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• A new analysis finds that Wisconsin ranks 46th in college affordability. 

• The report, published annually by the nonprofit National College Attainment Network, focuses on each state’s “affordability gap” – the difference between the cost of public college and what students and their families can pay.

• Spokespeople for the Universities of Wisconsin and the Wisconsin Technical College System say leaders at their respective institutions know students have unmet needs and are working to support them. 

• As a result of Wisconsin lawmakers spending less on higher education, some experts think tuition promise programs will be part of the solution.

Public college is less affordable in Wisconsin than in nearly every other state, according to a new analysis of 2022-23 school year data. The nonprofit National College Attainment Network, which advocates for college access, reports annually on each state’s “affordability gap” between the cost of college and what students and their families can pay. 

The analysis included 28 Wisconsin colleges, finding that all of the state’s public four-year schools and nearly 90% of the technical colleges were unaffordable.  

Just four states ranked lower than Wisconsin in the share of their colleges considered affordable: Delaware, New Hampshire, North Dakota and Rhode Island. Nationwide, nearly half (48%) of all public four-year colleges and more than a third (35%) of community or technical colleges were affordable, the report found. 

“We saw (Wisconsin) stand out as particularly unaffordable as compared to our national average and to the other states in the region,” said report author Louisa Woodhouse, a senior associate for the organization.

To estimate what students could pay at each school, Woodhouse added up the average grants, loans and work study payments they receive, as reported in a federal database. She added that to an estimate of summer wages — based on full-time work at the state minimum wage — and an “expected family contribution” using average Pell grant awards. 

Woodhouse compared those figures with each school’s published cost of attendance. That included tuition, fees and estimated costs of items like housing, food, books and transportation. She added a flat $300 for emergency expenses. 

The report considers a college affordable if attendance and emergency expenses totaled less than income and aid.

The study included 13 Wisconsin public colleges or universities that grant bachelor’s degrees, as well as 15 of the state’s 16 technical colleges. It excluded Madison College, which belongs to the technical college system but is classified as a four-year school in federal data.

None of the four-year schools and just two technical colleges were affordable, Woodhouse found.

Wisconsin technical college students face an average affordability gap of $1,336, nearly triple the $486 national average, Woodhouse calculated. 

Students at Wisconsin’s four-year schools experienced a $3,549 gap, more than twice the national average of $1,555. 

Calling affordability and accessibility “cornerstones of our mission,” Universities of Wisconsin spokesperson Ethan Schuh noted that the system charges the lowest average tuition rates in the Upper Midwest. 

“We recognize there can be affordability gaps,” Schuh said in an email, adding that the report’s “novel datasets and methodologies” might “unintentionally disadvantage universities with low tuition and limited aid,” like those in the UW system.

Schuh attributed cost issues raised in the report to broader national trends, which “underscore the need for continued investment in financial aid and student support.” 

“While we are not immune to these challenges, we are actively working to address them,” Schuh said. 

Wisconsin Technical College System spokesperson Katy Pettersen said the report “raises important concerns about affordability.” But she questioned whether the study’s methodology accurately evaluated the state’s tech colleges, where students often attend school part time while working full time. Many earn above minimum wage in Wisconsin’s competitive labor market, Pettersen said. 

Meanwhile, Pettersen said, Wisconsin’s technical colleges work differently than counterparts in other states, making them hard to compare. Wisconsin’s tech colleges emphasize hands-on education in technology-intensive labs, while many community colleges elsewhere prioritize lower-cost classroom education, Pettersen said. 

“We acknowledge that many students face unmet financial needs. Addressing these challenges is a priority, and we continue to explore ways to support students beyond tuition,” Petterson said in an email. “Affordability is a multifaceted issue, and while we recognize the challenges, we remain committed to providing high-value education and supporting students in every way we can.” 

Shrinking state funding for higher education

Wisconsin college costs are partially the result of state and federal policy decisions. Like many of their Midwestern peers, Wisconsin’s public colleges rely heavily on tuition, Woodhouse said.

Wisconsin’s state government allocates nearly 17% less funding per full-time student than it did in 1980, according to the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association — a trend UW system leaders are closely watching.

Today, the state provides just 20% of the system’s budget, half the share it covered in 1985, Schuh said.

About 60% of university revenue now comes from tuition and fees, nearly triple the previous levels, Schuh added. 

“This shift has placed a growing financial burden on students and families, limiting access to the same educational opportunities that have long defined Wisconsin’s public universities,” Schuh said. 

Paying for college in Wisconsin could get more difficult in the coming years, Woodhouse said, pointing to recent federal cuts to food aid, Medicaid and other safety net programs. States often  fill the gap in those services by diverting money from education.

Colleges, in turn, may raise tuition to patch budget holes, putting college further out of reach. 

”That’s just another argument towards the importance of investing in higher education funding, both operational support for public institutions and also need-based aid in the years to come,” Woodhouse said.

Wisconsin tech college tuition over the last decade has risen no faster than inflation, Petterson said. At UW system campuses, tuition rose 4% to 5% this year, following a 10-year tuition freeze.

Political debates are swirling around the value of college, with Republicans increasingly asking whether pursuing a degree is worthwhile. Carole Trone, executive director of the Wisconsin-based Fair Opportunity Project, wants more bipartisan scrutiny of those high price tags.

“Are colleges doing everything they can do to keep the college costs down?” asked Trone, whose organization offers online counseling to help students nationwide apply to and pay for college. 

Some studies show inflation-adjusted tuition rates have plateaued or even declined, Trone said, but rent and other living costs are soaring. 

“The cost of college keeps going up because of all those other costs that, in some cases, are outside of a college’s control,” Trone said. 

Meanwhile, federal aid doesn’t stretch as far as it used to. Federal Pell grant awards, for instance, have increased more slowly than inflation. In 1975, they covered more than three-quarters of the average cost to attend a public, four-year university, according to the National College Attainment Network. That’s compared to just one-third of average attendance costs today.

UW ‘promise’ aims to fill gap for higher-need students

A growing number of Wisconsin students are eligible to have their full tuition and fees covered with the help of “promise” programs, which pick up remaining costs after eligible students use federal financial aid and scholarships. 

UW-Madison’s Bucky’s Tuition Promise, launched in 2018, helps students with household incomes of $65,000 or less. It covers most costs but excludes expenses like rent, groceries or textbooks.

The UW system expanded the program to other campuses in 2023 but cut it the next year due to budget woes. 

The system resumed the program this fall with private funding: Madison-based student loan guarantor Ascendium Education Group will cover costs for students in households making $55,000 or less. 

Until the program has stable funding, Woodhouse said, eligible students may hesitate to enroll in college for fear of being stuck with costs in future years.

Democratic state lawmakers want to allocate nearly $40 million to provide that stability. They introduced legislation on Thursday to extend the Wisconsin Tuition Promise program with state dollars, covering costs for students of all UW schools except UW-Madison whose families make $71,000 or less. 

“Higher education powers Wisconsin and cost should not prevent students from families in every income bracket in Wisconsin from having the opportunity to earn a degree,” Senate Democratic Leader Dianne Hesselbein, D-Middleton, said in an emailed statement.

Schuh said the proposal would allow Wisconsin to compete as other states take steps to lower college costs. 

“It would eliminate the affordability gap for thousands of students and restore the promise of higher education as a public good,” Schuh said. “It would ensure that the opportunities available to past generations remain accessible to all Wisconsinites today and into the future.”

Disclosure: Ascendium Education Group is a donor to Wisconsin Watch but has no control over its editorial decisions. A complete list of donors and funders, as well as donation acceptance policies, can be found on our funding page. 

Natalie Yahr reports on pathways to success statewide for Wisconsin Watch, working in partnership with Open Campus. Email her at nyahr@wisconsinwatch.org.

Study: Wisconsin trails most states in college affordability is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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For $4, hungry dairy enthusiasts who attended the recent World Dairy Expo could enjoy a grilled cheese bite at the “cheese stand” with a choice of American, Swiss or the daily “specialty cheese.” 

With options such as Muenster, smoked Gouda and dill havarti, one in four customers tried the specialty cheese, estimated Grace Mansell, a biological systems engineering student at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and manager of the stand operated by the Badger Dairy Club and the Collegiate Farm Bureau.

“It’s a really great, new and exciting thing that people are getting into (specialty cheese). It’s not necessarily just your classic flavors anymore,” Mansell said. “Everybody likes a good classic American, but it’s kind of fun to have something different every day for people to try.”

Last year, over a quarter (28%) of the cheese produced in Wisconsin was considered specialty cheese, according to the USDA. Longer-term data show a growing interest among cheesemakers in making more specialty cheeses each year.

Specialty cheese generally refers to premium cheeses that stand out for their unique styles, flavors or craftsmanship, according to Chris Kuske Riese, senior vice president of channel marketing for Dairy Farmers of Wisconsin. There’s no single definition for the category, so they can be cheese curds with Cajun spices, cheddar cheese with smoked flavor, or a wide variety of Hispanic cheeses.

“From a marketing perspective, specialty cheese plays an important role in consumer perception,” Riese wrote in an email to Wisconsin Watch. “These products help elevate Wisconsin Cheese’s reputation for quality and innovation, while complementing the broader category of cheeses consumers enjoy every day.”

Wisconsin cheesemakers produced over 1 billion pounds of specialty cheese in 2024. That marked a twelvefold increase since the USDA started collecting data in 1993.

USDA reported 93 of Wisconsin’s 116 cheese plants manufactured at least one type of specialty cheese last year. The number has more than doubled within three decades. However, the number of specialty cheesemakers remained mostly stable since 2009, meaning cheese plants are increasing specialty cheese production each year.

Luke Buholzer, vice president of sales for the Klondike Cheese Company, said the company produced about 38 million pounds of cheese last year, almost doubling the production from a decade ago. All of his company’s products are considered specialty cheeses. 

Wisconsin cheesemakers first showed their interest in specialty cheese in the early 1980s. 

“Cheesemakers at smaller plants started to become more flexible, entrepreneurial and willing to take on some risk. They got fed up with the low cheese prices and trying to compete with commodity plants and recognized they needed to do something different,” John Lucey, director of the Wisconsin Center for Dairy Research at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, wrote in a guest column for Cheese Market News.

“The whole reason we went into specialty cheeses is because they do have better (profit) margins, so we can keep the business afloat,” Buholzer said. Cheesemakers needed larger production volumes to make commodity cheeses profitable, yet drastically increasing production volume was not ideal for smaller cheese manufacturers.

Klondike made commodity cheeses like cheddar and Colby during that time. The company introduced Muenster cheese in the early 1980s as its first specialty product. The company gradually introduced more specialty cheese products throughout the decade, including feta in 1988 and dill havarti in the early 2000s. The company simultaneously phased out its commodity cheese production.

Among all the specialty cheese products from Wisconsin, Hispanic cheese eclipses all, with over 150 million pounds being produced last year. Feta followed closely in second place. Buholzer said the popularity of this Greek-style cheese was largely boosted by a baked feta pasta recipe that went viral on TikTok in 2021. The recipe required 8 ounces of feta cheese. 

“Within a week, I saw sales on that particular item go up over 288%,” Buholzer said.

Parmesan wheels are also gaining popularity. Specialty cheddar, havarti and Asiago are also some of the more commonly produced specialty cheeses in Wisconsin. 

“Several market reports suggest growth in the gourmet food/premium foods space,” Riese wrote. “Wisconsin has a distinct advantage in this space because of its long tradition of cheesemaking, the only Master Cheesemaker program outside of Switzerland, and the ability to innovate while still producing at scale.”

DataWatch: Wisconsin-made cheese is special. Here are the numbers to prove it. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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As the demand for power increases with the rise of data centers, Wisconsin lawmakers are continuing legislative efforts to advance nuclear energy growth in the state. 

The issue has previously seen bipartisan support in the Capitol. Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in July signed two Republican-led bills into law: one that creates a board to organize a nuclear power summit in Madison and another that directs the Public Service Commission, which regulates utilities, to study new and existing locations for nuclear power and fusion generation in the state. Nuclear fusion, an emerging technology, produces more energy than nuclear fission and almost no radioactive waste, according to the U.S. Department of Energy.

In a statement at the time, Evers called the bills “an important step in the right direction” toward lowering costs, growing the economy, mitigating climate change and reducing Wisconsin’s reliance on out-of-state energy sources. 

The Legislature’s Joint Finance Committee in August approved $2 million to fund the nuclear power siting study. A spokesperson for the Public Service Commission said the agency is working through “internal processes” to begin the study, including whether outside assistance is needed to complete it. A report is due to the Legislature in early 2027, just after a new governor takes office.

Point Beach Nuclear Plant in Two Rivers is Wisconsin’s lone nuclear power plant, and in late September the federal government extended its licenses to 2050 and 2053.

But the bipartisan interest in boosting Wisconsin’s role as a nuclear energy generator has opened the door for more legislation in the Capitol. State Rep. Shae Sortwell, R-Two Rivers, introduced a bill this month that he said builds off the legislation from earlier this summer. Sortwell said his proposal, Assembly Bill 472, aims to ease costs associated with building nuclear power plants through items like tax credits.

Evers’ office said the governor has not reviewed Sortwell’s bill. But in a statement, Evers said Wisconsin should invest in options to expand nuclear energy in the state.

“It’s important that we continue our work to help lower energy costs and reduce our reliance on out-of-state energy sources,” Evers said.“With new, advanced nuclear technology and the ever-increasing need for energy across our state, investing in clean energy solutions like innovative nuclear options could be a game-changer for Wisconsin, our economy, and folks across our state.”

Sortwell, who cosponsored the earlier bills, said now, while Evers is still in office, is the time to prioritize nuclear energy policy. Evers is not running for reelection, and Sortwell said an open governor’s race in 2026 could swing power in that office toward a candidate who is less supportive of growing Wisconsin’s role as a nuclear energy producer.

“I don’t want to lose this opportunity when I’ve got a Democrat governor I know who is supportive right now and I may not have one in 15 months,” Sortwell said. 

Washington County Executive Josh Schoemann and U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, the two Republicans running for governor, have both signaled support for nuclear energy.

Among Democratic candidates, two so far shared their position with Wisconsin Watch. Rep. Francesca Hong, D-Madison, said she supports nuclear energy, but not incentivizing its expansion over wind and solar, and not to accelerate the development of data centers. Brewers beer vendor Ryan Strnad said he supports advancing nuclear generation.

The costs of nuclear energy

Sortwell’s bill, scheduled for a hearing Wednesday, includes several provisions, including prioritizing nuclear energy as an option to meet Wisconsin’s energy demands. But it largely focuses on the costs tied to producing nuclear energy, including allowing public utilities to raise consumer rates to recover their construction costs. 

“The issue is, nuclear power can have a little bit longer of a time to actually get up and operational,” Sortwell said. “It could take several years and those costs then just kind of build up on the front end.” 

The bill would create a tax credit for new nuclear energy generation, which a company could claim over the course of 20 years. EnergySolutions and WEC Energy Group in May announced plans to build a new plant at the Kewaunee Power Station, which would be able to take advantage of the tax credits in the bill upon operating, Sortwell said. 

It also allows public utility companies through their rates to recover expenses related to developing nuclear energy sites. Those costs could include dollars for site evaluations or regulatory filings, according to the bill. 

But that should be a concern for customers, who would see those expenses in their bills before these plants are even built, said Tom Content, the executive director of the Citizens Utility Board. He pointed to a 2024 We Energies and Wisconsin Public Service request to collect about $20 million from ratepayers for costs associated with building natural gas projects. The Public Service Commission denied the request in July 2024. 

“When we’re thinking about the bottom line for customers in the context of bills that are already rising more than inflation, we really need to keep our eye on what people are paying every month for energy and how we can keep that affordable,” Content said. 

The bill also eases the regulatory process for private power producers that may seek to generate nuclear energy for “very large customers,” such as data centers, Sortwell said. The legislation would require the Public Service Commission to approve rates and charges if the power generated is nuclear energy within 75 miles of the “very large customer.” Those specifications could put less of a strain on Wisconsin’s power grid, Sortwell said. 

Notable

Both the Senate and the Assembly have floor sessions scheduled Tuesday. The Assembly is expected to vote on several law-enforcement-related bills including: 

• Assembly Bill 136, which would raise the penalty for impersonating a law enforcement officer, firefighter or emergency medical personnel from a misdemeanor to a felony. 
• Senate Bill 25, which would limit additional investigations into law enforcement officers if a district attorney determines there is no basis to prosecute them for an officer-involved civilian death. Sen. Rob Hutton, R-Brookfield, cited former Wauwatosa police officer Joseph Mensah as an example for the bill in a February letter to the Senate Committee on Judiciary and Public Safety. 

The Senate’s Committee on Universities and Technical Colleges will hold a public hearing Wednesday on Senate Bill 498, which prevents Universities of Wisconsin schools and technical colleges from “restricting free speech protected under the 1st Amendment” and limiting “expressive rights and academic freedom” of instructors. The bill, which was filed in the weeks after the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, would allow the attorney general, a district attorney or a person whose rights were violated to sue the UW System Board of Regents or a technical college district board. 

Nuclear energy gains bipartisan steam in Wisconsin heading into a pivotal 2026 election season is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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A Milwaukee County Circuit Court judge has ruled that the Social Development Commission’s property corporation defaulted on mortgage payments for its North Avenue buildings and faces foreclosure in the coming months.

This judgment, which was issued Monday, Oct. 6, is the latest development for the Social Development Commission as the anti-poverty agency attempts to reconcile its budget and secure funding amid lawsuits, board tensions and government reviews.  

The properties will now enter a redemption period for three months before the court can take further action, including selling the properties at auction. 

“I can tell you that (SDC) is working tirelessly to be able to secure and redeem the properties,” said Evan P. Schmit, an attorney with Kerkman & Dunn representing SDC and SD Properties. 

Millions owed

Forward Community Investments, a community development financial institution, filed a foreclosure lawsuit in March against SD Properties Inc., the tax-exempt corporation that owns SDC’s buildings. The lawsuit claimed SD Properties defaulted on mortgage payments in 2024 and lists SDC as a guarantor.

On Monday, Milwaukee County Circuit Court Judge J.D. Watts granted a summary judgment for Forward Community Investments, which included a judgment of foreclosure against SD Properties and SDC and declared that Forward Community Investments is entitled to a money judgment. 

This judgment allows the foreclosure process to advance, according to Ryan Zerwer, the president and CEO of Forward Community Investments.

The total judgment amount owed by SD Properties was just over $3.1 million, as of June 16, according to court records. 

The lender’s complaint outlines that this includes $2.42 million in principal, interest and other costs for a construction mortgage SD Properties entered into in 2020 and $687,000 for an additional mortgage started in 2023. 

Additional accrued interest and other costs may be added to the tally before the properties are redeemed or sold. 

SDC moves out

SDC voluntarily vacated the 1730 W. North Ave. office and removed personal property, said Laura Callan, an attorney with Stafford Rosenbaum LLP, which is representing Forward Community Investments. William Sulton, SDC’s attorney, confirmed the agency moved out of both the office and the warehouse building at 1810 W. North Ave. 

SD Properties still owns a property on Teutonia Avenue that is not included in the lawsuit. 

Watts said that both parties have been cooperative. 

“This is, of course, a major event in the community, so I’m aware of the importance of this case,” Watts said.  

What’s next?

Wisconsin foreclosure laws require a redemption period, which will be for three months in this case. 

During this period, SD Properties has the chance to redeem the mortgaged premises by paying the total amount of the judgment and other attorney fees, costs and interest. 

“The board is gonna have to decide whether they want to try and redeem the building or not,” Sulton said.  

SDC is awaiting responses from the federal government on its status as a community action agency and Wisconsin departments on their audits. This is preventing the board from making decisions on the agency’s future direction and services, Sulton said. 

If the properties are not redeemed after three months, the Milwaukee County Sheriff’s Office will arrange a public auction or sale.

Schmit said a hearing to confirm the sale will be held after the redemption period, which would be the final opportunity for SD Properties to maintain the buildings.

“We will wait for the procedure for the confirmation of the sheriff’s sale, just to be clear,” Watts said.

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Meredith Melland is the neighborhoods reporter for the Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service and a corps member of Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on under-covered issues and communities. Report for America plays no role in editorial decisions in the NNS newsroom.

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Jonathan Aguilar is a visual journalist at Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service who is supported through a partnership between CatchLight Local and Report for America.

Social Development Commission buildings in Milwaukee face foreclosure is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Although President Donald Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” offers new tax deductions and credits across different income levels, low-income households – the bottom 20% of income earners – are largely excluded from any significant tax benefits. 

“It’s particularly shocking because the law is so big,” said Elaine Maag, a senior fellow at The Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center. “Typically, when trillions of dollars are spent, you see it really spread across the income distribution.”

The bill was signed into law over the summer.

Benefits that people with low incomes do receive may be outweighed when considered alongside other provisions in the bill, said Andrew Reschovsky, professor emeritus of public affairs and applied economics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

This is especially true of cuts to safety net programs such as Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, Reschovsky said.

“This is the dilemma – if you count those things in with the tax side, the net will be that a lot of people are going to be worse off.”

Credits and deductions

A credit is an amount subtracted directly from the tax you owe while a deduction reduces the amount of income that can be taxed. Both can help keep more money in taxpayers’ pockets. 

The bill establishes new credits and deductions. 

The bill increases the: 

• Child Tax Credit from $2,000 per qualifying child to $2,200.  
• Child and Dependent Care Credit, which allows taxpayers to subtract certain costs associated with caring for children under 13 or dependents incapable of self-care. 

The bill introduces new deductions for:

• Workers in jobs where tips are common, allowing them to deduct up to $25,000 of tip income. 
• Individuals who work overtime, allowing them to deduct up to $12,500 of overtime pay. 
• People 65 and older, allowing them to deduct $6,000. 

Limitations

These changes may appear to help people who are financially struggling. But the bill affects federal taxes, so its new deductions and credits apply only to income taxable by the federal government. 

People with low income generally owe little or no federal income tax. 

Older low-income adults, for example, often rely primarily or entirely on Social Security benefits and are generally not subject to federal taxes. This means that a new $6,000 deduction would not benefit them, Rechovsky said.   

Rechovsky noted other reasons the new deductions are misleading or extremely narrow. 

“Yes, you’re a waiter and you benefit from not paying taxes on your tips,” he said. “But take someone in the same income range who works as a home health care worker – they don’t benefit at all.” 

Reschovsky also questions how those with low incomes would benefit from reducing the amount owed on overtime pay. 

“One of the reasons some people are low-income is that they’re lucky to get a 40-hour workweek,” he said. 

The same limitation applies to the new credits. 

An analysis by Maag estimates that in 2025 about 17 million children under 17 – or one in four – will receive less than the full value of the Child Tax Credit because their parents earn too little.

The bill also changes which families qualify based on citizenship status.  

The Child Tax Credit will be limited to children who are U.S. citizens and have at least one parent with a valid Social Security number. 

About 2 million U.S. citizen children will lose their Child Tax Credit because of this new requirement, Maag wrote, citing an analysis from the Joint Committee on Taxation. 

Safety nets

One benefit to people with low incomes from the bill is that it makes permanent many provisions from the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, including lower income tax rates and larger standard deductions. 

“It’s true across the board that if taxes go down, your income after taxes goes up,” Reschovsky said. 

But for those with low incomes, the increase is minimal and will likely be outweighed by changes to Medicaid, premium subsidies provided by the Affordable Care Act and changes to SNAP. 

For example, the lowest 10% of earners may see a $1,600 reduction in annual income and benefits, mainly due to cuts in Medicaid and SNAP, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. 

“It’s just that classic view … that, ‘Well, these people are just sucking on the teat of the federal government, so we’re going to just make it as hard as possible for them to do that, because they’re just freeloaders,’” said Anthony Myers, program director of the Riverworks Financial Clinic.

Where to get help

For people with incomes under $67,000, free tax assistance is available through programs such as the IRS’ Volunteer Income Tax Assistance, or VITA. 

VITA sites can be found using the IRS Free Tax Prep Help website. 

Maag and Myers recommend making appointments as soon as possible. 

In addition to serving as a VITA site, Riverworks Financial Clinic operates year-round as the City of Milwaukee Financial Empowerment Center. 

Residents of the city who are 18 years and older can get free one-on-one financial counseling there. 

“Anyone that’s struggling with any of these (One Big Beautiful Bill Act) provisions, we can assist them with navigating through this,” Myers said. 

Here’s how Trump’s new tax law affects people with low incomes is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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The Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, opened for new and returning college and university students on Oct. 1. Students typically have until June 1 to apply for the best chance of receiving aid.

The form connects students with loans, grants and scholarships through the U.S. Department of Education and your higher education institution. 

Students considering attending a two- or four-year college or university should fill out the FAFSA form, even if they haven’t committed to a school or are unsure whether they will pursue higher education. 

Getting started

Carole Trone serves on the board for College Goal Wisconsin, an organization that hosts FAFSA completion events around the state. She said the FAFSA process usually runs smoother when parents let their student take the lead. 

“It works best if the student starts their part of the application and then hands it over to the parent,” Trone said.

Students should first make an account, called a Federal Student Aid (FSA) ID. If a student is a dependent, at least one parent or guardian will need to make a Federal Student Aid ID and contribute to the form.

The Department of Education requires students to provide a Social Security number to fill out the FAFSA form. Contributing parents without a Social Security number can make an account but will need to check a box certifying they don’t have a Social Security number.

When creating a Federal Student Aid ID, Trone said, it’s important to double check that all information, including names and dates of birth, are correct. The Department of Education won’t be able to verify your information if these details are incorrect, which Trone said complicates the process.

If students or parents already have a Federal Student Aid ID, Trone said the ID stays with them forever and they should use the same account.  

Filling out FAFSA

What do I need to fill out the form

FAFSA requires certain information from students and parents to verify income, assets and financial need. 

The Department of Education will use applicants’ Social Security numbers to access their income with the Internal Revenue Service. Parents and students must give consent for the IRS to access information on their tax returns, even if an applicant doesn’t have tax returns to supply. 

The Department of Education recommends still having the most recent tax returns for information that isn’t imported from the IRS. 

The form also asks about assets – the current balance of cash, checking and saving accounts – and the net worth of any businesses and investments. 

Students will also need to provide a list of schools they’re interested in attending. Students should list all schools even if they aren’t committed. 

“The options that FASFA gives you is not just for four-year college, it’s for two-year college, it’s for a number of certification programs,” Trone said. “It doesn’t obligate you to anything.”

Types of aid

The types of federal aid you receive can be split into two main groups: loans and grants. The biggest difference is you need to pay back loans but not grants. Filling out your FAFSA form also helps you become eligible for need-based scholarships through your higher education institution.

Loans

You can make payments while enrolled at least part time (six credit hours, usually about two classes) in school but are not required to until after you graduate or go below six credit hours. After you do either of these, it triggers a six-month grace period before you’re required to make payments. 

The federal government offers several types of loans in two categories: Direct and Direct PLUS. 

The amount of interest on these loans depends on the year you take them out. The interest rate changes each year on July 1. 

Direct loans

Students can receive two kinds of Direct loans: subsidized and unsubsidized.

Subsidized loans mean no interest accumulates on the loan while in school or during your grace period, saving the student money in the long run. 

Unsubsidized loans accumulate interest beginning when the student takes out the loan. 

Direct PLUS

The Department of Education also offers Direct PLUS loans, which are federal loans that parents of dependent undergraduate students, graduate or professional students can use to help pay for school.

Parents of dependent students can take a Parent PLUS loan to support additional education costs that aren’t covered by other financial aid. 

This loan originally did not have a cap, but as a result of the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” Parent PLUS loans are now capped at $20,000 per year or $65,000 over the course of an undergraduate school career.

Graduate PLUS loans, which were used to support graduate school education, will be eliminated starting in the 2026-27 school year. 

A new unsubsidized loan program is replacing Graduate PLUS. Students can borrow up to $20,500 annually, up to $100,000 over the course of graduate school. Students attending professional schools like medicine or law will be eligible to take out higher loans. 

Grants

Pell grants: Students in need of a lot of financial aid might qualify for a Pell grant. Unlike loans, these do not have to be repaid. 

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act expanded Pell grant eligibility to shorter workforce training programs. 

Financial need

The amount of aid you receive depends on your financial need. 

After a person submits a FAFSA form, the Department of Education considers several factors like income and other assets and generates a Student Aid Index that determines your financial need. The lower your Student Aid Index, the greater chance of receiving more aid. 

Colleges and universities look at factors like a student’s Student Aid Index, how many credits are being taken and tuition costs to decide how much aid a student will receive. 

Private loans?

Universities and advocates alike caution against using private loans whenever possible because of concerns about predatory lending, potentially high interest rates and a lack of repayment options and forgiveness.

Interest rates and other conditions of the loan often vary on factors like credit scores. If you need to take out a private loan, try to look at offers from several lenders to pick the best one. 

Where can I go for help?

College Goal Wisconsin is hosting events virtually and in several Milwaukee high schools to help students and parents complete the FAFSA form. Any students looking for help with a FAFSA form can attend, even if they don’t attend MPS. 

Trone said each student who attends is eligible to win one of 15 $1,000 scholarships.

Families who can’t make it to a help session can use resources on the College Goal Wisconsin website or the FAFSA YouTube page, Trone said.

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Upcoming events in Milwaukee

Veritas High School: Monday, Oct. 13

6 p.m. to 8 p.m. at Veritas High School, 3025 W. Oklahoma Ave. Register here.

Riverside University High School College and Career Center: Tuesday, Oct. 14

6 p.m. to 8 p.m. at Riverside University High School, 1615 E. Locust St. Register here.

Virtual FAFSA Completion Event: Wednesday, Oct. 15

6 p.m. to 8 p.m. virtually. Register here.

Virtual FAFSA Completion Event: Wednesday Oct. 22

6 p.m. to 8 p.m. virtually. Register here.

South Division High School College and Career Center: Thursday, Oct. 23

6 p.m. to 8 p.m. at South Division High School, 1515 W. Lapham Blvd. Register here.

Milwaukee School of Languages College and Career Center: Wednesday, Oct. 29

6 p.m. to 8 p.m. at the Milwaukee School of Languages, 8400 W. Burleigh St. Register here.

Virtual FAFSA Completion Event: Wednesday, Oct. 29

6 p.m. to 8 p.m. virtually. Register here.

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Jonathan Aguilar is a visual journalist at Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service who is supported through a partnership between CatchLight Local and Report for America.

Everything you need to know about FAFSA applications is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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We found no documentation confirming a Sept. 29 statement by U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., that 6 million people unknowingly received health insurance through the Affordable Care Act.

Johnson cited a report by Paragon Health Institute, a think tank aligned with the Trump administration. 

The report produced an estimate, not a count, claiming 6.4 million people were fraudulently enrolled in Obamacare. It said they were not income-eligible, including millions who “appear to be enrolled without their knowledge.”

The methodology was faulted by Blue Cross Blue Shield, the National Association of Benefits and Insurance Professionals and the American Hospital Association. 

Paragon stood by its work.

Fraud is much more common among brokers misappropriating patients’ identities than by patients, said KFF Obamacare program director Cynthia Cox and Justin Giovannelli of Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms.

Consumers are cautioned about offers to enroll them in Obamacare.

This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.

Sources

• U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson: Email
• Paragon Health Institute: The Greater Obamacare Enrollment Fraud: The Fraud Got Much Worse in 2025
• Politico: The think tank driving health policy on Capitol Hill — and dividing Republicans
• Washington Post: As GOP eyes ACA cuts, a conservative group highlights rampant fraud
• Paragon Health Institute: Answering the Critics: How Paragon Discovered Enrollment Fraud in the ACA Exchanges
• Blue Cross Blue Shield: The facts about the individual marketplace
• National Association of Benefits and Insurance Professionals: Facts Over Fear: NABIP Rebukes Paragon’s Misleading ACA Claims
• American Hospital Association: Setting the Record Straight: Separating Fact from Fiction on Health Insurance Marketplace Fraud
• U.S. Department of Health and Human Services: Consumer Fraud in the Health Insurance Marketplace

Do 6 million people receive Obamacare health insurance without knowing it? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Recently we’ve seen Democratic lawmakers in Minnesota and a young Republican influencer targeted for assassination; troops corralling protesters on American streets; a U.S. senator handcuffed and hauled away from a public event; news outlets being threatened and sued; lies, propaganda and doctored videos raging across social networks. 

Across our state and nation, more and more of the information people receive is bitter and dividing. New technologies have changed how people shop, advertise and search for information. Mobile feeds are driven by algorithms that grab attention by fueling passions, especially anger and lust. These same changes have undermined the business model that long financed local news outlets — the sources that inform communities, connect neighbors and nurture civic life. 

This all contributes to the fracturing of our communities, to folks not getting the information they need to navigate everyday challenges and to declining trust that our democracy still works at finding solutions. 

You can see it in annual Gallup polls measuring trust in our institutions. Since the late 1970s, folks who say they trust the news media “a great deal” or “a fair amount” have dropped from 72% to 31%.  Likewise, trust in the medical system has plunged from 74% to 36%, in church and organized religion from 64% to 32%, in public schools from 53% to 29%, in banks from 60% to 27%, in Congress from 40% to 9%. 

More and more of us feel overwhelmed by dramatic headlines from social networks, text feeds, national outlets and national chains posing as local news channels. Yet we’re seeing less and less about what’s happening in our neighborhoods, cities and counties.

We’re seeing plenty about the worst things happening in the world at the moment. 

But in many local communities, we’re not seeing nearly enough fair, honest reporting about what’s happening where we live, where most of our tax dollars are spent and where decisions that shape our everyday lives are made: in school board meetings, in city halls, in statehouses, in gatherings of people of good will trying to make things better. 

At the core of all this lies a market disruption in a society that relies on the marketplace to fill its needs — until it can’t. The local commerce advertising model that long supported local news has been overturned.

And the consequences are alarming. When communities lose their local news, civic engagement drops, corruption goes unchecked, government waste increases, polarization deepens, people begin to lose faith in democracy and its institutions.

Our democratic republic, more than other forms of government, relies on trust and truth.

The founders of our republic overcame an entitled king and the world’s strongest military. They knew that tyrants grasp and retain power by controlling the stories told to the people they rule. They understood how critical a well-informed citizenry would be to the success of self-government. 

They gave us the First Amendment to the Constitution so that citizens without political power would be free to tell one another what was really going on. 

They worried, in those early years,  how people in small towns and rural areas — outside of Boston, Philadelphia and New York — would receive enough news and information to make sound decisions and keep control over their government. So the first Postal Act, signed into law by President George Washington, provided free delivery of newspapers — a government subsidy of local news as a public service. 

This helped sow the seeds of a local news industry that would expand to serve a growing population of people arriving from across the globe in search of liberty.  Local commerce did the rest — from people selling to their neighbors through classified ads, to retailers advertising their wares to everyone within driving distance of their stores. This business model supported news reporters who covered floods and fires, zoning and planning commissions, school boards, village councils, county boards, state agencies, elections and community events — from our smallest towns to our biggest cities — until the 21st century. 

The collapse of that business model happened so quickly that we haven’t had time to adjust or even to understand what it means.  

In 1999, I was managing editor of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel when its sales and profits hit heights they would never see again. Classified ads of neighbors selling to neighbors filled multiple print sections. The three largest retail advertisers were Boston Store, American TV and Circuit City.

Craigslist was a startup in the San Francisco Bay area offering free online ads for folks selling cars, boats, jobs and services. They supported their small staff with revenue from display advertising appearing next to the free classifieds.  

Amazon sold one product: printed books, with ink on paper. 

Over the next decade, Craigslist and imitators spread like windswept wildfires to every city and then town, sucking the classified ads out of every local newspaper in  America. 

On the retail side, Circuit City closed in the Great Recession. 

When American TV shut down a few years later, its family owner said their stores had “become showrooms for Amazon.” Folks would come in, see a product they liked, google their cellphones to find it on sale at a lower price elsewhere in the world, and order it right then and there to be delivered to their homes. 

Boston Store, a fixture in Milwaukee since the 1890s, strived to stay alive by buying other department store chains to find economies of scale but succumbed in 2018.  

By that time, the Journal Sentinel, which traced its roots to before Milwaukee was a city and before Wisconsin was a state, had been sold first to a national media chain based in Cincinnati, then spun off to a newspaper chain based in Washington, D.C., which itself was swallowed by a hedge-fund-controlled chain rising from the depths of bankruptcy.

The same thing was happening to local advertisers and local newsrooms almost everywhere. Green Bay, for example, was home to Prange’s and Shopko. Gone.

Every major daily newspaper in Wisconsin is now owned by a distant cost-cutting chain, as are most commercial broadcast outlets and many community weeklies. 

We’ve lost more than six out of 10 journalists in Wisconsin and nationwide, but it’s worse than that. Because most of the journalists left are clustered in our biggest cities. There, many continue to do outstanding work despite shrinking budgets, often with the help of grants, fellowships and partnerships. But as parent corporations seek to maximize digital audiences and subscriptions, they devote a lion’s share of resources toward the same attention-grabbing national stories, highlighting the most tragic events and most polarizing political conflicts, while spewing nonstop coverage of celebrities, sports stars and social network gossip. 

An average of two local newspapers in America have been closing each week for the past 20 years. About half our nation’s counties have only one news outlet left, and hundreds have none. The smaller and less wealthy the community, the bigger the losses. 

“Ghost” newspapers are proliferating, featuring legacy mastheads with stories from elsewhere because no local journalists remain in town. 

At the same time, Wisconsin has become one of just seven swing election states that determine which party and their backers win control over branches of the federal government. As a result we attract huge volumes of attack ads and misleading propaganda from those seeking national power and influence. Political websites disguised as  nonpartisan news outlets have proliferated. Our state and local elections and public discussions increasingly reflect the bitter “us against them” dysfunction we see at the national level. 

Take, for example, the circus of a “nonpartisan” state Supreme Court race we witnessed this past spring. Misleading attack ads dominated TV and radio; campaign text alerts buzzed over our phones; faraway billionaires with personal agendas spent tens of millions to elect one judge in a place they might have flown over; the world’s richest man, born and raised in South Africa and now residing in Texas, donned a Cheesehead while passing out million-dollar checks to Wisconsin voters. 

As The Constitution was being ratified in 1787, Ben Franklin was asked: “What have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”

“A republic,” he famously responded. “IF you can keep it.”

To keep our republic, we must revive our local news ecosystem. 

Given the huge loss of reporters covering local government and community life, we need to begin by nurturing collaborative efforts, where newsrooms work together to tell the local and state stories that matter most. As a Wisconsin-based nonprofit with a mission of providing impactful reporting — and sharing it freely — Wisconsin Watch is the news outlet in the best position to support this revival across our state.  

We’ll need help from all who can provide it.

Here’s a quick sampling of what we hope to do with support from members, donors and everyone who cares about rejuvenating democracy and civic life in Wisconsin: 

• We’re investing in a statehouse bureau that is providing evidence-based reporting and fact-checking to more than 200 news outlets across the state. We’re not duplicating what others are doing but providing key accountability and campaign stories that otherwise wouldn’t be reported. 
  
  
• We’re building our in-depth investigative team to offer our services to all newsrooms in the state that no longer have the resources to dig deep. If a local news outlet or citizen suspects incompetence, wrongdoing, misspending of taxpayer dollars, abuse of power, bring it to Wisconsin Watch. In addition to shining a light on the problem, we are searching for examples of places doing a better job tackling similar challenges. 
  
  
• We’re serving accurate, fact-based state and local news to folks wherever they get their information. That includes sharing video summaries of key news stories on TikTok, Instagram and YouTube. It includes video and audio fact checks shared freely with commercial and public radio stations reaching rural areas with low broadband usage.
  
  
• We’re adding local journalists to fill news deserts. In Milwaukee, we’ve merged with Neighborhood News Service. In northeast Wisconsin, we’re collaborating with commercial and nonprofit newsrooms and the Greater Green Bay Community Foundation. We’re listening to learn folks’ most pressing local news needs, then we’ll find ways to fill them — and get that information to the people who need it most, through the channels they’re using.
  
  
• We’re raising money to fill key reporting gaps. This will include training citizen observers to objectively take notes and ask questions at public meetings and hearings where there aren’t enough journalists to cover the ground. It will include reporting beats focused on public service — major challenges people are facing; solutions folks are bringing to the table; key issues such as the challenge of today’s housing market; affordable child and senior care; the skills and education needed for family-supporting jobs and how to get them. 
  
  
• We’re aspiring to replicate our regional news bureaus across the state as the impact of this work proves its value. 

Alexis de Tocqueville came to America from France 200 years ago to explain to his peers in Europe how this new experiment in democracy was working.  He saw firsthand how messy things can get — how hard it can be to build consensus with so many points of view and competing interests in play. 

So when a European gentleman asked him how America had become so enlightened, Tocqueville shook his head. He said: “The greatness of America lies not in being more enlightened than any other nation, but rather in her ability to repair her faults.”

How do we repair those faults? I’ve seen long-standing and seemingly insurmountable challenges overcome when three things are present: 

1. Enough people see and understand the problem to get the attention of responsible parties.
   
   
2. Enough people care about the problem to demand better.
   
   
3. People can see a road map to success — examples where folks  have tackled similar problems more effectively, with evidence to back it up. 

When these three things are present, political partisanship tends to dissipate and people of goodwill come together to build better ways. 

When all three elements are absent, the inertia of doing things the way they’ve always been done remains in charge. 

So no matter what problem you aim to address in our democracy, you’ll need honest reporters to inform the public, to show how the problem is affecting real people and to highlight better ways. Otherwise, you’re likely to grow frustrated you’ve spent so much time, money and energy while things never seem to get better. 

As Alberto Ibargüen, longtime head of the Knight Foundation, puts it: “Whatever your first priority, journalism needs to be your second” priority if you want to make a difference and make improvements in our democratic republic.

It’s time to support public service journalism in the same way we support our libraries, the arts and other civic treasures essential to quality of life. Let’s nurture community and ensure that government of the people, by the people, for the people does not perish from the earth. 

Sarabeth Berman, head of the American Journalism Project, one of our supporters, puts it this way: 

“This is not the story of a dying industry. It is the story of a country choosing to rebuild its civic life — one newsroom, one community at a time.”

I love her emphasis on the key elements of choice and action, which many folks don’t think about until it’s pointed out in a powerful way.

We are a democracy. The government, at all levels, works for us when we do our part. We can act to change things. We don’t have to be resigned and accept the way things are as inevitable. We’re in charge — if we choose to be.

America struggled through similar challenges more than a century ago when the industrial revolution dramatically shifted massive wealth into the hands of a few. The two political parties, and the wealthy and powerful forces supporting them, fostered polarization, disinformation and benefited from “us against them” tactics. The highly partisan “yellow press” of the Gilded Age behaved much like the angry partisans in our feeds today. 

But then responsible grown-ups of goodwill took back control — one community, one state at a time. Along with Theodore Roosevelt at the national level, our state was a leader in this movement, with people like Fighting Bob La Follette, Charles Van Hise, Daniel Hoan and Charles McCarthy. The fruits of their efforts include The Wisconsin Idea and one of the nation’s first journalism schools in Madison — to teach and spread nonpartisan, fact-based, honest reporting that informs the good people of Wisconsin.

It is time for us all to do our part again. We welcome your contributions and support.

Rebuilding civic life requires truthful, independent journalism is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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No matter what kind of home you live in, challenges will pop up.

If you own your home and a pipe starts leaking, you might call a plumber. If you rent, you call your landlord. But what if you own your home and rent the land underneath it?

Thousands of Wisconsin residents own manufactured homes and pay to anchor their homes in communities, often called mobile home or trailer parks. Owners of manufactured homes are responsible for repairs to their homes but rely on park owners to maintain things like roads, water drainage and sewage. 

And if landlords don’t respond and conditions deteriorate? A patchwork of laws and regulations governing manufactured housing leaves residents unsure of where to turn.

Here’s a list of options:

• Those with issues surrounding park maintenance should file a complaint with the Department of Safety and Professional Services using its online form. DSPS licenses manufactured home communities and determines if complaints warrant inspection and potential discipline. The agency accepts anonymous complaints. Find more information here. In 16 counties, the DSPS has delegated inspection authority to local health departments. Find a list of delegated counties here. 

• If the issue involves eviction, lease agreements or other landlord-tenant issues, contact the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection. Residents can submit an online complaint here. Complainants can leave identifying information off of the form, but it may limit DATCP’s ability to help address the issue. The agency contacts businesses on behalf of tenants to try to mediate problems, although the agency lacks the power to force mediation. Complaints — resolved or not —  help the agency track potentially unfair business practices. 

• County health officials have jurisdiction over complaints related to health and safety. Find contact information for your local agency here. 

• City, town and village officials can also adopt their own regulations on manufactured housing communities. Consider asking local officials about requirements in your community and who enforces them. 

Need help paying for repairs? 

Tomorrow’s Home Foundation, partially funded by the state, grants low-income manufactured home owners up to $3,000 for repairs or modifications or up to $1,500 to dispose of uninhabitable homes. Learn more about eligibility here, and download an application here. 

Have a question or know of a resource we should add to this list? Contact Addie Costello at acostello@wisconsinwatch.org.

Have an issue with a manufactured housing park? Here’s what to know is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Wisconsin’s Democratic Attorney General Josh Kaul announced Tuesday that he will not run for governor, opting instead to seek a third term as the state’s top law enforcement official.

The governor’s race is wide open after Democratic incumbent Tony Evers, 73, announced this summer that he won’t seek reelection. The race will be the highest-profile contest on the ballot, but it has even greater significance this cycle as Democrats look to hold the office and take control of the Legislature for the first time since 2010.

More than half a dozen Democrats have announced plans to run in the August primary. Kaul would have been the de facto front-runner had he joined, given his large base of support and two statewide election victories.

The most prominent candidates in the Democratic primary scramble include Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez, Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, state Sen. Kelda Roys, state Rep. Francesca Hong and former Wisconsin Economic Development Commission leader Missy Hughes. Former lieutenant governor and 2022 U.S. Senate candidate Mandela Barnes said Tuesday in the wake of Kaul’s decision that he’s “strongly considering” entering the race.

The most notable Republicans running are U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany and Washington County Executive Josh Schoemann.

Kaul said in an interview Tuesday that he seriously considered running for governor but was worried the job would take him away from his two sons, ages 8 and 11. The state also needs leaders willing to push back against President Donald Trump’s administration, he said.

“It’s vitally important that we have folks who are going to stand up and protect our freedoms and rule of law,” he said.

Kaul is nearly three-quarters of the way through his second term. He defeated incumbent Republican Brad Schimel in 2018 and held off a challenge from Republican Eric Toney, Fond du Lac County’s district attorney, to win a second term in 2022.

Toney is expected to run for attorney general again in 2026. Asked for comment on the race Tuesday following Kaul’s announcement, he said only that he was focused on a homicide trial.

Kaul has been an advocate for liberal causes as attorney general. He has repeatedly called on Republican legislators to enact gun safety measures, to no avail. He successfully persuaded the liberal-controlled state Supreme Court to strike down the state’s abortion ban this year. Kaul has launched an investigation into clergy sex abuse in Wisconsin and has worked to expedite testing of sexual assault evidence kits.

Kaul also has worked to create multiple legal obstacles for Trump.

Last year, he filed felony charges against two attorneys and an aide who helped submit false papers to Congress claiming that Trump had won Wisconsin in 2020. Democrat Joe Biden won the state by less than a percentage point. The case Kaul brought against the fake electors is still pending.

Kaul has also joined more than two dozen multistate lawsuits challenging edicts from the current Trump administration. The filings challenge an array of proposals, including dismantling the federal volunteer agency AmeriCorps, withholding federal education funding from the states and capping research grant funding.

Republicans tried to curtail Kaul’s powers ahead of his first term, passing legislation in a lame duck session before he took office that required the Legislature’s GOP-controlled finance committee to approve any court settlements his office might broker. Kaul fought the statutes all the way to the state Supreme Court and ultimately won a ruling in June that the legislation was unconstitutional.

Wisconsin Watch is a nonprofit and nonpartisan newsroom. Subscribe to our newsletters to get our investigative stories and Friday news roundup. This story is published in partnership with The Associated Press.

Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul won’t run for governor, will seek reelection instead is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Click here to read highlights from the story

• The state’s prison population keeps growing — as does the share of older prisoners who have increasingly complex health care needs. 

• Increased use of compassionate release could help ease costs and crowding with minimal risks to public safety, prisoner advocates and legal experts say.

• Wisconsin courts approved just 53, or 11%, of 489 compassionate release petitions received between January 2019 and June 2025.

• California offers a different model for sick and dying prisoners, including by processing compassionate release applications more quickly, the result of a legislative overhaul.

It’s hard to find hope in a terminal illness. But for Darnell Price, the spread of a cancerous tumor opened the door for a new life. It was a chance to spend his remaining days outside of prison.

Two Wisconsin Department of Corrections doctors in 2023 projected Price would die within a year — one of several criteria by which prisoners may seek a shortened sentence due to an “extraordinary health condition,” a form of compassionate release.  

That was only the first step. A Corrections committee next had to vet his application. Its approval would send Price’s application to the court that convicted him for charges related to a 2015 bank robbery.

Victims of the crime did not oppose an early release, and a judge granted Price’s petition. That allowed him to walk free in August 2023 after an eight-year stint behind bars.

Price beat the odds in multiple ways. He’s still alive in his native Milwaukee and has authored a memoir about his journey. That his application succeeded is nearly as remarkable as his survival. 

Wisconsin grants few applicants compassionate release, leaving many severely ill inmates in short-staffed prisons that often struggle to meet health care needs. 

Wisconsin courts approved just 53, or 11%, of 489 compassionate release petitions they received between January 2019 and June 2025 — about eight petitions a year, Corrections data show. Courts approved just five of 63 petitions filed in all of 2024. 

That’s as the state’s adult prison population has swelled past 23,500, eclipsing the system’s built capacity. A growing share of those prisoners — 1 in 10 — are 60 or older with increasingly intense health care needs. 

Increased use of compassionate release could help ease costs and crowding with minimal risks to public safety, prisoner advocates and legal experts say, but it remains off limits to a significant share of the prison population in Wisconsin and elsewhere, including those posing little threat to the public.  

“The door is closed to so many people right at the very beginning,” said Mary Price, senior counsel for Families Against Mandatory Minimums, a nonprofit advocate for criminal justice reform. 

“There’s lots of good arguments why they ought to be released: They’re the most expensive people to incarcerate and the least likely to reoffend.”

Wisconsin’s aging prison population 

Wisconsin’s struggle to care for its graying prison population has long drawn concern.

By 2014, Corrections counted more than 900 inmates over the age of 60, or about 4% of the overall population. Citing that number, then-department medical director James Greer wondered in a WPR interview: 

“What’s that 900 (inmates) over 60 going to look like? It’s going to (be) 1,100? Is it going to be 1,200 in five years? And if so, how are (we) going to manage those in a correctional setting and keep them safe?”

Those projections undershot the trend. By the end of 2019, state prisons held more than 1,600 people older than 60. That number stood at 2,165 by the end of last year, nearly 10% of the population.

The state’s truth-in-sentencing law, which took effect in 2000, has helped drive that trend. It virtually eliminated parole for newly convicted offenders.

“Old law” prisoners sentenced before the change were eligible for release after serving 25% of their time. They were mandatorily released after serving two-thirds of their time. 

Truth-in-sentencing required prisoners to serve 100% of their sentences plus post-release “extended supervision” of at least 25% of the original sentence. Parole remains available only to those sentenced before 2000. 

The overhaul increased lockup time by nearly two years on average, said Michael O’Hear, a Marquette University Law School professor and expert on criminal punishment. That likely contributed to the aging trend. Lengthened post-release supervision played an even bigger role, if indirectly. 

“​​The longer a person serves on supervision, the greater the likelihood of revocation and return to prison,” O’Hear said.

Separately, harsher sentencing for drunken driving also sent more people to prison. 

Older prisoners need more health care 

As prisoners age, they develop more complicated medical needs. Research is finding that the conditions of incarceration —  overcrowding, lack of quality health care and psychological stress — accelerate those needs. Such conditions can shorten life expectancy by up to two years for every year behind bars, one study in New York state found.

“In Wisconsin overcrowding is a huge issue. Assigning more people to a room than they’re supposed to, which, of course, affects your sleep,” said Farah Kaiksow, associate professor of medicine at the University of Wisconsin School of Medicine and Public Health, who has researched aging and care in prison. 

The state has recognized the growing needs of older prisoners. In 2023, for instance, it opened a $7 million addition to the minimum-security Oakhill Correctional Institution that includes dozens of assisted living beds. 

“Patients are helped with daily living tasks such as eating, dressing, hygiene, mobility, etc. Patients may be admitted for temporary rehab stays after injury or illness or longer-term stays due to age and frailty,” Corrections spokesperson Beth Hardtke said.

Hardtke also cited hospice programs at Dodge, Taycheedah and Oshkosh prisons. 

But the department has struggled to recruit and retain competent medical staff. A Wisconsin Watch/New York Times investigation last year found nearly a third of the 60 prison staff physicians employed over a decade faced previous censure by a state medical board for an error or breach of ethics. Many faced lawsuits from inmates accusing them of serious errors that caused suffering or death. 

That included a doctor whom Darnell Price sued for failing to order a biopsy on his growing tumor. She had surrendered her medical license in California after pleading guilty to a drug possession charge and no contest to a charge of prescription forgery. 

Meanwhile, two Waupun Correctional Institution nurses are facing felony charges relating to deaths of two prisoners in their custody. One prisoner, 62-year-old Donald Maier, died in February 2024 from malnutrition and dehydration.

Compassionate release seen as cost saver

Advocates say boosting compassionate release could save taxpayer money in a state that spends more than its neighbors on incarceration. Health care tends to cost more for older prisoners.  

Wisconsin lawmakers in the state’s most recent budget assumed that per prisoner health care costs will increase to $6,554 by 2026-27 — a fraction of the roughly $50,000 officials say it costs to incarcerate one person in Wisconsin. 

The corrections department did not provide information breaking down health care costs by age. But a study of North Carolina’s prison system found that it spent about four times as much on health care for prisoners older than 50 compared to others. A 2012 ACLU report found it cost twice as much to incarcerate older prisoners nationally.

Most states and the Federal Bureau of Prisons have some version of compassionate release, though they vary wildly. 

Wisconsin offers two main avenues: one based on medical condition and the other based on age and time served. Over the last seven years, Wisconsin has been more likely to grant petitions for early release based on medical reasons. 

State law bars compassionate release for old law prisoners convicted before 2000 — about 1,600 people today. Parole is their only option for early release, and the state parole commission has been releasing fewer people on parole in recent years.

That leaves out people like Carmen Cooper, 80, a wheelchair-bound inmate at Fox Lake Correctional Institution who struggles to breathe. He lives with Parkinson’s disease, recurrent cancer and other ongoing pain and says he doesn’t always receive proper medication. 

Convicted of murder and attempted murder in 1993, he is not eligible for parole for another 12 years. He has submitted two compassionate release applications with doctors’ affidavits, but the timing and nature of his convictions ban him from such relief; state law categorically excludes people convicted of Class A or Class B felonies, the most serious types of crime.

Cooper has little hope of dying outside of prison. 

His daughters Qumine Hunter and Carmen Cooper say the incarceration has left a wide gap. He has missed deaths of close family members and births of grandchildren and great-grandchildren he has not met. The sisters never stop looking for ways to bring him home.

“If we got five years, 10 years, two years, whatever years we got left with him, we want all of them,” Hunter said. 

Renagh O’Leary, an assistant professor at the University of Wisconsin Law School, represents people in compassionate release hearings. She said several elements of the state’s process limit access, including that petitions first go to a Department of Corrections committee, which must include a social worker and can include health care representatives. 

Committee members might ask for a person’s plan for housing or to explain minor infractions from time in prison. The petition advances to a judge only if the committee unanimously approves. 

Sending petitions directly to the sentencing court would be fairer, O’Leary said. Those and other major changes to the process would require legislative action. 

“We’re talking about how long someone should serve in prison,” she added, “and I think those questions are best answered in a public courtroom, in a transparent process by a judge in the county that imposed the original prison sentence.” 

The courtroom is where crime victims can weigh in. Their opinions depend on individual circumstances, said Amy Brown, the longtime director of victim services at the Dane County District Attorney’s Office. 

“Victims don’t all fall into one category, just like offenders don’t all fall into one category,” she said. 

Another wrinkle in Wisconsin’s compassionate release system: Doctors must attest to prisoners having less than six to 12 months to live. Some doctors feel uncomfortable making such a prediction. 

“It’s really hard for a doctor to say, ‘Yeah, he’s going to be dead in six months,’” said Michele DiTomas, hospice medical director for the California Medical Facility in Vacaville, California. “You just don’t know. Some people will be dead in three months, some people will go on for 18 months.”

California a compassionate release model

California offers a different model for sick and dying prisoners. 

The 17-bed hospice unit DiTomas runs, the first of its kind in the U.S., offers dying men as much comfort as can be found within a prison: medications that ease pain, visits from family members, time outdoors and attention from other incarcerated men who have been trained to provide hospice care. That hasn’t stopped DiTomas from working to get people approved for compassionate release so they can finish their lives at home.  

California’s compassionate release process used to require a string of signatures — from the corrections secretary, the parole board, the governor and the original sentencing court — and often took longer than a person had left to live, she said. Similar barriers exist in many states.   

The state a decade ago approved about 10 applications on average each year, DiTomas said, with approvals taking four to six months. A legislative overhaul streamlined the process. The state now approves about 100 compassionate release applications a year, taking as little as four weeks each, DiTomas said. 

The changes resulted from leaders’ collaboration after recognizing that the previous system wasn’t working.

“We can give people their humanity and preserve public safety,” DiTomas said. “It’s not necessarily one or the other.” 

Housing shortage complicates release 

Price initially lacked a place to stay while applying for compassionate release in 2023. It was his job to fix that or risk dooming his application.

“They can deny you for not having a solid plan for housing, but it’s not something they help you with,” he said.  

He found a room in a transitional housing unit in Milwaukee through a faith-based organization. Had he required more intensive care, a nursing home may be a better option. But many nursing homes don’t accept someone fresh out of prison — a challenge described in a 2020 Legislative Audit Bureau report.  

Wisconsin faces a wide shortage of affordable senior care beds, let alone for people with a criminal record. 

That’s a problem nationwide, said Price, the Families Against Mandatory Minimums attorney. As more than 60,000 people aged 50 or older leave prison each year, housing demand continues to outpace supply. Her organization is creating a clearinghouse to help match prisoners who qualify for compassionate release with pro bono lawyers to help them find beds. 

O’Leary said that illustrates how expanding compassionate release in Wisconsin would require more post-prison housing options. 

Life on the outside

Price now lives in a modest efficiency apartment on Milwaukee’s north side. It doesn’t have much, he said, but it has everything he needs, including a laptop and smart TV to watch Packers highlights. On his wall hangs a framed version of the Wisconsin Watch/New York Times story that detailed his struggle to receive medical care in prison — a gift from his attorneys. The tumors still lurk in his body, though for now they do not seem to be growing. 

Price has faced some of his toughest challenges since leaving prison. 

The opioids doctors prescribed to ease his pain triggered a past cocaine addiction, Price said, and drug use cost him the first place he stayed.

But Price checked into a treatment facility in February 2024. He managed to stay sober in 24-hour increments. The days eventually turned into weeks.  

“At that time I didn’t have a plan. But in treatment, I started feeling better and better until finally, the lights started coming back,” he said. “Then there came a point that I even wanted to go back to that life.”  

Kyesha Felts, with whom Price shares a daughter, is also taking life one day at a time, enjoying the time she gets to spend with the man she has loved for 30 years. 

“I love it,” she said of Price being home. “I’m enjoying every minute of it. Because tomorrow’s promised to nobody.”

She said she admires his intelligence, the way he treats people and his strength and resilience. 

Price is now eight months sober, and he’s proud of the memoir he published, “The Ultimate Betrayal,” a chronicle of addiction, incarceration and redemption. He tells his story around the community. He doesn’t hold anything back, he said, because it’s all part of his testimony. 

Wisconsin rarely grants compassionate release as aging, ailing prisoners stress systems is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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In a 2007 ruling known as Zellner v. Cedarburg School District, the Wisconsin Supreme Court declared that because public school teachers “are entrusted with the responsibility of teaching children,” the public has a clear right to know about allegations of misconduct against educators.

I wonder what the justices would think of a school district trying to charge $5,600 for this information. Or $40,000. Or $245,000.

Those were among the actual cost estimates that Wisconsin school districts provided when my paper, the Cap Times, asked for public records about teachers accused of sexual misconduct.

Such misconduct is a more pervasive problem in schools than you might think. An estimated one in 10 students experiences sexual harassment or assault from an educator during their K-12 schooling, according to one comprehensive case study in 2004. In Wisconsin, that rate would amount to more than 93,000 school children based on last year’s private and public school statewide enrollment.

But there is no statewide comprehensive data tracking of such allegations, so the Cap Times set out to determine how often educators are investigated for sexual misconduct toward students, and how allegations to this effect are handled.

For a report to be published later this month, the Cap Times sought employee investigation records, reprimands and resignation agreements over the last eight years from districts across Wisconsin.

The responses took the newspaper by surprise. I’m not referring to the actual records — which, when the Cap Times eventually received them, were shocking in other ways. What first stunned us were the amounts the districts demanded just to look for these documents.

The Middleton-Cross Plains Area School District outside of Madison put the upfront cost of locating these records at $40,000. Sheboygan wanted $18,000, Oshkosh wanted $6,600, Appleton wanted $5,600, and Madison wanted $4,500.

Leading the pack was the Janesville School District, which asked for $245,000. The district has 9,400 students and roughly 1,500 employees, making it the ninth largest district in the state. Milwaukee Public Schools, the largest school district in the state at 66,000 students, quoted the Cap Times about $1,100 for the exact same records request. MPS also has six times more employees, meaning more records to search.

After a Cap Times reporter spoke on the phone with Janesville assistant superintendent Scott Garner, this charge disappeared. For some of the districts, the newspaper had to identify names of specific teachers and narrow the scope of its requests to get a reasonable cost estimate. For others, including Madison, we still have not received records despite our attempts to make their searches easier.

The suspicion remains that the initial price tags from some of these districts were not based on the “actual, necessary and direct cost” of locating these records, as the Open Records Law allows, but on a desire to make these requests go away.

Then there were school districts, including Racine and Waukesha, where officials said they couldn’t fulfill the request at all because it would be too burdensome.

Refusing to provide this information, or charging prohibitive fees for such records, is antithetical to school districts’ legal duty — and moral obligation — of transparency. 

Educators have unique access to children and an enormous amount of responsibility for their safety at school. By far the majority can be trusted with those responsibilities. But in some cases that trust is violated — as in the state Supreme Court’s 2007 ruling, involving an educator who was viewing adult websites on his school computer.

As the court said in its decision, “The public has an interest in knowing about such allegations of teacher misconduct and how they are handled.”

And, I would add, members of the public shouldn’t have to take out a loan to get this information.

Your Right to Know is a monthly column distributed by the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council (wisfoic.org), a nonprofit, nonpartisan group dedicated to open government. Council secretary Mark Treinen (mtreinen@captimes.com) is editor of the Cap Times in Madison.

Your Right to Know: Costs shouldn’t be used to deter records requests is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, the Republican front-runner in the 2026 race for Wisconsin governor, has a mixed record on statements fact-checked by Wisconsin Watch.

The northern Wisconsin congressman has been on target on some claims, such as low Wisconsin business rankings, the link between marijuana and psychosis, and a drop in Wisconsin reading scores.

Other assertions, including claims about tariffs, aid for Ukraine and vetting evacuees from Afghanistan, have been off.

Here’s a look.

Do some rankings put Wisconsin among the bottom 10 states in job creation and entrepreneurship?

Yes.

Wisconsin was among the bottom 10 states in job and business creation in two 2025 rankings, but fared better in others.

Tiffany made the bottom-10 claim Sept. 23, the day he announced his bid for governor.

Is there evidence linking marijuana use to psychosis?

Yes.

Peer-reviewed research has found links between marijuana use and psychosis — the loss of contact with reality, experienced as delusions or hallucinations.

The consensus is there is a clear association, but more research is needed to determine if there is causation.

In August, Tiffany called for more research on the link to inform legalization policy. 

Does Canada impose 200% tariffs on US dairy products?

No.

U.S.-Canadian trade of agricultural products, including dairy, is generally done without tariffs, which are taxes paid on imported goods.

Canada has set tariffs exceeding 200% for U.S. dairy products. 

But the tariffs are imposed only when the amount imported exceeds quotas, and the U.S. “has never gotten close to exceeding” quotas that would trigger Canada’s dairy tariffs, the International Dairy Foods Association said.

Tiffany made the 200% claim in March.

Does Mississippi rank higher than Wisconsin in fourth grade reading scores?

Yes.

Tiffany claimed that Wisconsin had “fallen behind” Mississippi in reading. 

In the latest National Assessment of Educational Progress assessment, issued every two years, Mississippi’s fourth grade public school students scored higher than Wisconsin’s in reading proficiency, though the ratings “were not significantly different.”

In 2022, 33% of Wisconsin fourth graders rated “at or above proficient” in reading, vs. 31% in Mississippi. In 2024, Wisconsin dropped to 31%; Mississippi rose to 32%.

Did the April 2024 US foreign aid package include millions of dollars for pensions in Ukraine?

No. 

A $95 billion U.S. aid package for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, which President Joe Biden signed into law in April 2024, prohibits funds from being allocated to pensions in Ukraine.

Tiffany claimed that the law included “millions” for pensions in Ukraine. His office, pointing to a U.S. State Department news release, told Wisconsin Watch that Tiffany meant to say that previous U.S. aid packages funded Ukrainian pensions.

Did nearly 100,000 people in the Afghanistan evacuation come to the US unvetted?

No.

Following the Afghanistan evacuation that began in summer 2021, more than 76,000 Afghans came to the U.S. after being vetted, The Wall Street Journal reported.

All evacuees were brought to a military base in Europe or the Middle East, where U.S. officials collected fingerprints and biographical details and ran them through criminal and terrorism-related databases, the Journal reported.

In reviews, the Defense and Homeland Security departments found that not all evacuees were fully vetted.

Tiffany had claimed none were vetted.

Did the Biden administration change Title IX to allow transgender women to play women’s sports?

No.

Tiffany made the claim about changes the Biden administration made in 2024 to Title IX, a federal law that prohibits sex-based discrimination in schools receiving federal funding.

The new rules protect students and employees from sex-based harassment and discrimination. The rules say future changes will address sex-separate athletic teams.

Did more than 100 people on the terrorist watchlist try to enter the US midway through the Biden administration?

Yes.

As of late October 2023, when Tiffany made his claim, more than 200 non-U.S. citizens on the federal terrorist watchlist had tried to enter the U.S. between legal ports of entry and were stopped by Border Patrol during the Biden administration.

The watchlist contains known or suspected terrorists and individuals “who represent a potential threat.”

Did Joe Biden join 20 phone calls with Hunter Biden’s business partners to ‘close these deals and enrich his family’?

No.

In making that claim, Tiffany cited a Wall Street Journal report on closed-door congressional testimony given by Devon Archer, a former Hunter Biden business associate, about Joe Biden participating with Hunter in about 20 phone calls when Biden was vice president.

The Journal quoted Republican Rep. James Comer as saying Archer testified that Joe Biden was put on the phone to help Hunter sell “the brand.” A transcript shows Archer testified that Joe and Hunter never discussed business on the calls.

Was it proved that Joe Biden received $5 million from the Ukrainian energy company Burisma?

No.

Information cited by Tiffany when he made that claim in 2023 contained only unverified intelligence that the Ukrainian energy company Burisma paid Biden $5 million.

Did the FBI under Joe Biden label concerned parents who spoke at school board meetings ‘domestic terrorists’?

No.

We found no evidence to back Tiffany’s claim, made in 2023.

Here are some claims GOP gubernatorial candidate Tom Tiffany has made — and the facts is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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A Waukesha County judge on Friday ordered the Wisconsin Elections Commission to determine whether any noncitizens are registered to vote and to stop accepting voter registrations without verifying that the applicant is a U.S. citizen.

A Pewaukee resident, represented by conservative attorneys, filed a lawsuit last year seeking to require the election commission to verify citizenship of registered voters and applicants. The suit also sought to force the Wisconsin Department of Transportation to compare its citizenship information against voter rolls.

The election commission opposed the initial request, saying that no state law called for requiring documented proof of citizenship. It also argued that the DOT has no obligation to match citizenship data with voter records.

Waukesha County Circuit Court Judge Michael Maxwell rejected the commission’s argument, saying that the agency is failing in its duty to ensure that only lawful voters make it to the voter rolls. He cited several statutes that he said made clear that only citizens could cast a ballot.

Maxwell didn’t specify how the election commission and local clerks should verify citizenship of new registrants, or how the commission should check for noncitizens on the voter rolls. He only called for the parties to figure out a plan, whether that be through matching the DOT’s citizenship data or using “other lawfully available means.” He called for that process to be substantially completed before the next statewide election, which is February.

Currently, applicants for voter registration in Wisconsin and most other states must attest, under penalty of perjury, that they are U.S. citizens who are eligible to vote, but they are not required to present proof of citizenship.

The issue of noncitizen voting has been hotly debated in recent years, though no widespread instances have been found. Republicans have used the concern to call for citizenship proof checks of all voters, even as data shows that such measures risk disenfranchising some U.S. citizens.

Republicans praised the decision, with state Rep. Amanda Nedweski calling it a “great win for election integrity.”

Democrats and the respondents in the case were largely mum.

Election commission spokesperson Emilee Miklas didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment. Riley Vetterkind, a spokesperson for the Wisconsin Department of Justice, which represents the commission and the Department of Transportation, declined to say whether the agencies would appeal the decision.

The current plaintiffs, Pewaukee resident Ardis Cerny and Waukesha resident Annette Kuglitsch, sued the election commission, the Department of Transportation and officials in both agencies. They have argued that the election commission is violating their voting rights by not checking for noncitizens already registered to vote and seeking to vote. 

Maxwell agreed, saying they “have a clear legal right to not have their votes diluted by a non-citizen casting an unlawful ballot.”

It’s unclear how the commission would verify the citizenship of all of Wisconsin’s registered voters by February. Bryna Godar, a staff attorney at the University of Wisconsin Law School’s State Democracy Research Initiative, said the decision will “definitely be appealed” and that the lower-court decision could be stayed while the appeal goes through the courts.

If the case reaches the Wisconsin Supreme Court, the liberal majority could overturn the order of the conservative-leaning Waukesha County Circuit Court.

Alexander Shur is a reporter for Votebeat based in Wisconsin. Contact Shur at ashur@votebeat.org.

Votebeat is a nonprofit news organization reporting on voting access and election administration across the U.S. Sign up for Votebeat Wisconsin’s free newsletter here.

Wisconsin must verify citizenship of registered voters and new applicants, judge rules is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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A bill with bipartisan support scheduled for a committee vote on Tuesday could restore funding for Wisconsin veterans homes in Green Bay and Chippewa Falls that closed in September due to funding cuts in the 2025-27 state budget.

Democratic Gov. Tony Evers told Wisconsin Watch he would sign the Republican-sponsored bill, even though it includes additional items that are not part of a Democratic “clean” proposal that only funds the veterans homes. But it’s unclear if the bill will pass the Republican-controlled Assembly.

Senate Bill 411, from Sen. André Jacque, R-New Franken, would provide the Wisconsin Department of Veterans Affairs $1.95 million over the biennium to increase funding for the costs of running the agency’s Veterans Housing and Recovery Program, which supports veterans at risk of homelessness. The dollars would also cover costs for leasing a new facility in Chippewa Falls. Klein Hall, which housed VHRP veterans there, was nearly 50 years old and needed repairs, staff told Wisconsin Watch this summer. 

Veterans organizations, Republicans and Democrats spoke in favor of the bill at a public hearing in September, and no one spoke against it. The bill also requires the Universities of Wisconsin System Board of Regents to fund the Missing-in-Action Recovery and Identification Project and reduces the disability rating threshold for veterans or their surviving spouses to claim property tax credits. 

But the bill’s path beyond Tuesday’s executive session vote in the Senate’s Committee on Natural Resources, Veteran and Military Affairs, which Jacque leads, remains unclear at this point. 

Even if Jacque’s bill makes it to Evers’ desk for his signature, it would still take “a few months” to reopen the Green Bay facility and at least a year for a site to reopen in Chippewa Falls, said Colleen Flaherty, a spokesperson for the WDVA. The Chippewa Falls timeline is longer because the WDVA would have to apply for a new round of federal grants, Flaherty said.

Still, Jacque said in a statement to Wisconsin Watch that he was “heartened” by the support for SB 411 so far. 

“I look forward to continuing discussions with the Department of Veterans Affairs and fellow committee members to get this legislation to the governor as quickly as possible,” he said. 

How we got here

SB 411 is one of several legislative proposals brought forward after the state’s two-year budget passed without additional funds to cover the rising costs of running veterans homes across the state. 

Evers originally proposed $1.9 million in new funding for the low-cost housing option, but the Legislature’s Republican-led budget writing committee removed those dollars during the legislative process.  

Political finger-pointing followed as the state prepared to close the Green Bay and Chippewa Falls facilities. Evers placed the blame on the Republicans in the Legislature. Republican lawmakers, such as Sen. Eric Wimberger, R-Oconto, argued Evers and the WDVA already had funding to keep the veterans homes open. 

According to the nonpartisan Legislative Fiscal Bureau, the WDVA receives an appropriation for “general program administration,” which has been underspent its funding by $600,000 to $2 million in each of the last six fiscal years. The agency has broad enough stipulations that it could use extra funds to support the veterans housing program. 

But it’s possible the WDVA believes the Legislature did not intend to continue to support the veterans homes when it did not approve the specific funding proposed during the budget process, the LFB said. Flaherty, with the WDVA, said the agency “needs legislative approval for the funding.”

Evers spokesperson Britt Cudaback said the governor is “hopeful” the Legislature will “work quickly” and pass SB 411 in its current form, which he would sign into law.

“While it’s great to see that Republicans have now decided they support Gov. Evers’ budget requests, it’s disappointing they chose not to approve these investments months ago when they had the chance, which could have prevented two facilities serving homeless veterans from closing,” Cudaback said. 

Wimberger, in a statement to Wisconsin Watch, continued to place the blame on Evers.

“I’m not opposed to Senator Jacque’s bill,” Wimberger said. “However, Governor Evers is extorting the Legislature since the program already has funding. If paying twice makes Governor Evers stop sending veterans out on the streets, maybe we do that.” 

What’s next for SB 411?

Should SB 411 move beyond the Senate’s committee, it would then go to the full Senate for consideration. The chamber has not met since early July. 

It’s also unclear how far SB 411 would go in the Assembly. State Rep. William Penterman, R-Hustisford, who leads the Assembly Committee on Veterans and Military Affairs, did not respond to questions from Wisconsin Watch on if he would hold a hearing on Jacque’s bill. 

Two Assembly bills that also seek to restore veterans home funding, one from Democrats and another from Republicans, have not received any public hearings yet. Nor has another Senate Democratic-sponsored bill, which would only provide funding for veterans homes. 

In the meantime, the WDVA found new placements for all of the veterans who previously called the Green Bay and Chippewa Falls sites home. The last veteran left Chippewa Falls on Sept. 9 and Green Bay on Sept. 12, Flaherty said. 

Can Wisconsin’s split government pass a bill to support homeless veterans? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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• A Manitowoc County dairy farmer can’t find an attorney and has no idea where her husband is after he was among 24 people arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers in Manitowoc County on Sept. 25.
  
• Wisconsin immigration attorneys said they were surprised to hear that, unlike during other recent federal government shutdowns, immigration court hearings for clients not in ICE detention would continue as planned. 
  
• Only about a third of immigrants in Wisconsin with upcoming hearings in federal immigration court have legal representation.

A Manitowoc County dairy worker arrived for her shift early on a Thursday morning in late September and waited for a message from her husband. It’s their routine, she said: rise early, commute to jobs at separate dairies and check in by phone.

“But when I called him, he didn’t answer,” she said in Spanish. “And so I was calling and calling and I said, ‘something happened, because he’s not answering – that’s not normal.’”

Her husband, Abraham Maldonado Almanza, was among the 24 people arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers in Manitowoc County on Sept. 25. As far as she knows, officers picked Maldonado Almanza up in the Walmart parking lot where dairy workers gather to carpool hours before sunrise. Within a matter of days, he had — at least from her perspective — effectively vanished, carried away at breakneck speed by the Trump administration’s sweeping immigration crackdown.

The pace of enforcement operations, lack of transparency and sudden shifts in policy have disoriented both those targeted in the crackdown and immigration attorneys already managing overwhelming caseloads.

A Department of Homeland Security press release tied the arrests to a joint operation with the FBI, IRS and other federal law enforcement agencies targeting an alleged human and drug trafficking ring. Neither DHS nor the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Wisconsin responded to inquiries about whether the investigation has resulted in criminal charges against any of those arrested last month, nor did federal district court dockets point to criminal charges resulting from the investigation as of Friday.

Over the following days, the dairy worker says she made her way through a list of immigration attorneys’ phone numbers, none of whom agreed to take her husband’s case. She attributed the reluctance to a preexisting removal order on her husband’s record, which can speed the deportation process. But without a reliable source of information, she was left relying on hearsay to keep track of Abraham’s case.

As the federal government entered a shutdown on Wednesday, several Wisconsin immigration attorneys said they were surprised to hear that, unlike during other shutdowns in recent memory, immigration court hearings for clients not in ICE detention would continue as planned. 

Attorneys had not expected the shutdown to slow down the cases of immigrants in detention, but the speed of operations has still caught some off guard. Some of those arrested in Manitowoc County last month were already out of the country days before Congress missed its funding deadline, according to Aissa Olivarez, an attorney with the Community Immigration Law Center in Madison.

“Historically, people are taken to (the Dodge County Jail) and we’re able to at least do an intake and speak with them before anything else happens,” Olivarez said. “But it seems like in this operation, they knew who they were looking for, or exactly what they were going to do. … They did this really, really fast.”

As of Friday, three of the six arrestees named in a DHS press release about the Manitowoc County operation were still in the Dodge County Jail, according to ICE’s detainee locator tool. 

Maldonado Almanza was not among them, though his name and photograph appeared in the press release, which also claimed he had a prior conviction for identity theft. 

Wisconsin circuit court records yield no matching criminal record, nor do trial court records in Iowa, where his wife says they lived after emigrating from Mexico and before moving to Wisconsin. Iowa court records do, however, reflect that Maldonado Almanza was fined for driving without insurance in 2009.

As first reported by the Wisconsin Examiner, another man named in the September DHS press release on the Manitowoc County operation had been in ICE custody since July. That man, Jose Hilario Moreno Portillo, was charged with second-degree sexual assault of a child in Manitowoc County in May. 

The dairy worker said her husband had previously received a deportation order in an immigration court case that began while the couple was living in Iowa. That detail matches Olivarez’s understanding of the Manitowoc operation. “It does seem like there were people who have been ordered deported before,” she said. In those cases, “without a quick stay of removal or motion to reopen, the government executes that removal order right away.”

“Because there is such a low capacity (of attorneys) in the state in general, when people already have removal orders, we can’t work fast enough to stop it,” she added.

Maldonado Almanza’s whereabouts remained unclear as of Friday.

Milwaukee immigration attorney John Sesini says his firm took the case of another man picked up in the Manitowoc operation only to discover he had been deported to Mexico within four days of his arrest. The man had no criminal record, Sesini said, and it remains unclear whether he had a prior deportation order. If not, it may still be possible to challenge the deportation in court. 

Only about a third of immigrants in Wisconsin with upcoming hearings in federal immigration court have legal representation. Unlike courts operated by the federal judiciary, immigration courts – part of the U.S. Department of Justice – do not provide free representation. Instead, immigrants must pay out of pocket, rely on the few free and low-cost legal services organizations like Olivarez’s legal center or face the courts alone. Those able to find attorneys are vastly more likely to avoid deportation than those who attempt to represent themselves. 

For some immigrants facing court dates in the coming weeks, a typical government shutdown could have provided breathing room. In past shutdowns, the DOJ has typically deemed only the cases of immigrants in detention “essential” enough to move forward. The shutdown from late December 2018 to mid-January 2019, for instance, forced the cancellation of at least 80,000 hearings nationwide, according to immigration court records analyzed by the nonprofit Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC).

A Wisconsin Watch analysis of federal immigration court data suggests that as of August, almost 1,000 immigrants with Wisconsin addresses had hearings scheduled for October. So far, the DOJ has not called off those hearings en masse, though the agency has also not clarified whether immigration courts will continue holding hearings of immigrants who are not detained during a prolonged shutdown.

But in a press release issued on Wednesday, DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin underscored that the shutdown will not slow ICE. “The deportations will continue,” she wrote.

Rapid deportation push leaves immigrant families in the dark is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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• Twelve years after the Kewaunee Power Station shuttered, wounding the local economy, owner EnergySolutions is seeking government approval to build a new nuclear plant at the site — and is trying to buy hundreds of acres of farmland around it. 

• EnergySolutions and gas and electric utility WEC Energy Group say they’re eyeing the station for a new build because they expect data centers, artificial intelligence and industrial growth to increase electricity demand in the coming decades.

• While local residents hope a new plant could bring economic growth, unanswered questions about use of the additional land are making some uneasy.

On a soupy September morning in northeast Wisconsin, a blue semi-truck arrives at Tisch Mills Farm Center in the tiny town of Carlton. Under the hopper of a massive grain bin, roughly 50,000 pounds of ground corn slide down a chute and into the truck’s open back. Within minutes, the driver pulls back onto the road to haul the feed to an Algoma dairy farm, where livestock will eat it. 

This process repeats roughly a dozen times each day, with some trucks transporting grain or fertilizer to customers in Illinois and Minnesota. Business is booming, but President Chris Kohnle worries the 80-year-old, family-run establishment could soon take a blow. 

The reason? The nuclear power plant a few miles up the road, which has sat lifeless for over a decade. 

Twelve years after the Kewaunee Power Station shuttered, wounding the local economy, owner EnergySolutions is seeking government approval to build a new nuclear plant at the site — and is trying to buy hundreds of acres of farmland around it. While local residents hope a new plant could bring economic growth, unanswered questions about use of the additional land are making some uneasy. 

“We’ll be losing land that people grow grain on, that people have fertilized, so that will be a detriment to us,” Kohnle said. 

EnergySolutions and gas and electric utility WEC Energy Group say they’re eyeing the station in the small Kewaunee County town for a new build because they expect data centers, artificial intelligence and industrial growth to increase electricity demand in the coming decades. The plans are in the early stages, and construction likely wouldn’t start until the early 2030s if approved.  

Though they’re attempting to purchase hundreds of acres from locals, the companies haven’t confirmed they intend to construct anything at the site beyond a nuclear plant. But residents are demanding reassurance that the land won’t be used for controversial projects dividing other communities, such as data centers. Officials haven’t ruled out the possibility. 

Town of Carlton Chairman David Hardtke says town officials have heard from data center companies interested in the site, which is making people nervous.

 “The people in Carlton don’t want anything to do with that,” he said.

Despite the nerves, many residents are eager for the economic boost a new nuclear plant could bring to the region. Nuclear energy experts in Wisconsin say communities often enjoy hosting a plant because it creates stable jobs and increases local tax revenues. The project would likely bring thousands of jobs across different sectors, according to WEC.

“The nuclear waste is sitting there anyway, so they can’t do anything else with the property,” Hardtke said. “I’d like to see it rebuilt. They never should have shut it down. … Just rebuild it and start producing power again and we can lower our taxes again.”

A bitter history 

Though the industrial 900-acre facility clashes with its picturesque Lake Michigan backdrop and the surrounding farmland, it once lived in harmony with Kewaunee County and the 1,000-person town of Carlton.

Opened in 1974, the plant was Carlton’s economic engine. The roughly $400,000 it paid in utility taxes funded most of the town’s budget. The station provided hundreds of jobs and employed hundreds of visiting workers who regularly traveled to the area and fueled the local hospitality industry.

But that symbiotic relationship turned sour in 2012 when Dominion, the plant’s then-owner, abruptly announced it would close the facility for economic reasons. 

“I was plowing my field over there on the corner, and channel two, channel five, channel 11, channel 26 — they’re all sitting down there at the end of the field waiting for me,” said Hardtke, gesturing to the land that stretches beyond his yellow house. “They wanted a sob story. That’s what they wanted. And, me, I said, ‘The sun’s gonna come up tomorrow morning, and life goes on.’”

Though the town official was nonchalant about the news, it wasn’t so easy. In the years that followed, the region’s economy took repeated hits. 

Residents recall a mass exodus of plant workers, whose sizable salaries once circulated through the county. Scores of employees put their houses on the market at once, causing prices to drop and sales to slow. Absent the tax revenue from the plant, Carlton officials were forced to raise taxes to close the roughly $400,000 hole in their budget. Kewaunee County introduced a sales tax that continues today. 

Finally, a legal battle between Carlton and Dominion ensnared several parties for years. 

In 2015, Carlton officials hired appraisers who assessed the shuttered plant’s property at $457 million. Dominion sued the town, claiming it was worth about $1.3 million. After years of clashing, they settled outside of court in 2017, agreeing to set the property’s value at $15 million and for the county, the school district and the technical college to repay the nearly $12 million in property taxes Dominion paid during the battle.

“They were big business. They didn’t care about Kewaunee, or the town of Carlton, or anything. All they wanted was dollar signs,” Hardtke said. 

Dominion sold the plant to Utah-based EnergySolutions in 2022. Since then, a smaller number of workers have chipped away at decommissioning the plant — a decades-long process of cleaning up nuclear waste.

But absent the big industry, the area has become “stagnant,” observes Kewaunee resident Dan Giannotti. He said there’s a major lack of development and no real economic draw for people to stay in the area.

“A lot of people drive on (state Highway) 29 into Green Bay for decent-paying jobs. Every day, back and forth. That’s a 30-mile trip, basically. … These poor kids that graduate high school,” Giannotti said, “they’re gonna have to leave to find good-paying jobs.”

Data center rumors spook Carlton

Several months ago, Carlton resident Glenn Mueller received unexpected mail: an offer from EnergySolutions to buy the 60 acres of land he owns neighboring the nuclear plant at $20,000 per acre. 

When several residents received such offers, rumors about the company’s intentions quickly swirled. 

Frustrated by EnergySolutions “buying up land behind our backs” and eager for answers, Hardtke organized a town hall meeting. Over 100 residents attended and demanded transparency about what the land would be used for. 

The next week, EnergySolutions announced it is seeking the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s approval to build a new nuclear facility at the site. 

“We are excited to partner with WEC Energy Group to explore the next generation of nuclear power,” EnergySolutions CEO Ken Robuck said in a press release. “With rising energy demand driven by data centers, artificial intelligence and industrial growth, the need for reliable, carbon-free power has never been greater.”

Nuclear energy has garnered increased support from state lawmakers in recent years, especially as data centers are planned to sprout up around the state. A bipartisan bill passed in July made it easier to construct nuclear power plants. 

“If you look around the country, different legislators and different legislative bodies and policymakers in general are trying to figure out how to position their states to benefit from that growth and not be left behind,” said Paul Wilson, chair of University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Department of Nuclear Engineering & Engineering Physics. 

“I think our state policymakers are keen to make sure Wisconsin doesn’t miss out on this,” Wilson said.

Kewaunee is an attractive location because it has hosted a nuclear reactor before, Wilson said. Plus, some infrastructure like transmission lines is still in place. If the site was to be pursued for a data center, the location’s proximity to fresh water is also ideal — data centers need cooling methods to prevent overheating, and Lake Michigan is a good source if used responsibly, Wilson said. 

At an August meeting, Hardtke said the town board heard from data center companies interested in the site. He feels EnergySolutions is “playing with a lot of people’s lives” by not being more transparent. 

“I’m dead set against (building a data center). I was born a farmer, and I’m always proud to be one,” Hardtke said. “I don’t like to see land wasted for that.”

EnergySolutions did not respond to multiple calls and emails from Wisconsin Watch. Asked if there are hopes to build a data processing center at the site, Brendan Conway, the WEC spokesperson, said, “We work regularly with companies across all industries looking to expand their operations. I do not have any specific information about any new developments but we expect electricity demand in Wisconsin to grow significantly and steadily in the coming decades.”

The nonanswers have left Mueller torn about whether to sell his acreage, which borders the nuclear site. He currently leases some of the land to a local family business that uses it to grow hay, and Mueller lets people hunt in the wooded areas. He’s always figured he’d pass it on to his kids. Now, he’s not so sure. 

To make an informed decision, Mueller wants to know what EnergySolutions would use the land for, but nobody has given him those answers. He’s spent hundreds of dollars to have a lawyer review the offer and has debated making a counteroffer. 

“There’d be a lot of people pissed off if I do sell it,” Mueller said. But he’s “not that young anymore,” he said, and the sale could allow him to fully retire and help his children financially.  

“I think everybody in the town is agreeable, happy that nuclear was here,” he said. “I don’t think anybody is upset that it would come back in, but we’re just all upset, as far as we don’t get any answers.”

Eager for an economic boost 

While nuclear power’s potential return to the county has sparked many questions, locals are still largely optimistic about the economic boost it would bring. 

“Jobs, economics, taxes — I think it’d be a great thing,” said Milt Swagel, a county board member who has lived on his Kewaunee farm since 1987. “We have lots of power. I don’t want to be like California or other places with brownouts or blackouts. No, I like my lights.”

Giannotti attends a weekly coffee group with eight other Kewaunee residents, and the nuclear plant has been a popular topic of discussion, including speculation about what will be built at the site. He’s eager to see if nuclear power’s return would help Kewaunee County grow. 

“If you bring in an employer like that who is paying, you’re going to see development,” Giannotti said. “You’re going to see new homes being built and more businesses move in. Because right now, we’re just stagnant. Nothing’s happening to speak of.”

“If that power plant gets going, I think that could ignite.”

WEC Energy Group estimated the project would employ thousands of workers in the region. This includes electrical, civil, chemical and mechanical engineering workers to design and operate the new reactor, plus skilled trades workers such as electricians, welders, pipefitters and construction workers to build it. 

“What you typically find is that communities that have hosted nuclear reactors quite like having them there, because it’s good jobs, it’s tax dollars,” said Ben Lindley, assistant professor at UW-Madison’s Department of Nuclear Engineering & Engineering Physics. 

The addition could also keep more young nuclear engineers in Wisconsin. The state only has one plant, located in Two Rivers, so nuclear engineering graduates often have to look for jobs in other states to break into the field, Lindley said. 

He added that the plant would likely require bringing in nonlocal workers for construction. Even then, the workers would spend several years in the region and “inject money into the local economy.” 

Andy DiMezza, who lives in nearby Denmark, said he would be eager to work at the nuclear plant. DiMezza studied nuclear chemistry in college, and his wife, Sarah, interned at Kewaunee Power Station when it was operating. She also worked on the Two Rivers plant’s emergency response plan — government-mandated preparation for radiological emergencies — and would want to contribute to Kewaunee’s. 

There are still “numerous steps to get through” to determine if the site is suitable for a new plant, Conway said, including the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s “rigorous” permitting process. It could take up to two years for the project to move forward. 

If a permit is granted, Conway estimated construction on the plant could begin in the early 2030s, and the plant could come online in 2038 or 2039.

Before that day comes, residents hope they can make their voices and concerns heard. 

“I’m trying to make as much noise as possible,” Hardtke said. 

“People in Carlton want to be informed,” he said. “They, I think, have a love for the town, just like I do.”

Miranda Dunlap reports on pathways to success in northeast Wisconsin, working in partnership with Open Campus.

Nuclear power could return to Kewaunee County. Some locals have reservations. is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

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Click here to read highlights from the story

• Wisconsin Watch asked two professors in the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Department of Nuclear Engineering & Engineering Physics how a new nuclear plant in Kewaunee County would impact the local workforce and economy.

• They believe there is a ready pipeline of qualified workers in the state to keep up with that added demand.

• Electrical, civil, chemical and mechanical engineering workers will be needed to design and operate the new reactor. The project will also require many people in the skilled trades, such as electricians, welders, pipefitters and other construction workers.

• Many institutions could play a role in preparing workers for jobs at a nuclear power plant, including UW-Madison and Lakeshore Technical College.

In a small farming community off the shore of Lake Michigan, Kewaunee County’s nuclear power plant has sat lifeless for over a decade. But increased demand for power driven by artificial intelligence and data centers could change that. 

Plant owner EnergySolutions and WEC Energy Group are asking the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission for approval to build a new nuclear facility at the site. If it is granted, officials expect construction could begin in the early 2030s and the plant could come online by 2040. The process would likely require labor from thousands of workers, WEC spokesperson Brendan Conway said.

Wisconsin Watch asked two professors in the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Department of Nuclear Engineering & Engineering Physics how this might impact the local workforce and economy. 

Here’s what to know. 

Does Wisconsin have enough nuclear engineers for a new plant?

Bringing a new power station online means Wisconsin would need more nuclear engineers to design and operate the plant.

Department Chair Paul Wilson and Assistant Professor Ben Lindley believe there is a ready pipeline of qualified workers in the state to keep up with that added demand. 

UW-Madison “pumps out” nuclear engineers, but Wisconsin has only one nuclear plant located in Two Rivers, Lindley said. This leaves some graduates to look for employment in other states. 

“A lot of them want to stay in the state, and so having more job opportunities would certainly help,” Lindley said. 

While there is increased interest in nuclear engineering professions today, Lindley said, the industry does have a gap that is harder to fill: workers in their 40s. 

Many people who flocked to nuclear engineering in the 1970s and 1980s are now retiring, leaving a gap between aging workers and those entering the workforce. The profession has the challenge of training up these younger workers while trying to hang onto older employees for as long as possible.

“When we stopped doing nuclear in the U.S. and elsewhere in the West, there’s that gap in skills of people who weren’t really trained up in the ’90s,” Lindley said. “That’s a trickier one to fill. And the whole sector has that problem.”

There were 78 nuclear engineers employed in Wisconsin in 2022, the most recently available state data shows, and the workforce was projected to shrink by seven jobs by 2032. Those in the occupation made a median salary of $106,740 in 2024. Nuclear engineers typically need a bachelor’s degree in nuclear engineering or a related field at minimum.

What other workers will be needed?

In the grand scheme, nuclear engineers are likely the minority of workers who will be needed if a new plant opens, Lindley said. The construction and the operation of the plant are distinct phases that will require a healthy mix of blue- and white-collar workers. 

While Kewaunee Power Station is still standing, EnergySolutions has been decommissioning it — cleaning up nuclear waste and radioactive materials to dismantle the plant — since 2022, meaning the old reactor will not be brought back online, Conway said. It would be a new facility, requiring the construction of a nuclear reactor. 

The companies will need electrical, civil, chemical and mechanical engineering workers to design and operate the new reactor. They’ll also need many people in the skilled trades, such as electricians, welders, pipefitters, and other construction workers to carry out the project. 

“What you’ve seen in other plants like this is, it’s a blend of training local people, sourcing from firms that are already in the state, including construction firms, and then also they’d probably need people coming in from outside in the building phase, as well,” Lindley said. “That’s just because of the amount of people you need, and it’s also the skills that you need. Ideally, you want construction firms involved who have been involved in other nuclear construction projects.”

This is where Wisconsin’s skilled labor shortages may be felt the most. The state has struggled to meet the demand for labor in such professions.

“You need a lot of people in the skilled trades,” Wilson said. “This is a national concern – of whether we can keep up the pipeline of workers.”

That’s why employers have sought to push more prospective workers into apprenticeships, or programs that combine paid, on-the-job training with employer-sponsored classroom learning at a technical college. Apprenticeship participation hit an all-time high in 2024, with construction apprenticeships topping the list. However, Wisconsin still lags neighboring states in apprenticeship participation.

The Wisconsin Department of Workforce Development includes construction workers, welders and electricians on its  “hot jobs” list — which names well-paying, high-growth jobs. It estimates the occupations have a combined 6,000 jobs open annually. 

Who trains people for this work? 

Many institutions could play a role in preparing workers for the roles needed at a nuclear power plant. 

Roughly 30 students graduate annually from UW-Madison’s nuclear engineering program.

Lakeshore Technical College in Cleveland has been training workers who have hands-on experience at the Kewaunee Power Station, despite it being nonoperational. The college partners with EnergySolutions to supply workers for the decommissioning process. Company officials have said the partnership allows people to work at the plant for several years and then take their skills to other nuclear facilities. 

Beyond this, there’s been a “chicken and egg” problem when it comes to expanding nuclear energy job training, Wilson said. Without a growing industry in the state, it’s been difficult to justify having more programs at higher education institutions. But that could change once Kewaunee Power Station’s future becomes clear. 

“If we were to have signals that these things would be growing, then I think we could do a lot of work,” Wilson said. “We would be eager to engage, from the University of Wisconsin here to some of those technical colleges to help them stand up and set up programs to make sure those people are prepared.”

Some skilled trades workers would also likely undergo further on-the-job training, Wilson said, because there are usually nuclear- and site-specific requirements beyond the typical union-based training to work at a power plant.

Here’s what the return of nuclear power to Kewaunee County means for Wisconsin’s workforce is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Reading Time: < 1 minute

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement offers up to $100,000 for vehicle purchases to local law enforcement agencies that assist ICE in apprehending unauthorized immigrants.

ICE announced Sept. 2 that its 287(g) Program also offers other local incentives, including salary and benefits reimbursement for ICE-trained officers and quarterly payments of $500 to $1,000 per officer for finding unauthorized immigrants identified by ICE.

As of Oct. 2, 13 Wisconsin sheriff’s departments, including Brown and Waukesha counties, were working with ICE on unauthorized immigrants in their jails and/or serving immigration warrants on individuals.

The $100,000 is offered to “task force” members. One Wisconsin police department, Palmyra in Jefferson County, is participating. The chief has said his focus is pursuing “criminals.”

ICE says its program targets criminal unauthorized immigrants. Research shows unauthorized immigrants crossing the U.S. border are not more likely than native-born Americans to commit crimes.

This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.

Sources

• U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement: 287(g) Benefits
• Congressional Research Service: The 287(g) Program: State and Local Immigration Enforcement
• National Fraternal Order of Police: Statement from Patrick Yoes, National President of the Fraternal Order of Police, Supporting 287(g) Program Partnerships
• U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement: Partner With ICE Through the 287(g) Program
• U.S. Department of Homeland Security: DHS Announces New Reimbursement Opportunities for State and Local Law Enforcement Partnering with ICE to Arrest the Worst of the Worst Criminal Illegal Aliens
• U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement: Delegation of Immigration Authority Section 287(g) Immigration and Nationality Act
• U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement: 287(g) partner listing
• Spectrum News: Palmyra Police De­partment is first in Wisconsin to enter 'task force model' deal with ICE
• Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Palmyra police want to question, arrest immigrants in the field for ICE, a Wisconsin first
• Wisconsin Watch: Are undocumented immigrants crossing the US border more likely than native-born Americans to commit crimes?
• Midwest Newsroom: As ICE partnerships spread in the Midwest, incentives rise and civil rights concerns deepen
• Wisconsin Examiner: Police agreement with ICE ‘taking it a step further’ than other Wisconsin agencies

Is ICE offering police departments $100,000 to cooperate in finding unauthorized immigrants? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Reading Time: 7 minutes

Click here to read highlights from the story

• A year ago more than 80 people were sickened by pizza from Famous Yeti’s Pizza in Stoughton. Officials determined the pizza was contaminated with THC-infused oil. Since then one of them has filed a lawsuit against the pizzeria.

• Wisconsin is one of six states that don’t regulate or have plans to regulate THC, the psychoactive chemical found in marijuana, which is why incidents like Famous Yeti’s haven’t resulted in fines or penalties against the company.

• Efforts to regulate THC have been included in bills seeking to legalize marijuana, but while marijuana remains illegal, legal hemp-derived THC is being used in more and more products without additional consumer protections.

On Oct. 23, 2024, Samuel Hoffland stopped by Famous Yeti’s Pizza in Stoughton on his lunch break. What happened next is detailed in a previously unreported lawsuit he filed in May in Dane County claiming the restaurant was negligent when it contaminated his pizza with THC.

The lawsuit describes how Hoffland endured a multiple-hour ordeal to get home after feeling “abnormal symptoms associated with THC intoxication.” He crashed his car and ended up in the emergency room. His injuries led to lost work time and ongoing medical issues, according to the complaint.

Two tests a day apart confirmed Hoffland was experiencing THC intoxication. Over 80 people experienced similar symptoms, including 27 who went to the emergency room, some of whom reported concerns it was carbon monoxide poisoning, according to responses to Public Health Madison and Dane County’s final report obtained under the open records law.

In the weeks and months after the incident, the contamination created a stir online with a range of reactions. Some blamed Famous Yeti’s and expressed concern while other comments said “even more reason to eat them” and “who is complaining?” But for Hoffland, the experience was no joke, leading him to file a civil lawsuit against Famous Yeti’s and the owner of Turtle Crossing Cannabis, a company that shared kitchen space with the pizzeria.

Public Health Madison and Dane County investigated the incident and determined the food was mistakenly contaminated with THC oil from a bulk container (though the report doesn’t mention Turtle Crossing Cannabis). But the agency determined there was nothing it could do because Delta-9 THC, the chemical derived from hemp and used to make edible THC products, is not regulated in Wisconsin.

In other words, there are no laws or regulations prohibiting the preparation of THC and non-THC products in the same industrial kitchen.

Nearly a year later, that remains the case.

In Wisconsin, regulatory laws surrounding hemp-derived cannabis are lacking, creating gray areas that make it difficult to enforce any standards surrounding the production and distribution of THC-related products. Wisconsin is one of only six states, along with Alabama, Maine, New Mexico, North Carolina and West Virginia, that neither ban nor regulate or aren’t attempting to regulate Delta-8 THC.

The lack of regulation has put consumer safety at risk. The Famous Yeti’s Pizza incident is one example, but not the only incident. In June, two children in Milwaukee went to the hospital after their mother mistakenly purchased 600 mg of THC gummies from a convenience store. The shop owner received a warning letter, but didn’t receive a citation because the sale wasn’t illegal.

THC derived from hemp plant

Under the 2018 Farm Bill, the U.S. government authorized commercial hemp production and made it eligible for federal crop insurance. The intended purpose was to provide additional support for people in the agriculture industry.

Hemp under the Farm Bill was defined as cannabis with a tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) concentration of below 0.3% on a dry weight basis. THC is the psychoactive compound present in both hemp-derived and marijuana-derived cannabis. But marijuana-derived cannabis has a higher presence of THC and is federally illegal.

“Cannabis itself is actually the same product, whether it’s hemp-derived or marijuana,” Jason Hunt, CEO and general counsel of DynaVap, said. “Cannabis sativa is actually the product. It’s really the same plant, but it depends on when it’s harvested, as well as the concentration.”

Delta-8 and Delta-9 are similar variations of the same THC compound found in cannabis. Delta-9 is more commonly found in the marijuana plant, while Delta-8 is almost entirely found in hemp and is federally legal.

Delta-8 THC is found in low concentrations, so it is often chemically modified by concentrating Delta-8 from the hemp-derived cannabidiol, according to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

“They take a portion of the plant and they chemically modify it to make sure it’s more intoxicating, so it’s a synthesized cannabis product,” Hunt said.

So, how is hemp regulated?

In 2022, Wisconsin’s regulatory hemp program fully transitioned to the federal level, so now the regulatory authority falls under the U.S. Department of Agriculture. 

Instead, Wisconsin regulates products with hemp derivatives at the state level through the same laws that govern retail food establishments and food processors. Like other products, hemp-derived products are subject to Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection requirements for labeling, weights and measures, consumer safety, misrepresentations, and deceptive advertising.

The state only allows hemp that has been certified by DATCP or another state’s hemp program to be in food products, but food items or ingredients containing hemp manufactured and packaged outside of Wisconsin cannot be sold in Wisconsin. Wisconsin also has “truth in labeling” laws requiring all hemp products to be properly labeled. Knowingly making an inaccurate or misleading claim regarding hemp products is illegal under a state statute. 

Dane County Executive Melissa Agard, a Democrat who served in the Legislature for 12 years and authored bills to legalize recreational and medical marijuana, argues that legalization would lead to regulation.

“If we would pass a bill in regards to legalizing and regulating cannabis in Wisconsin, there would be a lot more consumer protections, whether you’re at a restaurant that might be serving cannabis-infused foods or a bar that’s selling cannabis-infused beverages, or at a corner store where you want to buy some edibles or some bud,” Agard said. “Right now, you’re just kind of taking people’s word for it. There’s no checks and balances, there’s no real accountability.”

Minnesota, where marijuana is now fully legal, also regulates hemp products including requiring all consumers to be at least 21 years of age.

In Michigan, only companies licensed through the Michigan Marijuana Regulatory Agency can sell, distribute and manufacture hemp-derived Delta-8 products, and all customers must be 21.

Wisconsin has no specific age requirements for purchasing and ingesting hemp products. Instead, age requirements are left up to localities. 

Wood County was the first state locality to set an age restriction on purchasing hemp-related products in 2022. Milwaukee County set an age requirement in July after two children were left hospitalized after being sold THC gummies.

In February, Public Health Madison and Dane County expressed support for implementing an age restriction statewide. 

Without a statewide age restriction, many localities have not passed specific requirements, leaving those markets widely unregulated. 

In the Famous Yeti’s incident, eight people under 18 were reportedly intoxicated by cannabis oil, but without regulations, there were no citations. 

“There are no regulation requirements for products derived from the hemp plant,” Public Health Madison and Dane County said in a blog following the incident. “Unlike commercial tobacco, Public Health cannot issue citations for the sale or distribution of hemp-derived products to minors.”

No compensation for THC victims

The Famous Yeti’s Pizza incident shows the consequences of a lack of regulation.

Jason Tarasek, a Minnesota attorney who specializes in cannabis law, explained that people harmed by the contamination would likely need to show monetary consequences to win a lawsuit against the establishment.

“One of those people who were harmed could easily bring a negligence action against that restaurant because it’s a breach of your duty to act as a reasonable restaurant if you’re accidentally slipping THC to people,” Tarasek said.

According to responses to the public health department’s questionnaire accessed via an open records request, respondents did raise concerns about the monetary consequences of the contamination.

“I don’t think I should have to pay for my ambulance ride or my tests that I needed as a result of being drugged,” a female respondent said.

Another female respondent said she was going to have over $1,000 in hospital bills even after her insurance claim.

“The closer you get to pointing at a bill for money, the easier it is to get a judge or jury to award you that,” Tarasek said.

The civil lawsuit against Famous Yeti’s pizza relates to negligence on behalf of the restaurant. 

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Hoffland claims Famous Yeti’s breached its duty by “negligently preparing, handling, and serving food contaminated with THC” resulting in “physical illness, mental distress, and other injuries requiring medical attention and resulting in damages.” The civil lawsuit also claims Famous Yeti’s is strictly liable for Hoffland’s injuries and damages from consuming “THC-laced” food. 

In response to the complaint, Famous Yeti’s said it was not negligent in preparing the food nor at fault for the contamination, but admits the product unintentionally “contained” THC. The restaurant also denied the food was laced, which would imply the food was deliberately infused with THC.

“The contamination of the subject product was the result of an intervening cause not due to any negligence or fault on the part of the defendant,” Famous Yeti’s said in its response.

Currently, the civil lawsuit is still pending. Famous Yeti’s, Hoffland and their attorneys did not respond to a request for comment.

Current status of regulation attempts

Wisconsin’s lack of cannabis regulations continues to leave consumers in the dark when they purchase hemp-derived THC products in Wisconsin.

Gov. Tony Evers has attempted to regulate cannabis in multiple budget cycles, the most recent being the 2025-27 biennium. The marijuana-related provisions would have legalized and set regulatory standards for marijuana. 

Evers’ budget recommendations included a section that would have started a program within DATCP to regulate the cultivation, production and distribution of marijuana requiring all producers and processors to hold a permit from DATCP.

The provision would have also set more stringent requirements, such as requiring all purchasers of THC products be 21 or older and banning production or distribution of cannabis near schools, playgrounds, public parks or child care facilities. If passed, it would have also established a training program under DATCP for proper handling of cannabis. 

But Republicans removed the provision from the budget bill early in the process. 

In 2024, Republicans, who have been otherwise reluctant to support marijuana legalization, introduced a bill to legalize and regulate medical marijuana in Wisconsin, specifically through heavily regulated state dispensaries. The bill was sponsored by 19 Republicans, including Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, but failed to pass the Legislature. It would not have regulated THC products derived from hemp.

This story was produced in partnership with the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Investigative Journalism class taught in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication.

Legal loopholes in Wisconsin cannabis laws leave consumers vulnerable is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.