RICHMOND, Va. – According to a recent nationwide survey conducted by the nonprofit Propane Education & Research Council (PERC), 87 percent of parents and K-12 educators say it’s important that their children get to and from school in low-emissions school buses. The survey asked respondents about their awareness and attitudes toward school bus emissions and alternative fuels like propane, and the results illustrate the overwhelming demand for cleaner school buses.

However, that desire doesn’t match reality as most students still ride to school on diesel buses despite nationwide programs to fund cleaner transportation options. A June 2025 report from the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) found that, while billions in federal funding have been committed to electric and other alternative-fuel buses, many of those buses remain delayed in deployment — often due to charging infrastructure and delivery challenges  keeping older, higher-polluting diesel buses on the road longer.

Diesel exhaust is a known carcinogen that causes lung cancer and increases the risk of bladder cancer. With propane school buses, that risk is eliminated. In fact, propane school buses reduce harmful nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions by up to 96 percent compared with diesel and emit near-zero particulate matter (PM) emissions. Both NOx and PM emissions are known triggers for issues like asthma, bronchitis, and other respiratory problems, according to the Environmental Protection Agency.

“Every child deserves a safe, clean, healthy ride to school,” said Joel Stutheit, senior manager of autogas business development at PERC. “The way children ride to school today is like how I rode to school – in an aging, dirty diesel bus. Parents will remember that cloud of black smoke from the exhaust pipe, the smell of the diesel, the headaches, and the noise. With propane, all of that is gone, so children arrive safely and ready to learn.”

While 76 percent of parents agreed that the biggest benefit of low emissions buses is cleaner air for children, the survey results indicated that parents didn’t want to use funding from other academic areas to pay for cleaner transportation. Propane school buses address this issue as an affordable option that costs marginally more than a diesel bus but can reduce operating costs by half. Compared with electric school buses, propane buses cost one-third the price, allowing districts to replace their aging diesel fleet three times faster.

“I am often asked, ‘what about electric buses?’”, Stutheit said. “While electric buses may not have tailpipe emissions, we need to remember that 65 percent of the grid is still powered by coal and other fossil fuels emissions are generated when those buses charge. There is no such thing as a zero-emissions vehicle. And when you compare the full lifecycle emissions, propane buses hold their own as a clean energy and at an affordable cost to replace diesel buses and reduce emissions more quickly.”

Currently, 1.1 million children across the country ride to school every day in 22,000 propane autogas school buses. Those buses operate in more than 1,000 school districts in 48 states.

Once presented with the facts that propane school buses reduce emissions while saving school districts money, 90 percent of parents surveyed said they would be at least somewhat likely to support their use. Parents and educators who are interested in learning more on how to talk to their school district about adopting clean propane school buses can visit BetterOurBuses.com.

About PERC: The Propane Education & Research Council is a nonprofit that provides leading propane safety and training programs and invests in research and development of new propane-powered technologies. PERC is operated and funded by the propane industry. For more information, visit Propane.com.

The post Survey Shows 87% of Parents Support Low-Emissions School Buses, Yet Diesel Dominates appeared first on School Transportation News.

A West Virginia school bus driver convicted of DUI after the vehicle he was driving rolled over, crashed and injured more than a dozen students last year, faces a severe sentence, reported WCHS News.

According to the news report, 54-year-old Jeffrey Brannon, was sentenced on Thursday after entering a guilty plea to three counts of DUI causing bodily injury and 16 counts of child neglect, creating a risk of serious bodily injury or death.

Judge Anita Harold Ashley reportedly sentenced Brannon to 22 to 110 years in prison, with each of the sentences for each victim to be served consecutively.

The March 2024 rollover crash occurred along South Calhoun Highway, hospitalizing 19 students who were participating in after-school programming. State Police said via the article that Brannon’s blood alcohol level was recorded at .127 percent over three times the legal limit of .04 percent for commercial driver’s license holders.

One of the injured students, Kevin Wilson who was 14-years-old at the time of the crash, had his leg amputated due to severe injuries. Several students who were on board the bus at the time of the incident and family members of those injured, spoke at the sentencing hearing.

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Related: West Virginia School Bus Driver Indicted For DUI
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Related: Missouri School Bus Driver Arrested for DUI
Related: Minnesota School Bus Driver Arrested for Alleged DUI

The post West Virginia School Bus Driver Faces Sentence After DUI Crash appeared first on School Transportation News.

A trailblazing regional greenhouse gas partnership on the East Coast is considering possible changes or expansion that would allow it to keep building on its success — and the stakes grew higher last month with the reelection of Donald Trump.

The 11-state Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, established in 2005, is the country’s first regional cap-and-invest system for reducing carbon emissions from power generation. Since 2021, administrators have been conducting a program review, analyzing its performance since the last review in 2017 and weighing potential adjustments to make sure it continues to deliver benefits to member states.

The role of such programs is more crucial as Trump’s pledges to roll back federal climate action leaves it up to cities, states, and the private sector to maintain the country’s momentum on clean energy over the next four years. In RGGI, as the regional initiative is known, states have a potential model for scaling their impact through collaboration. 

“RGGI has not only been an effective climate policy, it’s been an extraordinary example of how states can work together on common goals,” said Daniel Sosland, president of climate and energy nonprofit Acadia Center. “It is a major vehicle for climate policy now in the states, more than it might have seemed before the election.” 

How RGGI works

RGGI sets a cap for total power plant carbon emissions among member states. Individual generators must then buy allowances from the state, up to the total cap, for each ton of carbon dioxide they produce in a year. The cap lowers over time, forcing power plants to either reduce emissions or pay more to buy allowances from a shrinking pool.

States then reinvest the proceeds from these auctions into programs that further reduce emissions and help energy customers, including energy efficiency initiatives, direct bill assistance, and renewable energy projects. Since 2008, RGGI has generated $8.3 billion for participating states, and carbon dioxide emissions from power generation in the nine states that have consistently participated fell by about half between 2008 and 2021, a considerably faster rate than the rest of the country. 

“It has really thrived and been really effective across multiple administrations,” said Jackson Morris, state power sector director with the Natural Resources Defense Council. “RGGI is a winning model. It’s not theoretical — we’ve got numbers.”

Currently, Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Vermont are part of the program. Virginia joined RGGI in 2021, but in 2023 Gov. Glenn Youngkin repealed the state’s participation, a move immediately challenged in court; a judge ruled last month that the governor lacked the authority to withdraw the state from initiative, though a spokesman for the governor has declared the state’s intention to appeal. 

There is widespread agreement that RGGI will endure despite likely federal hostility to climate measures. There was no attempt to take direct action against it during Trump’s first term, nor has there been any concerted industry opposition, said Conservation Law Foundation president Bradley Campbell, who was involved in the founding of RGGI when he was commissioner of the New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection.

Supporters also note that the program has historically had broad bipartisan support: Participating states have been led through the years by both Republican and Democratic governors and legislatures. 

Politics has had some influence over the years, though only at the margins. New Jersey, a founding member of RGGI, left in 2011 when Chris Christie was governor, but returned in 2020 following an executive order from his successor. Pennsylvania joined in 2022 through an executive order from the governor, but its participation is now being challenged in court. 

Still, RGGI’s foundations are solid and will remain so, experts said. 

“The basic infrastructure has weathered the political winds over the decades,” Campbell said.

Looking forward

Nonetheless, RGGI will need to make some carefully thought-out program design decisions during its current review to make an impact in the face of falling federal support for decarbonization. 

One question under consideration is whether to maintain the existing trajectory for the overall emissions cap for the program — a reduction of 30% between 2020 and 2030, then holding steady thereafter — or to continue lowering the limit after 2030. 

The RGGI states are also contemplating a possible change to the compliance schedule that would require power generators to acquire allowances worth 100% of their carbon emissions each year, and certify compliance annually. The current system calls for certification every three years, and only mandates allowances equivalent to half of carbon emissions for the first two years of each period.

The program is looking for ways to appeal to potential new participant states that have less aggressive decarbonization goals than current member states without watering down the program’s overall impact on decarbonization, said Acadia Center policy analyst Paola Tamayo. Acadia suggested possible program mechanisms such as giving proportionately more allowances to states with more stringent emissions targets to incentivize tighter limits.

“At this point it is critical for states to maintain a high level of ambition when it comes to programs like RGGI,” Tamayo said. “There are different mechanisms that they can implement to accommodate other states.”

The program review is expected to yield a model rule some time over the winter, though updates may be made into the spring as the RGGI states receive and consider feedback on how to accommodate potential new participants.  

States will also need to maintain and strengthen their own climate policies to magnify the impact of RGGI, Campbell said. He pointed to Massachusetts, where Gov. Maura Healey needs to show “bolder leadership,” he said, and Maine and Vermont, where the Conservation Law Foundation has filed lawsuits in an attempt to compel the states to meet their own carbon reduction deadlines. 

“It’s especially important that the states that have strong emissions reduction mandates speed up the implementation of their climate laws,” he said. “State leadership on these issues is going to be more important than ever.”

As climate focus shifts to states, East Coast partnership offers model for multi-state collaboration is an article from Energy News Network, a nonprofit news service covering the clean energy transition. If you would like to support us please make a donation.