chief quickly revoked most officers’ access but the city is continuing to use Flock cameras at this time.
In March, four members of the common council wrote a letter calling on the city to adopt a CCOPS policy. They also demanded other checks on surveillance, such as a requirement for officers to list a case number to justify searching the network, routine civilian hearings and independent audits, and a ban on ALPRs being used for immigration.
Even as they push for stronger oversight, though, a 2023 state law known as Act 12 has sharply limited Milwaukee’s ability to regulate police surveillance.
Though primarily a tax bill aimed at stabilizing pension debts, Act 12 forced Milwaukee to abandon civilian oversight in exchange for the funds. It stripped the Milwaukee Fire and Police Commission of its oversight authority, gave the police chief broad control over department policy and restricted the city council’s ability to set new rules.
Until then, the commission had offered a relatively strong model of civilian control, like when it banned officers from using chokeholds and no-knock warrants, putting it in the crosshairs of the local police union. Act 12 made it into a “rubber stamp” for the police.
Several council members told Bolts that Act 12 also interferes with their ability to forbid the Milwaukee Police Department from using Flock cameras, enact a CCOPS policy or set standards for how the city uses surveillance technology.
“We cannot propose that law here,” said Ald. Alex Brower, who cosigned the letter endorsing CCOPS. “It was extremely frustrating to find that out. There is less democratic control than there should be.”
Another council member who signed the letter, Sharlen Moore, echoed Brower’s concern, saying, “We do not have a lot of power and say-so around how they spend their budget.”
Moore and Brower are hopeful that the state could eventually restore some level of outside control over Milwaukee police; voters this fall are electing a new governor and Legislature, and Democrats hope to win control of the state government for the first time since 2010. But until the state takes action, the council members say they’ll have to rely on the police to voluntarily restrict their use of surveillance.
Local activists were able to convince Milwaukee police leadership to ban facial recognition technology this year after a massive show of opposition by residents at a public meeting in February.
Brower told Bolts, “The police chief would not have banned facial recognition technology on his own if it hadn’t been for the groundswell of regular people.”
Now he hopes for a similar public outcry against ALPRs and other AI surveillance. Echoing the Madison-based advocates who say they’ll keep fighting contracts in Dane County, he said, “We need an active and engaged and organized population that is fighting for their liberties.”
Foes of AI surveillance get wins in Wisconsin. But they fear they’re playing Whack-A-Mole. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
Emergency response is non-negotiable safety and security training for student transportation professionals as they are the first line of defense in active-threat situations that take place on the school bus.
The “Elements of School Transportation Active-Threat Response Training” four-hour seminar on Friday, July 10 at STN EXPO West conference will be organized into four distinct sections. It begins with the doctrine of in loco parentis, Latin for “in the place of a parent,” the legal term for assuming the responsibility of a child or minor. In this instance, in loco parentis ensures safety through threat recognition as well as understanding physiological stress responses.
The second part moves to de-escalation training and crisis response, explaining how to address behavioral or emotional triggers with appropriate communication techniques to defuse the situation before it becomes physical.
The third section covers behavioral intelligence. Attendees will learn to train their school bus drivers to recognize their unique placement of observation of student behavior patterns and be alert to areas of concern before an incident occurs.
Part four of the seminar will shed light on quick-threat response, including emergency communication, scenario-based security training and defensive physical intervention.
Attendees will leave the seminar with a realistic and actionable plan to equip their school bus drivers and other student transportation staff with following legal protocol, recognizing warning signs and communicating them before incidents occur, and forming a structured response to cases of violence onboard the school bus.
The seminar is presented School Transportation Active Threat Response Training, or S.T.A.R.T., a program created by veteran Ohio law enforcement officers to train student transportation professionals in the school bus environment to be prepared for emergency situations. The lead presenters will be Jim Levine, founder of S.T.A.R.T., and John Zippay, S.T.A.R.T. co-founder and current program coordinator, along with Kevin Spackman, a S.T.A.R.T senior instructor, and Greg Truhan, former U.S. Secret Service special agent, and S.T.A.R.T program developer and senior training instructor.
All four of the instructors have extensive experience in law enforcement. Levine began his career at the Arlington County Police Department in Virginia and since then has served as a S.W.A.T. instructor as well as a field training officer, co-founded a global security organization near Washington D.C., is certified in active-shooter response techniques as well as through the Ohio Crime Prevention Association in the concepts of CPTED (Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design) and Crisis Intervention Training. Zippay currently serves as full-time police officer for the South Russell Police Department in Ohio alongside Spackman and is also a member of the Ohio School Resource Association and a certified Crisis Intervention Team member.
Save $100 on main conference registration with Early Bird Savings when you act by June 5. The STN EXPO West conference will be held July 9-15 at the Peppermill Resort in Reno, Nevada. Updates to agenda and speaker lists can be found at stnexpo.com/west.
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The post Active-threat Response Training Subject of Opening STN EXPO West Session appeared first on School Transportation News.
Student transportation leaders and society at-large are being asked to rethink how they measure risk at the school bus stop, as a 50-state action plan emerging from a National School Bus Safety Summit late last year calls for a sharper focus on injuries and near-miss collisions caused by illegally passing motorists.
The summit, convened on Dec. 10 by BusPatrol along with the Governors Highway Safety Association (GHSA) and Safe Kids Worldwide, brought together school transportation officials, federal regulators, safety advocates and law enforcement represenatives to examine how often motorists violate school bus stop arms — and what that behavior is really doing to children beyond the worst-case fatalities that make headlines.
BusPatrol operates what is widely regarded as the largest school bus stop-arm camera enforcement network in the U.S. A company official stressed that despite access to a unique trove of video and citation data, independent safety authorities and government agencies must lead on defining the problem and setting policy.
“It’s important that it’s not just the vendors raising the flag,” Justin Meyers, BusPatrol’s president and chief strategy officer, told School Transportation News. “Independent safety authorities and governments need to make these assessments and do this research. We’ll participate to the extent we’re legally allowed, but this can’t be seen as just a company trying to make money.”
The National Action Plan for School Bus Safety authored by GHSA and released Tuesday at an event in Washington, D.C., includes 69 recommendations that seek to move the discussion beyond counting deaths to understanding the broader spectrum of harm and what school district, community, legislative and public safety stakeholders can do about it.
The National Association for Pupil Transportation (NAPT) was among the organizations in attendance at Tuesday’s action plan unveiling. Executive Director and CEO Molly McGee-Hewitt spoke alongside GHSA Executive Director Jonathon Adkins and other dignitaries. NAPT told members in an email Wednesday it is “proud and pleased” to be a part of the national discussion on curbing illegal passing.
Of particular interest to student transporters, NAPT noted the recommendations include urging governors to include school bus safety into their Triennial Highway Safety plans, encouraging school districts to implement school bus stop-arm enforcement programs and training school bus drivers to identify unsafe motorist behaviors.
The action plan recommendations include more serious treatment of illegal passing offenses by judges, increased speed limit enforcement in school zones, implementation of walking school buses, and improving post-crash care.
For years, national conversations have centered on the relatively small number of children killed at the bus stop each year. Historically, more than 1,200 children have died in loading and unloading zones, Meyers noted. According to the annual National School Bus Loading and Unloading Survey, which originated in 1970, most of those fatalities were reported in the first decades of the study based on police reports of school bus incidents. But in the decades since, the annual numbers have fallen to a handful a year, though school buses can be just as responsible for fatalities as illegally passing motorists are, if not more so.
Still, Meyers said that focusing on fatalities alone obscures the scale of risk. He pointed to the estimate by the National Association of State Directors of Pupil Transportation Services (NASDPTS) that 39 million illegal passes of school buses could occur annually. The national action plan noted that figure equates to each school bus in the U.S. being illegally passed once every three days.
“Forty million times a year someone illegally passes a school bus and creates a very dangerous environment for those kids,” Meyers said. “Most of the time, a child isn’t struck. But that doesn’t mean there isn’t harm.”
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Summit participants in December explored a largely unquantified middle ground between fatal crashes and clean stops: Non-fatal injuries that may never be captured in formal crash databases, and near-miss events that inflict lasting psychological trauma on students who narrowly avoid being hit — or witness shocking roadway incidents from inside the bus.
BusPatrol has videos from school bus clients that show a student slip in the roadway as a vehicle brakes inches from their face, or an illegally passing tanker truck runs off the road, flips and rolls over, showering the scene in debris.
“Those kids will forever associate getting on and off the bus with the moment they thought they might be killed,” Meyers said, adding that adults attending the summit recounted traumatic incidents from their own childhoods that still affect them decades later.
The action plan urges policymakers and industry leaders to recognize that these experiences are safety outcomes in their own right, even if they do not result in a recorded fatality or “serious injury” in traditional datasets.
If injuries are hard to count, near misses are even harder. Yet they are central to understanding risk and trauma.
Current national estimates of illegal passing rely heavily on NASDPTS’ annual one-day survey. Approximately 1,000 school bus drivers in three dozen states manually tallied illegal passes in a single day last spring, and NASDPTS extrapolated results for a figure that indicates how many illegal passes could be happening nationwide across a 180-day school year. That approach has proven useful for counting violations, but not for categorizing the severity of risk.
Meyers suggested adding a category for near-misses, a working definition of which could include any incident where a child or caregiver approaching or leaving the bus has their path impeded by a vehicle that should have stopped, including situations where the person must stop short, hurry or run, or physically jump or move out of the way.
He acknowledged that some stakeholders might prefer a narrower definition that focuses solely on more dramatic, evasive actions.
“The real trauma tends to come from the more extreme events,” he said. “A 7-year-old pausing safely at the end of their driveway while a car rolls by at 20 miles an hour is one thing. A child who slips and falls as a car skids to a stop inches from them is another.”
Options already being used or explored include leveraging onboard cameras and integrated analytics to automatically flag incidents, where a vehicle passes during loading or unloading with a child in the roadway or at the curb, and encouraging school districts to develop internal reporting processes for near-miss incidents, whether or not police or medical responders are involved.
Still, any expansion of data collection will have to navigate the same privacy and policy constraints that currently limit broader data sharing.
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One of the central questions raised by the summit and the action plan is how to meaningfully track injuries linked to illegal passing at school bus stops.
Meyers said BusPatrol video cameras are installed on more than 40,000 buses nationwide, a number he added is growing by the month. The company estimates that about 10 percent of the national school bus fleet now operates with some form of stop-arm enforcement camera, including those provided by other vendors.
According to Meyers, 36 states currently have some form of law authorizing automated stop-arm enforcement, with more considering legislation. And several states are actively discussing enabling or expanding stop-arm enforcement authority.
Individual school districts and local agencies see their own violation and incident data. But BusPatrol and other vendors are in a unique position to perceive trends across jurisdictions. That does not mean they can simply publish a national injury and near-miss dataset.
“Each state and each community has their own rules and regulations around the data,” Meyers explained. “Some of it can be shared. In other places, it can’t. In New York, for example, there are significant limits on what can be shared and how.”
Privacy laws, public records rules, contract language and concerns around personally identifiable information all restrict the sharing and aggregation of footage and related records. The result, according to Meyers, is a patchwork.
The action plan effectively calls on federal and state authorities—including GHSA, the National Transportation Safety Board and the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, to lead efforts that would: Clarify how stop-arm cameras and incident data may be used for research and safety analysis, not only enforcement; encourage or authorize states to allow carefully structured data-sharing between vendors, school districts and central repositories; and develop consistent definitions and reporting protocols for bus stop injuries and related outcomes.
Meyers said BusPatrol would welcome participating in such efforts but emphasized that vendors alone should not define the narrative. Instead, the focus should be on solving the problem.
“All we’re really asking is for people to take an extra 15 seconds and stop for the bus,” he said. “They’re big, they’re yellow, they have flashing lights and stop signs. They’re meant to be seen. If we all respect that, we can eliminate a tremendous amount of trauma, injury and death.”
The post Action Plan Puts National Spotlight on Hidden Toll of Illegal Passing appeared first on School Transportation News.
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