Black students at Milwaukee Area Technical College have regularly received the most funds through the state's Minority Undergraduate Retention Grant program. (Photo Courtesy of MATC)

A Wisconsin Court of Appeals ruled Wednesday that a grant program run by the Wisconsin Higher Education Aids Board (HEAB) to provide scholarships to students of certain minority groups is unconstitutional. 

The 2nd District Court of Appeals cited a 2023 U.S. Supreme Court decision in its ruling that found the program discriminates based on race. 

A group of families, represented by the right-wing Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), sued the HEAB in 2021 to end the minority grant program. The program, established in 1985, targets student aid at students who are Black, Hispanic, Native American and immigrants or descendants of immigrants from Laos, Vietnam or Cambodia following the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. Students receive between $250 and $2,500 in aid. The program goes to students in Wisconsin’s technical colleges, private universities and tribal colleges. The UW System operates a similar program for its students.

In the 2021-22 academic year, $819,000 was given out through the program. 

In 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President & Fellows of Harvard College (SFFA) that race-based affirmative action programs in college admissions are unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment. 

“SFFA completely cut the legs out from under HEAB’s originally asserted government interest of student body diversity,” the Court of Appeals wrote. “But HEAB also does not meet its burden to show that its revised post-SFFA asserted government interest of increasing retention/graduation rates of students in the preferred groups, and relatedly reducing the disparity in retention/graduation rates between students from those groups and students from nonpreferred groups, is a compelling interest.” 

In a statement, WILL deputy counsel Dan Lennington said the ruling helps the state reach “true equality.” 

“The appellate judges agreed with WILL that the state of Wisconsin can offer aid based on need, income level, or personal hardships — but not race,” Lennington said. “Their comprehensive decision marks a turning point in the fight for true equality for both our state and country.”

After the Supreme Court ruled in SFFA, Wisconsin legislative leaders said they’d take aim at race-based scholarships like the minority grant program. While a legislative change would likely have been vetoed by Gov. Tony Evers, a Wisconsin Examiner analysis found that the money in the program largely went to Black students at Milwaukee Area Technical College.

With less than two years remaining before school districts in New York are required to purchase only electric school buses, Gov. Kathy Hochul said she is open to delaying the mandate because of increasing challenges.

During a press conference on Wednesday, Hochul was asked by News10NBC if she is considering delaying the law she signed in April 2022.

“Absolutely,” Hochul responded. “We’ve been having many conversations about it. This is, aspirationally, we want this to happen. We also have to take into consideration that their circumstances have changed since this went into law.”

One of the circumstances she noted was the current inability of some school districts to acquire electric school buses, not to mention in 2027. She noted that already $500 million exists in a larger $4.2 billion environmental bond act to alleviate the costs of electric school buses and to help local school districts with the transition.

Related: 79-Year-Old, 9-Year-Old Struck by School Bus in New York
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Related: $100M Available for New York Zero-Emissions School Buses as Deadline Nears

“This is not going to be a hard and fast rule because we have to deal with the realities that these school districts are facing,” she Hochul added.

There is already legislation, introduced on Jan. 24, that would alleviate some of the pressure. New York Senate Bill 3328 would authorize school districts to submit an opt-out waiver to the commissioner of education. Authorized districts would receive a permanent exemption from the mandate of zero-emission school buses. A bill died last year would have replaced the electric school bus mandate with a feasibility study.

The law already includes a one-time extension that would allow districts to be granted an additional two years to comply with the 2035 deadline of having fully electric fleets.

The post New York Gov. Hochul Open to Extending Electric School Bus Mandate appeared first on School Transportation News.

This story was originally published by ProPublica.

A blender, still in its box, won at a grocery store raffle. Framed photos from a child’s birthday party. A rabbit-hair felt sombrero and a pair of brown leather boots that cost more than half a week’s pay.

Box by box, the Nicaraguans who milk the cows and clean the pens on Wisconsin’s dairy farms, who wash dishes at its restaurants and fill lines on its factory floors, are sending home their most prized possessions, bracing for the impact of President Donald Trump’s mass deportations.

In the contents of the boxes is a portrait of a community under pressure. The Nicaraguans are as consumed as everyone else by the unfolding of Trump 2.0, wondering whether the bluster about deporting millions of people, most of whom live quiet lives far from the southern border, is going to mean anything in the Wisconsin towns where they’ve settled. For now, many are staying in their homes, behind drawn curtains, trying to be as inconspicuous as possible as they travel to and from work or pick up their kids from school. Few have given up on their lives in America, but they’re realistic about what may be coming. Methodically, they have begun packing their most cherished belongings into boxes and barrels and shipping them to relatives back in Nicaragua, ahead of their own anticipated deportations.

“We don’t have much, but what we do have is important,” said Joaquín, the man with the love of western boots and sombreros. He’s 35 years old and has worked over the last three years as a cook at the restaurant below his apartment. “We have worked so hard and sacrificed so much in order to acquire these things,” he added.

The packing is happening all across Wisconsin, a state that in recent years has become a top destination for Nicaraguans who say they are fleeing poverty and government repression. And it is happening among immigrants of varying legal statuses. There are the undocumented dairy workers who came more than a decade ago and were the first from their rural communities to settle in Wisconsin. And there are the more recent arrivals, including asylum-seekers who have permission to live and work in the U.S. as they await their day in immigration court.

Nobody feels safe from Trump and his promises; in just his first week back in office, the president moved to end birthright citizenship, sent hundreds of military troops to the southern border and launched a flashy, multi-agency operation to find and detain immigrants in Chicago, only a few hundred miles away.

Yesenia Meza, a community health worker in central Wisconsin, began hearing from families soon after Trump’s election; they wanted help obtaining the documents they might need if they have to suddenly leave the country with their U.S.-born children, or have those children sent to them if they are deported. When she visited their apartments, Meza said, she was stunned to discover they had spent hundreds of dollars on refrigerator-sized boxes and blue plastic barrels that they’d stuffed with nearly “everything that they own, their most precious belongings” and were shipping to their home country.

At one home, she watched an immigrant mother climb into a half-packed box and announce, “I’m going to mail myself.” Meza knew she was joking. But some of the immigrants she knew had already left. And if more people go, she wonders what impact their departures — whether voluntary or forced — will have on the local economy. Immigrants in the area work on farms, in cheese-processing factories and in a chicken plant — the kind of jobs, she said, that nobody else wants. She’s talked to some of the employers before and knows “they’re always short-staffed,” Meza said. “They’re going to be more short-staffed now when people start going back home.”

Recently, on the eve of Trump’s inauguration, I traveled to Wisconsin along with photographer Benjamin Rasmussen to capture what sounded like the beginning of a community coming undone. We talked to Nicaraguans in their kitchens and bedrooms, and in restaurants and grocery stores that have sprung up to cater to them. Many of the people we met either were packing themselves or knew someone else who was, or both.

Some were almost embarrassed to show us what they were packing — items that might have been considered frivolous or extravagant back home. Nicaragua was already one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere before its government took a turn toward authoritarianism and repression, further sinking the economy. But thanks to their working-class jobs at American factories and restaurants, they could afford these things, and they were determined to hold on to them. Some of their belongings carried memories of loved ones or of special occasions. Other items were more practical, tools that might help them get started again in Nicaragua.

From the stories these immigrants told about their belongings emerged others, stories about what had brought them to this country and what they have been able to achieve here. They spoke about the panic that now traps them in their homes and keeps them up at night. And they shared their hopes and fears about what it might mean to start over in a country they fled.

What’s in the boxes

Yaceth’s guilty pleasure is shoes. The 38-year-old left Nicaragua nearly three years ago and works in the same restaurant kitchen as Joaquín. Her wages allowed her to buy a pair or so a month on Amazon, mostly Keds lace-up sneakers, though she also owns glittery stilettos and knee-high red boots. The boxes fill the top half of her closet. Some pairs have never been worn.

We stood along the edge of her bed, admiring her collection. “I’m a bit of an aficionado,” she said sheepishly. Like the other immigrants we spoke with, Yaceth asked not to be identified by her full name to lessen the risk of deportation.

Yaceth said she stopped buying shoes after Trump’s election, uncertain how her life, not to mention her finances, might change once he took office. By the time we met, she had already packed one box of belongings and sent it to her mother in Estelí, a city in northwestern Nicaragua. In the corner of her already crowded bedroom, she kept a blue plastic barrel, which is where she’d planned to put the shoes, hoping it would keep them dry and undamaged during the shipping. If she goes, they’re going, too.

She rents a room in the apartment of another family. They, too, are thinking about what it might look like to return to Nicaragua. Hugo, 33, is setting aside items that might help him make a living back in his hometown of Somoto, about an hour and a half north of Estelí. This includes a Cuisinart digital air fryer he bought with his wages from a sheet-metal factory. Hugo used to sell hot dogs and hamburgers at a fast food stand in Somoto. If he has to return, he envisions starting another food business. The air fryer would help.

We visited a new Nicaraguan restaurant in Waunakee, a village in Dane County that’s seen significant numbers of Nicaraguan arrivals in recent years. One diner, a 49-year-old undocumented dairy worker, told me he plans to send barber trimmers and other supplies for the barbershop he’d like to open up if he’s deported. As we spoke, his dinner companion called a friend who lives a few towns away and handed me the phone; that man, also a dairy worker, told me he is sending back power tools he bought on Facebook Marketplace that are expensive and difficult to find in Nicaragua.

Other immigrants expressed deep uncertainty about whether they might face jail time or worse if they are deported, due to their previous involvement in political activities against the Nicaraguan government. If you don’t toe the party line, said Uriel, a former high school teacher, “they turn you into an enemy of the state.”

Uriel, 36, said he never participated in any anti-government marches. But he worried that local party leaders had been watching him, that they knew how he spoke about democracy and free speech in the classroom.

He said he left Nicaragua almost four years ago both because of the political situation and because he knew he could make more money in the U.S. He has an ongoing asylum case, a work permit and a job at a bread factory. His wages have allowed him to buy a plot of land for his wife and two children, still in Nicaragua, and begin construction on a house there.

He’d hoped to stay in Wisconsin long enough to pay to finish it. But bracing for the inevitable, he’s got a barrel too. Soon, he plans to pack and send a used Yamaha guitar he was given as a gift a few years earlier. Uriel learned to play the instrument by watching YouTube videos and now plays Christian hymns that he said make him feel good inside.

This summer, he plans to return as well. His children have been growing up without him. He has been told his 6-year-old daughter points to planes in the sky and wonders whether her father is inside. He worries that his son, 11, will grow up believing he has been abandoned.

It has been hard to be separated from his children, he said. But he left in order to provide them a life he didn’t believe he could have if he had stayed — a reality he thought was missing from so much of the new president’s rhetoric on immigration. “We are not anybody’s enemy,” Uriel said. “We simply are looking for a way to make a living, to help our families.”

A life in hiding

It used to be that on Sundays, his day off, Joaquín would pull on his favorite boots and sombrero to drive somewhere — to a restaurant or to visit family and friends who had settled in south-central Wisconsin. But ever since Trump’s election, he doesn’t leave his apartment unless he has to. Some days, he says, he feels like a mouse, scurrying downstairs to work and upstairs to sleep and back downstairs again to work, always alert and full of dread.

The gray 2016 Toyota 4Runner that he bought last year, his pride and joy, sits mostly unused behind his apartment building. He’s too afraid of driving and getting pulled over by police officers who, by randomly checking his vehicle’s plates, could discover he doesn’t have a driver’s license. Joaquín doesn’t have the documents he needs to qualify for one. He worries that drawing the attention of police, even for the smallest of infractions, could get him swept into the immigration detention system and deported. “What’s happening now is a persecution,” he said.

On a recent Sunday, his apartment was filled with the sweet, warm smell of home-baked goods. Joaquín said he spent two hours making traditional Nicaraguan cookies called rosquillas and hojaldras, one savory and the other sweet. We talked over coffee and the cornmeal cookies. Half of his living room floor was covered with piles of clothes and shoes, and one tall, empty box. There were shirts, pants and sneakers for each of his three children, who remain in Nicaragua. Most of the clothes belonged to Joaquín: a crisp pair of tan Lee jeans, rarely worn; several pairs of boots; a box of sombreros.

Joaquín said he plans to send all of it to relatives in Nicaragua in February. It pains him to imagine being trotted onto a deportation flight and leaving everything he owns here to get tossed in a landfill somewhere.

Another day, I spoke by phone with an immigrant named Luz, 26. Like Joaquín, she said she rarely leaves her apartment anymore. The week Trump was inaugurated, she stopped going to her job at a nearby cheese factory, afraid of workplace raids. She now stays home with their 1-year-old son. A woman she knows picks up the family’s groceries so they don’t have to risk being out on the street.

Like many of her friends and relatives, Luz came to the U.S. as an asylum-seeker almost three years ago. She missed an immigration court hearing while pregnant with her son and now worries she has “no legal status here.”

“Those of us who work milking cows, we can’t afford to hire a lawyer,” she said. “We don’t even know what’s happening with our cases.”

After Trump’s election, she began packing some of the things she’d accumulated in her time in Wisconsin, including some used children’s clothes she’d received from Meza, the community health worker. She packed most everything in her kitchen: most of her pots and pans, some plates and cups, knives, an iron and “even chocolates,” she said, almost laughing. “It is a big box.”

Luz said she wants all of her household items to be in Nicaragua when she returns with her family. They hope to leave in March. “I don’t want to live in hiding like this,” she said.

Family separation redux

Isabel’s son cried as she filled her box. In went the shiny red car, big enough for the 14-month-old to sit in and drive. It had been a gift from his godfather on his first birthday. She added other, smaller cars and planes and stuffed animals. A stroller. A framed photo from the birthday party, the chubby-cheeked boy surrounded by balloons.

The 26-year-old mother knew her son was too young to understand. But she hoped he would if the dreaded time came when they had to return to Nicaragua.

And to make sure she wouldn’t be separated from him, she applied for his passport early last fall, when she became convinced that Trump would win the election. She could see his lawn signs all around her in the rural community in the middle of the state where she lives. Her husband, who works on a dairy farm, told her he’d begun feeling uncomfortable with the way people glared at him at Walmart. Sometimes, they shouted things he didn’t understand, but in a tone that was unmistakably hostile.

Their son was born in the U.S. to noncitizen parents — exactly the kind of child Trump says does not deserve citizenship here. Isabel got his passport both to secure his rights as an American citizen and to secure her rights to him. She wants to make sure there is no mistaking who the boy belongs to if she gets sent away.

We met Isabel about a week after she’d shipped off the box with her son’s red toy car to her mother’s home in southern Nicaragua. It was the morning of Trump’s inauguration, and Isabel welcomed us into her apartment, her eyes still red and bleary from an overnight shift at a nearby cheese-processing factory.

She said they were ready to go “if things get ugly” and the people around her start getting picked up and sent back. But there was another box, still flat and unpacked, propped up against a wall in the living room. That one, she explained, belonged to a neighbor with the same game plan.

I ask her what happens if they don’t get deported, but their most precious belongings are gone. Won’t they miss those things? “Yes,” she said. But it would be even worse to go back to Nicaragua and have nothing.

Additional design and development by Zisiga Mukulu.

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

Boxed up: a portrait of an immigrant community living under threat of deportation is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

During his campaign, President-elect Donald Trump vowed to use executive orders to implement stricter immigration policies, saying that he would “carry out the largest deportation operation of criminals in American history.”

Now with less than a week before Trump’s inauguration, members of Milwaukee’s immigrant community are bracing for the next four years.

“People are taking the (future) administration at their word,”  said Alexandra Guevara, communications director for Voces de la Frontera, an immigrant advocacy organization in Milwaukee.

Guevara said her organization has been fielding phone calls from worried residents.

Here are answers to five key immigration-related questions.

1. Who may be affected?

Unauthorized immigrants can be arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, and U.S. Customs and Border Protection and may be subject to deportation proceedings.  

Unauthorized immigrants include those who enter the U.S. illegally, overstay a visa or violate terms of admission.

It is unclear how stricter immigration policies will affect those with short-term protections, such as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals and Temporary Protective Status.

“But I think the writing is on the wall for those” protections, said Marc Christopher, managing attorney and owner of Christopher & De León Law Office, a law firm based in South Milwaukee that practices immigration law.

Trump’s first administration expanded the use of expedited removal, which allows deportation of an unauthorized individual without appearing before an immigration judge.

Many advocates worry that this expansion will happen again, making people who are unable to prove at least two years of continuous physical presence in the country eligible for expedited removal, said Cain Oulahan, attorney with Oulahan Immigration Law.   

Because of the general confusion and shifting political landscape, Guevara worries that there will be an increased risk of racial profiling.

2. What can be expected from local enforcement?

ICE relies on local law enforcement to help carry out its duties, but the level of cooperation with ICE varies greatly depending on the area.

Milwaukee Police Department policy states it does not routinely inquire about immigration status during operations, emphasizing that most immigration violations are civil, not criminal.

However, Christopher thinks it is likely the Trump administration will begin to put more pressure on cities to comply with ICE.

The policy of the Milwaukee County Sheriff’s Department does not completely shut the door on cooperating with ICE in certain scenarios where someone is detained for committing a crime and is also suspected of being an unauthorized immigrant.

On a practical basis, though, the nature of the crime in this scenario is likely to make a difference, said Ruby De León, staff attorney at Voces.

“It doesn’t seem like day-to-day traffic stops – I don’t believe they would prioritize contacting ICE over these incidents.”

NNS reached out to ICE for comment about its priorities and plans for Milwaukee but did not receive a response. 

3. What rights do people have?

Advocates stress that constitutional protections apply regardless of citizenship status, including the right to remain silent, the right to talk to a lawyer and protection from illegal search and seizure.

If law enforcement asks people to show immigration documentation, they have the right to remain silent or refuse to answer questions.

Law enforcement must have reasonable suspicion of unauthorized presence in the country to demand proof of immigration status, said R. Timothy Muth, staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union of Wisconsin.

At the same time, if people are not citizens but have documentation that permits them to stay in the country – such as a green card – they are required to keep that documentation with them, Muth said.

If a person is approached at home, a warrant for deportation allows officers to enter a home only if it is signed by a judge.

“And you should ask to see it,” Muth said. “You ask them to slip it under the door or show it to you at your window. You have a right to see the warrant and look at the signature line.”

With potential immigration violations, people have the right to speak to an attorney. But unlike with criminal arrests, the government does not have to provide the lawyer, De León said.

Additionally, individuals with a legitimate fear of persecution or torture in their home country have a right to seek asylum or asylum-type protection, Oulahan said.

4. What should be avoided if approached by law enforcement?

Voces and the ACLU advise against signing documents without a lawyer, running away or lying.

Running away and lying can be separate criminal acts, Muth said.

If people suspect their rights are being violated, such as being unlawfully searched, then they should not physically intervene, Muth added. They should instead document what they can and clearly state that they do not consent.  

Voces and the ACLU also suggest taking photos or videos of agents, noting names and badge numbers.

5. What tangible steps can people take now?

Voces offers workshops to educate people about their rights.

Advocates recommend ensuring documentation is current, applying for passports for U.S.-born children and pursuing citizenship or legal status if eligible, perhaps through an employer or family member.

A city of Milwaukee municipal ID can serve as a form of identification for city residents who cannot get state identification.

Muth recommends carrying documentation showing continuous presence in the country for more than two years, such as a lease agreement, pay stubs or utility bill in a person’s name.

Voces also suggests completing power-of-attorney forms to plan for potential family separation.

Resources

Organizations like Catholic Charities Refugee and Immigration Services, International Institute of Wisconsin and UMOS offer free or low-cost legal assistance regarding immigration and citizenship.

Voces deems the following attorneys trustworthy: Abduli Immigration Law; Christopher & De León Law Office; Layde & Parra; Maria I. Lopez Immigration Law; Oulahan Immigration Law; and Soberalski Immigration Law.

Immigration Advocates Network provides a list of resources.

Immigrant Legal Resource Center provides a downloadable card listing people’s rights and protections.

We’re here to help

Do you have questions we can help get answered? Send an email to dblake@milwaukeenns.org.

News414 is a service journalism collaboration between Wisconsin Watch and Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service that addresses the specific issues, interests, perspectives and information needs identified by residents of central city Milwaukee neighborhoods. Learn more at our website or sign up for our texting service here.

A new Trump presidency raises questions for immigrants. Here’s what we know. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

In Wisconsin, undocumented immigrant workers contribute significantly to the workforce, performing labor that often goes unseen. But the exact number has proven difficult to determine. 

From outdated and cautious estimates to a lack of monitoring by state agencies, it is difficult to say for certain how many immigrants without legal status work in each industry. Quantifying the undocumented population through surveys and studies is also a challenging task. The U.S. Census doesn’t ask about or estimate the number of undocumented immigrants. The Department of Homeland Security estimates the U.S. total at 11 million as of 2022.

An estimated 70,000 undocumented immigrants live in Wisconsin, about 47,000 of whom are employed, according to the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute.  About two-thirds of those had lived in the U.S. for 10 years or more. But that information is now over five years old.

The top industries that employ undocumented workers in the state are: 

Manufacturing — estimated 11,000 workers. 

Professional, scientific, management, administrative and waste management services — estimated 8,000 workers.

Accommodation and food services, arts, entertainment and recreation — estimated 5,000 workers.

Construction — estimated 5,000 workers. 

Agriculture — estimated 5,000 workers.

A 2023 UW-Madison School for Workers survey found that over 10,000 undocumented workers perform around 70% of the labor on Wisconsin’s dairy farms. “Without them, the whole dairy industry would collapse overnight,” the researchers concluded.

This finding sparked a public debate in the wake of stricter immigration policies over the unseen, yet essential work that immigrants without legal status provide to the state’s major dairy and farming industries. 

“Obtaining accurate counts of undocumented populations is inherently challenging due to their non-legal status and potential reluctance to participate in official surveys,” said Alexandra Guevara, spokesperson for Voces de la Frontera, a Wisconsin-based immigrant rights organization. 

To complicate matters, state agencies like the Department of Administration and the Department of Public Instruction don’t keep records of the number of undocumented immigrants and workers in the state. DPI lacks this data because public schools do not ask about immigration status. 

In 2018, undocumented immigrants in Wisconsin paid an estimated $157 million in federal taxes and $101 million in state and local taxes, totaling nearly $258 million, according to the American Immigration Council. That estimate dropped slightly to a total of $240 million in federal, state and local taxes as of 2022. 

Undocumented workers make up a large percentage of the workforce in child care and domestic housework. They tend to make up a smaller portion of health care employees and are mainly employed in roles like housekeeping or janitorial and food service in both nursing homes and hospitals, according to Guevara. 

National estimates suggest that undocumented workers make up between 30% and 50% of the meatpacking workforce, according to the University of Michigan. Guevara said it is probable that Wisconsin, a major hub for meat and cheese production, follows this trend.

Wisconsin Watch readers have submitted questions to our statehouse team, and we’ll answer them in our series, Ask Wisconsin Watch. Have a question about state government? Ask it here.

How many undocumented people live and work in Wisconsin? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

A $2 million grant has been awarded by the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration (FMCSA) to improve commercial driver license testing in New Jersey.

The funds were allocated to the New Jersey Motor Vehicle Commission (NJMVC) to “launch a mobile CDL testing program, improve outreach to customers and stakeholders in the commercial driving industry, and upgrade existing CDL skills test sites,” as described in a NJMVC news release.

The program will involve two specialized teams that will travel to remote sites in New Jersey and offer CDL skills and knowledge tests. It will be a large-scale initiative that is being coordinated with over 550 statewide districts and driving schools to make CDL testing more accessible to applicants in more rural and underserved parts of the state.

The inspiration for this program came from the popularity of the NJMVC’s Mobile Unit program that followed a similar blueprint of bringing non-driver IDs, driver license renewals, REAL IDs, registration renewals, and other related services to state’s residents, to aid accessibility and convenience.

The NJMVC stated that funding will also be used to aid outreach with stakeholders in the heavy-duty vehicle industry and to promote CDL training in communities. Another target of improvement will be the testing process itself, which will be upgraded to “ensure a safe testing flow, increase testing capacity, and optimize courses for larger commercial vehicles” in accordance with FMCSA and American Association of Motor Vehicle Administration standards.

“By receiving $2 million through the CDLPI grant, drivers across our state will have better access to training materials and testing availabilities, enhancing the safety and preparedness of our workforce on the road,” said New Jersey Governor Phil Murphy. “This investment reflects our commitment to building a stronger and safer driving community in New Jersey.”

The awarding of funds was recognized at a Delanco, New Jersey road test facility on Nov. 1 during a press conference featuring government and industry representatives.

NJMVC Acting Chief Administrator Latrecia Littles-said at the conference that the program will assist with meeting industry demands as well as provide jobs for individuals in marginalized communities. Assemblywoman Andrea Katz addressed the school bus driver shortage in the state, saying that while it’s improving it’s vital to ensure there are enough people to transport students in rural areas that often require longer routes to and from school.

Dan Jauch, president of the New Jersey School Bus Contractor’s Association and vice president of operations at Krapf Bus, said the program will improve efficiency for contractors and that a bulk testing program “demonstrates a thoughtful response to the unique needs of the school bus contractors across out state.”

Vinn White, who had previously served as a senior advisor to Gov. Murphy on transportation and mobility policy and is now the Deputy Administrator of the FMCSA spoke on the benefits of the Commercial Driver’s License Program Implementation (CDLPI) Grant program, from which the funds for the New Jersey mobile CDL testing program are a part of. Overall, he said grant funds help to support the industry, the national economy and encourage individuals to get their CDL license which can aid multiple fields experiencing shortages.

“We know that it can be difficult to access this testing in rural parts of New Jersey and that’s why bringing this to the community is so important,” said White. “FMCSA is proud to invest in Americans breaking down barriers who are working and trying to earn their CDL.”

Related: FMCSA Proposal Seeks to Quicken CDL Process
Related: Turning School Bus Driver Shortages Into Opportunities
Related: FMCSA Renews School Bus Driver ‘Under-the-Hood’ Training Exemption

The post FMCSA Grant to Enhance CDL Testing in New Jersey appeared first on School Transportation News.

The Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education (DESE) is offering to fund local education agencies (LEAs) in the state to purchase propane-powered school buses.

The Missouri Propane Education and Research Council said in a press release that DESE is providing $970,000 million in funding to school districts for the purchase of the propane school buses. School districts can apply for up to four propane buses at $24,250 each.

Application consideration will be based on data received. At the time of the release last month, the DESE said it had received over two dozen applications and about dozen more spots were available.

Guidance from DESE stated that school buses must meet certain eligibility requirements, including being a 2024 model or newer equipped with an EPA certified engine, and purchased rather than leased. LEAs will need to provide a title, certificate of origin, or a purchase order to the department, showing the purchase of the buses with grant funds, by June 15.

The applications are due Dec. 15. DESE stated that “after the initial application period, should funds remain available, a second round of funding will be offered using the same criteria that will be applied to the first round.”

Related: Missouri Director of Transportation Furthers Safety and Sustainability
Related: Propane Best Immediate Option For Greening Fleet, Says Rural Missouri School District
Related: School Districts Replace Diesel Buses with Propane, Electric

The post Propane Bus Grant Provides Funding Opportunities for Missouri Districts appeared first on School Transportation News.

Climate anxiety affects nearly half of young people aged 16-25. Students like second-year Rachel Mohammed find hope and inspiration through her involvement in innovative climate solutions, working alongside peers who share her determination. “I’ve met so many people at MIT who are dedicated to finding climate solutions in ways that I had never imagined, dreamed of, or heard of. That is what keeps me going, and I’m doing my part,” she says.

Hydrogen-fueled engines

Hydrogen offers the potential for zero or near-zero emissions, with the ability to reduce greenhouse gases and pollution by 29 percent. However, the hydrogen industry faces many challenges related to storage solutions and costs.

Mohammed leads the hydrogen team on MIT’s Electric Vehicle Team (EVT), which is dedicated to harnessing hydrogen power to build a cleaner, more sustainable future. EVT is one of several student-led build teams at the Edgerton Center focused on innovative climate solutions. Since its founding in 1992, the Edgerton Center has been a hub for MIT students to bring their ideas to life.

Hydrogen is mostly used in large vehicles like trucks and planes because it requires a lot of storage space. EVT is building their second iteration of a motorcycle based on what Mohammed calls a “goofy hypothesis” that you can use hydrogen to power a small vehicle. The team employs a hydrogen fuel cell system, which generates electricity by combining hydrogen with oxygen. However, the technology faces challenges, particularly in storage, which EVT is tackling with innovative designs for smaller vehicles.

Presenting at the 2024 World Hydrogen Summit reaffirmed Mohammed’s confidence in this project. “I often encounter skepticism, with people saying it’s not practical. Seeing others actively working on similar initiatives made me realize that we can do it too,” Mohammed says.

The team’s first successful track test last October allowed them to evaluate the real-world performance of their hydrogen-powered motorcycle, marking a crucial step in proving the feasibility and efficiency of their design.

MIT’s Sustainable Engine Team (SET), founded by junior Charles Yong, uses the combustion method to generate energy with hydrogen. This is a promising technology route for high-power-density applications, like aviation, but Yong believes it hasn’t received enough attention. Yong explains, “In the hydrogen power industry, startups choose fuel cell routes instead of combustion because gas turbine industry giants are 50 years ahead. However, these giants are moving very slowly toward hydrogen due to its not-yet-fully-developed infrastructure. Working under the Edgerton Center allows us to take risks and explore advanced tech directions to demonstrate that hydrogen combustion can be readily available.”

Both EVT and SET are publishing their research and providing detailed instructions for anyone interested in replicating their results.

In May, students in the first cohort of the Farm Foundation CAFE (Careers in Food and Agriculture Exploration) Student Workshop grew their career readiness skills and explored future options available in food and agriculture. Held May 20 to 21 at North Carolina A&T University Farm Pavilion in Greensboro, North Carolina, the program served 10 undergraduate students from three different 1890 land-grant institutions: North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University, Southern University and A&M College, and Tennessee State University.

Over the course of two days, students explored career opportunities in agriculture, developed new skills for positioning themselves in the job market, expanded their networks, and left with a transformational experience and new tools to carry them into their future careers. The small group setting allowed for in-depth discussions with presenters from across the industry, such as John Deere, FMC, and National Wheat Growers. In addition, the group was able to visit the Syngenta Crop Protection North America Headquarters to learn more about their global operation.

See the 2024 CAFE program project report for further details on the program, including program elements, topics covered, and key results.

The CAFE workshop is a key part of a five-year project funded by the USDA National Institute of Food and Agriculture, specifically the SAPLINGS grant in partnership with North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University (NC A&T).

The Farm Foundation project leads for this program are Martha King, vice president of programs and projects; Jenna Wicks, program manager; and Amanda L. Martin, director of development.  

We are incredibly grateful to everyone at NC A&T, along with the faculty, staff, and guest speakers who shared their expertise with our first CAFE cohort and made this program such a success.

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