Community members have privacy concerns, while others have brought forward worries about the data being used by federal agencies — like Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
The post Wisconsin communities end contracts with surveillance company Flock over privacy, misuse concerns appeared first on WPR.
In 2024, a sheriff’s deputy working for the Outagamie County Sheriff’s Department was forced out for being lousy at his job. But even though the deputy, Cristian Morales, was flagged in the state’s negative separation database, he ended up being hired a few months later by the Menasha Police Department.
Earlier this year, Morales was arrested and accused of stalking an ex-girlfriend using the city’s Flock camera system. He’s now facing criminal charges.
While some folks are suited for the difficult work of being a law enforcement officer, many are not. It’s hardly a controversial statement to say that police, who can arrest people and use force when necessary, should be held to a higher standard than the rest of us.
And yet our reporting at The Badger Project has found that police chiefs and sheriffs in Wisconsin often give these “wandering officers” second or third chances, despite research saying that officers fired or forced out for misconduct are more likely than other cops to reoffend.
At our last count, more than 300 active officers in Wisconsin had been fired or forced out of previous law enforcement jobs. Many of these separations involved novices who couldn’t cut it in a tough job during their probationary period, when the bar for termination is low. But some, we’ve found, lost jobs for misconduct, including drunk driving, writing misleading reports and using sexist and racist language.
In Wisconsin, law enforcement agencies can report to the state DOJ when they fire or force out an officer, so we can track when that cop goes on to get hired by another policing agency. But we are currently unable to track these wandering officers who have been fired or forced out in other states and come to work here because we don’t have a list of all law enforcement officers here.
That’s why The Badger Project, along with our partners at the Invisible Institute, a Chicago-based nonprofit journalism organization, requested the full list of names and work histories from the Wisconsin Department of Justice and sued when it refused.
In April, Dane County Circuit Court Judge Rhonda Lanford ruled in our favor and ordered the DOJ to release the records. She cited a previous state appeals court ruling that said law enforcement officers “necessarily relinquish certain privacy and reputational rights by virtue of the amount of trust society places in them and must be subject to public scrutiny.”
Prominent members of Wisconsin’s law enforcement community have criticized the judge’s ruling, saying it goes too far. An appeal could be coming.
Jim Palmer, executive director of the Wisconsin Professional Police Association, wrote an op-ed saying the release of these records could put officers at “risk of harassment, doxxing and worse.” He said officers’ birthdates are part of the records whose release we are seeking. Not so: While our initial records request asked for birthdates or birth years (to distinguish between officers with the same name), our lawsuit only asked for birth years, not months and days.
The state DOJ raised another objection, saying release of the names would jeopardize undercover officers. But what cop uses his or her real name when working undercover? We did not request photos of the officers.
I salute and thank the men and women in law enforcement who are serving their communities. I don’t envy the chiefs and sheriffs who must staff their agencies at a time when finding good job applicants for law enforcement jobs is as hard as ever.
And you know what? We at The Badger Project are not against second chances for cops who screwed up. Perhaps an officer who made a fireable mistake has learned from it. Whether that officer should continue in law enforcement is not for us to decide. Our job, as journalists, is to shine a light on those in power and get facts to the public who are being policed by these folks.
If chiefs or sheriffs want to hire an officer with problems in the past, they should say so publicly and defend their decision. They just can’t make these decisions in secret.
Your Right to Know is a monthly column distributed by the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council (wisfoic.org), a nonprofit, nonpartisan group dedicated to open government. Peter Cameron is managing editor of The Badger Project, a nonprofit news outlet.
Your Right to Know: Names of police should be public is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
Some Wisconsin communities are cutting ties with Flock Safety, a company that deploys automatic license plate reader cameras.
The post Milwaukee Police updates use of Flock license plate reader system after officer charged with misconduct appeared first on WPR.
This article was produced by the nonprofit journalism publication Bolts, which covers the nuts and bolts of power and political change, from the local up.
The Dane County Sheriff’s Office will stop using dozens of AI surveillance cameras posted up across Madison and surrounding towns, after the county Board of Supervisors pulled funding from a contract with Flock Safety, the latest setback in this state for the Atlanta-based tech company.
Flock has swiftly grown a sprawling, nationwide network of cameras that photograph passing cars and use AI to track their movements with precision, with thousands of law enforcement agencies installing Flock cameras in exchange for access to the company’s database. But many local governments are now breaking off their agreements with Flock after numerous instances where the cameras were misused and breached, or where the data they collected ended up in ICE’s hands.
Within Dane County, the cascade started when the city of Verona pulled its three automated license plate readers from the Flock network in November, after police officers elsewhere in the country accessed Verona’s cameras on behalf of immigration agents. Bolts previously reported that Flock ignored demands by Verona officials to take down the cameras for months after they ended the contract, and the city eventually covered the surveillance cameras with black plastic bags to protect residents’ privacy. Verona Mayor Luke Diaz told Bolts at the time that the county government’s contract with Flock was “the next big domino” to fall in Wisconsin.
Verona’s representative on the Dane County Board, Supervisor Chad Kemp, then proposed defunding the sheriff’s agreement with Flock, and the board voted 32-1 in April to strip $80,000 from the budget allocated to paying for the cameras. Sheriff Kalvin Barrett’s office confirmed to Bolts via email on April 30 that he will abide by the board’s wishes and cease using Flock.
Other Wisconsin cities have dropped their Flock contracts since Dane County’s vote, including Monona, a suburb of Madison, and Oshkosh, in Winnebago County, where the police chief not just ended the contract but also covered cameras in plastic bags after Flock allegedly misrepresented how its data was used.
Diaz is heartened by this ongoing domino effect that’s rocking Wisconsin. “If police chiefs are bailing on it, that really shows momentum,” he said in a follow-up interview this month. “I feel like, at least politically, it is a sign that we’re winning.”
“It really shows that local activists can make a really big difference,” he said. “Small communities can be laboratories of democracy, and we can stand up to be an example for other communities.”
Now privacy activists are pushing to remove Wisconsin’s remaining Flock cameras, including those operated by the Milwaukee Police Department and by the University of Wisconsin-Madison police.
But beyond targeting any specific Flock contract, they’re also pressuring local officials across the state to set proactive guardrails around AI surveillance technologies.
They hope to stop law enforcement agencies from responding to their wins against Flock by just turning to Flock’s competitors to install similar systems of automated license plate readers (ALPRs).
A spokesperson for the Dane County Sheriff’s Office told Bolts that the office is already exploring other vendors to replace Flock.
Law enforcement agencies often deploy invasive technologies like ALPRs without notifying the people being spied on and without approval from elected officials, said Jon McCray-Jones, a policy analyst with the ACLU of Wisconsin. He warns that, without robust protections limiting what police can do, residents will be “playing a game of Whack-A-Mole with surveillance companies” as police seek lesser-known companies like Motorola.
“We’re starting to miss the forest for the trees, where the conversation has been about how bad Flock is,” McCray-Jones told Bolts. “Sure, the headline changes with a slightly better company. But the innate issues around ALPRs don’t. You still have similar cameras, similar databases, similar mass, warrantless tracking. You just have a different logo on the contract.”
The Dane County sheriff was able to install the Flock system initially without getting approval from the board since it was paid for by a $68,750 grant funded by a separate surveillance company, Axon Enterprise. Axon used to have a partnership with Flock but has since severed it. The sheriff’s spokesperson ruled out seeking outside funding again.
Jade, a Madison resident and privacy advocate who created Deflock Dane, a project that maps the cameras that watch over the area, warns that a new technology could just as easily be installed to replace the Flock cameras without any public input. (Jade agreed to talk using only their first name for privacy concerns.)
“Some regulation has to be put in place,” Jade said. “Reacting to whatever secretive contract is signed in the future might work, but it is not ideal to have a revolving door of surveillance companies.”
In the absence of state restrictions, the ACLU of Wisconsin is advocating for local governments to adopt ordinances that give elected officials oversight over police surveillance. A model policy endorsed by the ACLU called Community Control Over Police Surveillance, or CCOPS, would require law enforcement to get approval from a city council or county commission before using new surveillance tools, as well as develop use policies and provide annual reports on them.
According to the ACLU, 26 jurisdictions nationwide already have a CCOPS ordinance in place, but the city of Madison is the only one in Wisconsin. (Madison police currently have no ALPR contract.) Dane County has no such ordinance, which gives the sheriff a lot more discretion.
Supporters say CCOPS ordinances allow cities to better vet the vendors that are hired, while also allowing residents to weigh in on what level of surveillance and risk they are willing to accept before the technology is used on them. McCray-Jones says elected officials can make informed decisions “instead of having to look into these technologies on their own and after the fact, in the aftermath when the damage is already done.”
But efforts to curtail AI surveillance in this way are hitting a wall in Milwaukee, Wisconsin’s most populous city, which became a cautionary tale for Flock when a police officer repeatedly used the cameras to stalk a romantic partner. The police chief quickly revoked most officers’ access but the city is continuing to use Flock cameras at this time.
In March, four members of the common council wrote a letter calling on the city to adopt a CCOPS policy. They also demanded other checks on surveillance, such as a requirement for officers to list a case number to justify searching the network, routine civilian hearings and independent audits, and a ban on ALPRs being used for immigration.
Even as they push for stronger oversight, though, a 2023 state law known as Act 12 has sharply limited Milwaukee’s ability to regulate police surveillance.
Though primarily a tax bill aimed at stabilizing pension debts, Act 12 forced Milwaukee to abandon civilian oversight in exchange for the funds. It stripped the Milwaukee Fire and Police Commission of its oversight authority, gave the police chief broad control over department policy and restricted the city council’s ability to set new rules.
Until then, the commission had offered a relatively strong model of civilian control, like when it banned officers from using chokeholds and no-knock warrants, putting it in the crosshairs of the local police union. Act 12 made it into a “rubber stamp” for the police.
Several council members told Bolts that Act 12 also interferes with their ability to forbid the Milwaukee Police Department from using Flock cameras, enact a CCOPS policy or set standards for how the city uses surveillance technology.
“We cannot propose that law here,” said Ald. Alex Brower, who cosigned the letter endorsing CCOPS. “It was extremely frustrating to find that out. There is less democratic control than there should be.”
Another council member who signed the letter, Sharlen Moore, echoed Brower’s concern, saying, “We do not have a lot of power and say-so around how they spend their budget.”
Moore and Brower are hopeful that the state could eventually restore some level of outside control over Milwaukee police; voters this fall are electing a new governor and Legislature, and Democrats hope to win control of the state government for the first time since 2010. But until the state takes action, the council members say they’ll have to rely on the police to voluntarily restrict their use of surveillance.
Local activists were able to convince Milwaukee police leadership to ban facial recognition technology this year after a massive show of opposition by residents at a public meeting in February.
Brower told Bolts, “The police chief would not have banned facial recognition technology on his own if it hadn’t been for the groundswell of regular people.”
Now he hopes for a similar public outcry against ALPRs and other AI surveillance. Echoing the Madison-based advocates who say they’ll keep fighting contracts in Dane County, he said, “We need an active and engaged and organized population that is fighting for their liberties.”
Foes of AI surveillance get wins in Wisconsin. But they fear they’re playing Whack-A-Mole. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.
The grieving mother of a man shot and killed by a Superior police officer last month told the city’s police chief her son didn’t deserve to die during an update on recent shootings.
The post Family of man killed demands answers during update on recent Superior police shootings appeared first on WPR.
The Wisconsin-based YouTube channel Code Blue Cam has more than 3 million subscribers and 1.15 billion total views.
The post A Wisconsin YouTube channel makes big money from police body cam videos. Is it educational? appeared first on WPR.
Canines Grainger and Moose sniff out electronic storage devices that hold child exploitation materials.
The post Wisconsin DOJ using specialized canines to help investigate internet crimes against children appeared first on WPR.
The Wauwatosa Police Department (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)
A Dane County Circuit Court judge ordered the Wisconsin Department of Justice to release its list of about 16,000 law enforcement officers certified in the state.
The lawsuit was brought by media outlets the Badger Project and Invisible Institute. Police officers in Wisconsin are required to be certified by the state’s Law Enforcement Standards Board. The DOJ has previously released partial versions of the list, arguing that the full database could compromise the identity of officers working undercover.
Both outlets have frequently written about “wandering cops” who leave departments due to misconduct or abuse only to be hired by another agency. The DOJ list includes a record of cops being fired or resigning in lieu of termination.
Judge Rhonda Lanford ruled on Tuesday that the DOJ’s argument against releasing the list went against the state’s open records law.
“When responding to records requests, there is a strong presumption of openness and liberal access to public records,” she wrote. “[T]he DOJ has not met its burden to show that this is an ‘exceptional case’ warranting nondisclosure.” The judge concluded that DOJ’s denial “was not the product of a genuine, case-by-case balancing analysis, but rather a habitual denial based on [its] past inability to garner compliance from local agencies.”
Lanford noted that law enforcement officers hold a public position and therefore “necessarily relinquish certain privacy and reputational rights by virtue of the amount of trust society places in them and must be subject to public scrutiny.”
Tom Kamenick, the lead attorney in the lawsuit and founder of the Wisconsin Transparency Institute, said the decision was a win for transparency in Wisconsin government and the requirement that officials must prove real risk of harm when denying an open records request.
“Courts have ruled time and time again that speculative fears of harm do not justify withholding government records from the public,” Kamenick said in a statement. “Government officials must do more than merely claim that, hypothetically, something bad might happen if the records are released. Rather, they must show that harm is likely to occur and is sufficiently serious to overcome the presumption of access to government records. DOJ could not do that here.”
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Republican state Sen. Jesse James has been named as the next police chief of the Chippewa County village of Lake Hallie. The appointment comes two weeks after James announced he was dropping his Senate campaign, which complicated the GOP's efforts to defend a slim majority in the chamber.
The post Outgoing GOP Sen. Jesse James appointed Lake Hallie police chief appeared first on WPR.
The racial disparities within Wisconsin's prison system are some of the starkest in the nation, according to a new report by a public policy think tank.
The post Report: Racial disparities in Wisconsin prisons among the nation’s highest appeared first on WPR.
Emergency response is non-negotiable safety and security training for student transportation professionals as they are the first line of defense in active-threat situations that take place on the school bus.
The “Elements of School Transportation Active-Threat Response Training” four-hour seminar on Friday, July 10 at STN EXPO West conference will be organized into four distinct sections. It begins with the doctrine of in loco parentis, Latin for “in the place of a parent,” the legal term for assuming the responsibility of a child or minor. In this instance, in loco parentis ensures safety through threat recognition as well as understanding physiological stress responses.
The second part moves to de-escalation training and crisis response, explaining how to address behavioral or emotional triggers with appropriate communication techniques to defuse the situation before it becomes physical.
The third section covers behavioral intelligence. Attendees will learn to train their school bus drivers to recognize their unique placement of observation of student behavior patterns and be alert to areas of concern before an incident occurs.
Part four of the seminar will shed light on quick-threat response, including emergency communication, scenario-based security training and defensive physical intervention.
Attendees will leave the seminar with a realistic and actionable plan to equip their school bus drivers and other student transportation staff with following legal protocol, recognizing warning signs and communicating them before incidents occur, and forming a structured response to cases of violence onboard the school bus.
The seminar is presented School Transportation Active Threat Response Training, or S.T.A.R.T., a program created by veteran Ohio law enforcement officers to train student transportation professionals in the school bus environment to be prepared for emergency situations. The lead presenters will be Jim Levine, founder of S.T.A.R.T., and John Zippay, S.T.A.R.T. co-founder and current program coordinator, along with Kevin Spackman, a S.T.A.R.T senior instructor, and Greg Truhan, former U.S. Secret Service special agent, and S.T.A.R.T program developer and senior training instructor.
All four of the instructors have extensive experience in law enforcement. Levine began his career at the Arlington County Police Department in Virginia and since then has served as a S.W.A.T. instructor as well as a field training officer, co-founded a global security organization near Washington D.C., is certified in active-shooter response techniques as well as through the Ohio Crime Prevention Association in the concepts of CPTED (Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design) and Crisis Intervention Training. Zippay currently serves as full-time police officer for the South Russell Police Department in Ohio alongside Spackman and is also a member of the Ohio School Resource Association and a certified Crisis Intervention Team member.
Save $100 on main conference registration with Early Bird Savings when you act by June 5. The STN EXPO West conference will be held July 9-15 at the Peppermill Resort in Reno, Nevada. Updates to agenda and speaker lists can be found at stnexpo.com/west.
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The post Active-threat Response Training Subject of Opening STN EXPO West Session appeared first on School Transportation News.
Family and friends of a man who was shot and killed Tuesday by a Superior police officer demanded justice during a protest outside the Douglas County Courthouse Monday.
The post Family and friends of man shot and killed by Superior officer demand justice appeared first on WPR.
Student transportation leaders and society at-large are being asked to rethink how they measure risk at the school bus stop, as a 50-state action plan emerging from a National School Bus Safety Summit late last year calls for a sharper focus on injuries and near-miss collisions caused by illegally passing motorists.
The summit, convened on Dec. 10 by BusPatrol along with the Governors Highway Safety Association (GHSA) and Safe Kids Worldwide, brought together school transportation officials, federal regulators, safety advocates and law enforcement represenatives to examine how often motorists violate school bus stop arms — and what that behavior is really doing to children beyond the worst-case fatalities that make headlines.
BusPatrol operates what is widely regarded as the largest school bus stop-arm camera enforcement network in the U.S. A company official stressed that despite access to a unique trove of video and citation data, independent safety authorities and government agencies must lead on defining the problem and setting policy.
“It’s important that it’s not just the vendors raising the flag,” Justin Meyers, BusPatrol’s president and chief strategy officer, told School Transportation News. “Independent safety authorities and governments need to make these assessments and do this research. We’ll participate to the extent we’re legally allowed, but this can’t be seen as just a company trying to make money.”
The National Action Plan for School Bus Safety authored by GHSA and released Tuesday at an event in Washington, D.C., includes 69 recommendations that seek to move the discussion beyond counting deaths to understanding the broader spectrum of harm and what school district, community, legislative and public safety stakeholders can do about it.
The National Association for Pupil Transportation (NAPT) was among the organizations in attendance at Tuesday’s action plan unveiling. Executive Director and CEO Molly McGee-Hewitt spoke alongside GHSA Executive Director Jonathon Adkins and other dignitaries. NAPT told members in an email Wednesday it is “proud and pleased” to be a part of the national discussion on curbing illegal passing.
Of particular interest to student transporters, NAPT noted the recommendations include urging governors to include school bus safety into their Triennial Highway Safety plans, encouraging school districts to implement school bus stop-arm enforcement programs and training school bus drivers to identify unsafe motorist behaviors.
The action plan recommendations include more serious treatment of illegal passing offenses by judges, increased speed limit enforcement in school zones, implementation of walking school buses, and improving post-crash care.
For years, national conversations have centered on the relatively small number of children killed at the bus stop each year. Historically, more than 1,200 children have died in loading and unloading zones, Meyers noted. According to the annual National School Bus Loading and Unloading Survey, which originated in 1970, most of those fatalities were reported in the first decades of the study based on police reports of school bus incidents. But in the decades since, the annual numbers have fallen to a handful a year, though school buses can be just as responsible for fatalities as illegally passing motorists are, if not more so.
Still, Meyers said that focusing on fatalities alone obscures the scale of risk. He pointed to the estimate by the National Association of State Directors of Pupil Transportation Services (NASDPTS) that 39 million illegal passes of school buses could occur annually. The national action plan noted that figure equates to each school bus in the U.S. being illegally passed once every three days.
“Forty million times a year someone illegally passes a school bus and creates a very dangerous environment for those kids,” Meyers said. “Most of the time, a child isn’t struck. But that doesn’t mean there isn’t harm.”
Blog: A Unique Gathering and a Cry for Help
Summit participants in December explored a largely unquantified middle ground between fatal crashes and clean stops: Non-fatal injuries that may never be captured in formal crash databases, and near-miss events that inflict lasting psychological trauma on students who narrowly avoid being hit — or witness shocking roadway incidents from inside the bus.
BusPatrol has videos from school bus clients that show a student slip in the roadway as a vehicle brakes inches from their face, or an illegally passing tanker truck runs off the road, flips and rolls over, showering the scene in debris.
“Those kids will forever associate getting on and off the bus with the moment they thought they might be killed,” Meyers said, adding that adults attending the summit recounted traumatic incidents from their own childhoods that still affect them decades later.
The action plan urges policymakers and industry leaders to recognize that these experiences are safety outcomes in their own right, even if they do not result in a recorded fatality or “serious injury” in traditional datasets.
If injuries are hard to count, near misses are even harder. Yet they are central to understanding risk and trauma.
Current national estimates of illegal passing rely heavily on NASDPTS’ annual one-day survey. Approximately 1,000 school bus drivers in three dozen states manually tallied illegal passes in a single day last spring, and NASDPTS extrapolated results for a figure that indicates how many illegal passes could be happening nationwide across a 180-day school year. That approach has proven useful for counting violations, but not for categorizing the severity of risk.
Meyers suggested adding a category for near-misses, a working definition of which could include any incident where a child or caregiver approaching or leaving the bus has their path impeded by a vehicle that should have stopped, including situations where the person must stop short, hurry or run, or physically jump or move out of the way.
He acknowledged that some stakeholders might prefer a narrower definition that focuses solely on more dramatic, evasive actions.
“The real trauma tends to come from the more extreme events,” he said. “A 7-year-old pausing safely at the end of their driveway while a car rolls by at 20 miles an hour is one thing. A child who slips and falls as a car skids to a stop inches from them is another.”
Options already being used or explored include leveraging onboard cameras and integrated analytics to automatically flag incidents, where a vehicle passes during loading or unloading with a child in the roadway or at the curb, and encouraging school districts to develop internal reporting processes for near-miss incidents, whether or not police or medical responders are involved.
Still, any expansion of data collection will have to navigate the same privacy and policy constraints that currently limit broader data sharing.
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One of the central questions raised by the summit and the action plan is how to meaningfully track injuries linked to illegal passing at school bus stops.
Meyers said BusPatrol video cameras are installed on more than 40,000 buses nationwide, a number he added is growing by the month. The company estimates that about 10 percent of the national school bus fleet now operates with some form of stop-arm enforcement camera, including those provided by other vendors.
According to Meyers, 36 states currently have some form of law authorizing automated stop-arm enforcement, with more considering legislation. And several states are actively discussing enabling or expanding stop-arm enforcement authority.
Individual school districts and local agencies see their own violation and incident data. But BusPatrol and other vendors are in a unique position to perceive trends across jurisdictions. That does not mean they can simply publish a national injury and near-miss dataset.
“Each state and each community has their own rules and regulations around the data,” Meyers explained. “Some of it can be shared. In other places, it can’t. In New York, for example, there are significant limits on what can be shared and how.”
Privacy laws, public records rules, contract language and concerns around personally identifiable information all restrict the sharing and aggregation of footage and related records. The result, according to Meyers, is a patchwork.
The action plan effectively calls on federal and state authorities—including GHSA, the National Transportation Safety Board and the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, to lead efforts that would: Clarify how stop-arm cameras and incident data may be used for research and safety analysis, not only enforcement; encourage or authorize states to allow carefully structured data-sharing between vendors, school districts and central repositories; and develop consistent definitions and reporting protocols for bus stop injuries and related outcomes.
Meyers said BusPatrol would welcome participating in such efforts but emphasized that vendors alone should not define the narrative. Instead, the focus should be on solving the problem.
“All we’re really asking is for people to take an extra 15 seconds and stop for the bus,” he said. “They’re big, they’re yellow, they have flashing lights and stop signs. They’re meant to be seen. If we all respect that, we can eliminate a tremendous amount of trauma, injury and death.”
The post Action Plan Puts National Spotlight on Hidden Toll of Illegal Passing appeared first on School Transportation News.
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