Gov. Tony Evers celebrates "historic" tax cuts in the last state budget. Schools are still facing austerity. Photo via Gov. Evers' Facebook page
As Republicans in Congress struggle to deliver President Donald Trump’s massive cuts to Medicaid, food assistance, education, health research and just about every other social good you can think of, in order to clear the way for trillions of dollars in tax cuts to the richest people in the U.S., here in Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers and state lawmakers are working on the next state budget.
The one thing our Democratic governor and Republican legislative leaders seem to agree on is that we need a tax cut.
After throwing away more than 600 items in Evers’ budget proposal, GOP leggies now say they can’t move forward with their own budget plan until Evers makes good on his promise to meet with them and negotiate the terms for the tax-cutting that both sides agree they want to do. Evers has expressed optimism that the budget will be done on time this summer, and said the tax cuts need to be part of the budget, not a separate, stand-alone bill. Evers wants a more progressive tax system, with cuts targeted to lower-income people. In the last budget, he opposed expanding the second-lowest tax bracket, which would have offered the same benefits to higher earners as the lower middle class.
But what if we don’t need a tax cut at all?
It has long been an article of faith in the Republican Party that tax cuts are a miracle cure for everything. Trickle-down economics is a proven failure: The wealthy and corporations tend to bank their tax cuts rather than injecting the extra money into the economy, as tax-cutters say they will. The benefits of the 2017 tax cuts that Congress is struggling to extend went exclusively to corporations and the very wealthy and failed to trickle down on the rest of us.
In the second Trump administration, we are in new territory when it comes to tax cutting. The administration and its enablers are hell-bent on destroying everything from the Department of Education to critical health research to food stamps and Medicaid in order to finance massive tax breaks for the very rich.
If ever there were a good time to reexamine the tax-cutting reflex, it’s now.
Evers has said he is not willing to consider the Republicans’ stand-alone tax-cut legislation, and that, instead, tax cuts should be part of the state budget. That makes sense, since new projections show lower-than-expected tax revenue even without a cut, and state budget-writers have a lot to consider as we brace for the dire effects of federal budget cuts. The least our leaders can do is not blindly give away cash without even assessing future liabilities.
But beyond that, we need to reconsider the knee-jerk idea that we are burdened with excessive taxes and regulations, that our state would be better off if we cut investments in our schools and universities, our roads and bridges, our clean environment, museums, libraries and other shared spaces and stopped keeping a floor under poor kids by providing basic food and health care assistance.
Wisconsin Republicans like to tout the list of states produced annually by the Tax Foundation promoting “business friendly” environments that reduce corporate taxes, including Wyoming, South Dakota, Alaska and Florida. They also like to bring up ALEC’s “Rich States, Poor States” report that gave top billing last year to Utah, Idaho and Arizona for low taxes and deregulation.
What they don’t track when they lift up those states are pollution, low wages and bankrupt public school systems.
I’m old enough to remember when it was headline news that whole families in the U.S. were living in their cars, when homelessness was a new term, coined during the administration of Ronald Reagan, the father of bogus trickle-down economics and massive cuts to services for the poor.
Somehow, we got used to the idea that urban parts of the richest nation on Earth resemble the poorest developing countries, with human misery and massive wealth existing side by side in our live-and-let-die economy.
Wisconsin, thanks to its progressive history, managed to remain a less unequal state, with top public schools and a great university system, as well as a clean, beautiful environment and well-maintained infrastructure. But here, too, we have been getting used to our slide to the bottom of the list of states, thanks in large part to the damage done by former Republican Gov. Scott Walker.
We now rank 44th in the nation for investment in our once-great universities, and the austerity that’s been imposed on higher education is taking a toll across the state. Our consistently highly rated public schools have suffered from a decade and a half of budget cuts that don’t allow districts to keep pace with inflation, and recent state budgets have not made up the gap.
Now threats to Medicaid, Head Start, AmeriCorps, our excellent library system, UW-Madison research and environmental protections do not bode well for Wisconsin’s future.
In the face of brutal federal cuts, we need to recommit to our shared interest in investing in a decent society, and figure out how to preserve what’s great about our state.
Tax cuts do not make the top of the list of priorities.
U.S. House Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris, R-Md., center, speaks to reporters on Wednesday, May 21, 2025 at the U.S. Capitol. From left are Republicans Keith Self of Texas, Scott Perry of Pennsylvania and Chip Roy of Texas. (Photo by Jennifer Shutt/States Newsroom)
This report has been updated.
WASHINGTON — U.S. House Republican leaders released changes to their “one big beautiful bill” late Wednesday after marathon negotiations with conservatives demanding deeper cuts to safety net programs, teeing up debate and a final vote likely sometime Thursday.
The alterations, which will have to be adopted later, moved up implementation of work requirements for Medicaid by at least a couple of years and tossed out plans to sell some public lands. The new language also tightened the timeline for clean energy tax breaks and raised the ceiling for taxpayers who deduct state and local taxes.
The package of adjustments — the manager’s amendment — was incorporated into the larger reconciliation bill, which was approved by the House Rules Committee just before 11 p.m. Eastern on an 8-4 party-line vote. Far-right holdout Rep. Chip Roy of Texas was absent.
Next, the package must pass a procedural vote on the House floor before lawmakers can debate and take a final vote.
With a razor-thin margin, House Speaker Mike Johnson can only lose a handful of members on each vote. Democrats are expected to uniformly vote “no” in the procedural and final votes.
Medicaid
Republicans moved up implementation of work requirements for Medicaid enrollees from taking effect after January 1, 2029 to no later than December 31, 2026. That could mean some states will make the changes before next year’s midterm elections.
The provision would require those who rely on the state-federal health program for lower-income Americans and some people with disabilities, who are between the ages of 19 and 65, to work, participate in community service, or attend an educational program at least 80 hours a month.
The language has numerous exceptions, including for pregnant people, parents of dependent children, people who have complex medical conditions, tribal community members, people in the foster system, people who were in the foster system who are below the age of 26 and people released from incarceration in the last 90 days, among others.
The GOP changes also would bar Medicaid from covering gender transition procedures for anyone in the program. The bill previously barred that type of treatment for anyone below the age of 18.
Clean energy tax credits
Republicans also tightened the timeline on the termination of clean energy tax credits enacted under President Joe Biden. Hardliners focused on reducing the deficit had demanded a quicker phase-out for the credits.
The new language would accelerate phase-outs for clean energy investment tax credits to 2028, up from 2031, with special carve-outs for nuclear facilities. Companies that break ground on new facilities 60 days after the bill is enacted, if passed, will not qualify for the tax credits. The same applies to any facility placed into service after 2028.
State and local taxes
A separate contingent of Republican holdouts reached a deal with Johnson to raise the SALT cap to $40,000, up from the $10,000 lid enacted under the 2017 tax law. The SALT cap — the amount of state and local taxes constituents can deduct from federal taxable income — is a top issue for Republicans who represent districts in high-tax blue states, including California, New Jersey and New York.
The amount of SALT taxpayers can deduct decreases for those making more than $500,000 annually. The SALT cap and the income cut-off will increase by 1% each year from 2027 until 2033.
Public lands sale
The amendment removed language that would have allowed the sale of public lands in Nevada and Utah.
The National Wildlife Federation credited Montana Republican Rep. Ryan Zinke with removing the provision.
“Thank you to Rep. Ryan Zinke and his colleagues who listened to their constituents and worked with House leaders to eliminate the provision from the budget reconciliation bill,” NWF Associate Vice President for Public Lands David Wilms said in a statement. “We urge all members of Congress to refrain from similar attacks on America’s public lands.”
Jessica Turner, president of the Outdoor Recreation Roundtable, wrote in a statement that “Congress avoided setting a dangerous precedent that lands can be sold anytime the U.S. Treasury needs a budget ‘pay-for’ and threatening outdoor recreation businesses and rural communities alike that need certainty, access, and long-term infrastructure.”
The Center for Biological Diversity’s Great Basin Director Patrick Donnelly wrote in a separate statement that it was “appalling that GOP leaders tried to get away with auctioning off some of our country’s most beautiful landscapes to fund tax cuts for billionaires and make developers richer. This is Gilded Age-level stuff, and I hope people remember it the next time Republicans try to pretend they care about public lands.”
A separate provision in the amendment appeared to narrow the federal authorizations energy projects could bypass by paying a $10 million fee. The section had been attacked by environmental groups as a “pay-to-play” for energy companies.
White House meeting
The changes come after Johnson, a Louisiana Republican, and far-right holdouts huddled with President Donald Trump at the White House Wednesday afternoon.
Johnson, speaking to reporters at the Capitol following the meeting, said that lawmakers had “a good discussion” and that he believes the GOP is “in a very good place.”
“I think that all of our colleagues here will really like this final product, and I think we’re going to move forward,” Johnson said.
Johnson said members of the Freedom Caucus, who previously argued the legislation doesn’t go far enough to restructure Medicaid and reduce federal spending, may end up supporting the bill, in part because Trump plans to address their other concerns through unilateral actions.
“You will see how all this is resolved. But I think we can resolve their concerns and it’ll be probably some combination of work by the president in these areas as well as here in Congress,” Johnson said. “So there may be executive orders related to some of these issues in the near future.
“And, you know, this is a commitment the president has made. He wants to go after fraud, waste and abuse.”
White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt released a written statement saying the “meeting was productive and moved the ball in the right direction.
“The President reiterated how critical it is for the country to pass the One Big Beautiful Bill as quickly as possible.”
Complex process
Republicans are using the complex reconciliation process to move the package through Congress with simple majority votes in each chamber, avoiding the Senate’s 60-vote legislative filibuster, which would otherwise require bipartisanship.
Reconciliation measures must address federal revenue, spending, or the debt limit in a way not deemed “merely incidental” by the Senate parliamentarian. That means the GOP proposals must carry some sort of price tag and cannot focus simply on changing federal policy.
Republicans are using the package to extend the 2017 tax law, increase spending on border security and defense by hundreds of billions of dollars, overhaul American energy production, restructure higher education aid and cut spending on Medicaid.
A new Congressional Budget Office analysis released late Tuesday projected the massive reconciliation package would decrease resources for low-income families over the next decade while increasing resources for top earners.
Freedom Caucus
Earlier Wednesday, members of the Freedom Caucus told reporters following a different meeting with Johnson that they believed negotiations were moving in the right direction, but were skeptical of trying to approve the entire package this week.
Maryland Republican Rep. Andy Harris, chairman of the group, said they wanted the legislation to go further in terms of addressing “waste, fraud and abuse” within Medicaid, though he declined to elaborate.
The Medicaid proposals in the version of the bill prior to the negotiated changes would cut $625 billion in federal spending during the next decade, under a CBO analysis. Democrats have warned the result would be millions of vulnerable people losing access to the health program for lower income people and some people with disabilities.
Texas Republican Rep. Chip Roy said during that same impromptu press conference that leadership and members of the Freedom Caucus had made “significant progress” toward a final agreement.
“We’re trying to deliver so that the people who are actually out there working hard can actually get the health care that they want to get, that they can get, and get it the best way possible,” Roy said. “That’s what this is all about; changing a broken system, making sure we’re saving taxpayer dollars and being able to provide a better environment for people to be able to thrive.”
Pennsylvania Republican Rep. Scott Perry, who used to chair the Freedom Caucus, said that holding a House vote before Memorial Day was a made-up timeline and that if negotiations needed to last longer, they should.
“This is a completely arbitrary deadline set by people here to force people into a corner to make bad decisions,” Perry said. “It’s more important to get this right, to get it correct, than to get it fast. We are sitting at the table to do that.”
Jolene Baxter’s daughter, Marlee, has overcome immense challenges in her first eight years of life.
Marlee, who was born with a heart defect, has undergone four open-heart surgeries — suffering a stroke after the third. The stroke affected Marlee’s cognitive abilities — she’s in the second grade, but she cannot read yet. A mainstream class with neurotypical students felt overwhelming, so Marlee mostly attends classes with kids who also have disabilities. Her care includes physical, occupational and speech therapies.
For years, Baxter has relied on Medicaid to cover Marlee’s medical expenses while advocating for her daughter’s right to an equal education. Medicaid — which covers therapies, surgeries and medication for Marlee — and disability protections under the Department of Education have been a critical safety net for Baxter, a single mom in Oklahoma City. Now Baxter fears that proposed cuts to Medicaid and those already underway at the Department of Education, which President Donald Trump has effectively gutted, will have a disastrous impact on her daughter.
As the Trump administration overhauls federal agencies with budget cuts, layoffs and inexperienced leadership, parents of children with complex medical needs and disabilities told The 19th they are navigating uncertainty over how the federal government plans to maintain key pillars of their kids’ lives.
Baxter, who fostered and, later, adopted Marlee, fought to give her life-saving medical treatment when the child was an infant. Since Marlee was both an abandoned child and is Kiowa, the officials overseeing her welfare weren’t invested in getting her the care she needed to survive, Baxter believes. Cuts to Medicaid would be yet another obstacle for the Baxters to overcome. Just getting Marlee enrolled in local public schools that tried to turn her away was a battle, Baxter said. Now, the mom is gravely concerned that her daughter will be left behind due to the restructuring of the Department of Education.
“I’ll do everything I can at home, but she’ll just fall through all the cracks, and she won’t get the education that she deserves,” Baxter said.
“It is 50 plus years of work to get these protections for people with disabilities that we could potentially see — maybe not fully diminished — but very deeply eroded, in a very short period of time,” said Robyn Linscott, director of education and family policy at The Arc, an organization that advocates for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities.
The Department of Education’s primary duty has been to ensure that all students have equal access to education, and it is equipped with an Office for Civil Rights to investigate schools accused of discrimination. In March, the Department of Education cut nearly half of its staff, with workers who enforce students’ civil rights hit particularly hard. Advocates worry how this could potentially impact students with disabilities, and a lawsuit filed in March began to paint a picture: newly closed regional offices, frozen investigations and new alleged politically based cases.
The Trump administration claims that the nation’s most vulnerable will be spared from his plans for federal downsizing.
Nicole Jorwic, chief program officer at Caring Across Generations, a national caregiver advocacy organization, said the Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights receives about 20,000 complaints annually. She worries about the impact of staffing cuts on handling these complaints on the families of children with disabilities.
“Some of those staff were the ones who were looking into those complaints,” she said.
Marlee Baxter (right) was born with a heart defect and suffered a stroke after an open-heart surgery, which affected her cognitive abilities. (Courtesy of Jolene Baxter)
It’s not just OCR complaints, she added. When she was a practicing special education attorney, Jorwic turned to reports and guidance issued by the agency. That helped local school districts, superintendents and special educators know how to implement different laws or changes.
“The lack of that federal agency to provide that clarity is also important, as well as something that we’re really worried about,” she said.
Parents and advocates are doubtful that students with disabilities won’t be impacted. Before the Department of Education was created in 1979, schools often denied these children a right to education with impunity. Dissolving it, families fear, could see a return to the period when states and schools failed to prioritize special education.
Baxter’s daughter, Marlee, is guaranteed the right to free and appropriate schooling by the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) of 1975, which is enforced by the Department of Education. This federal law mandates that children like Marlee attend classes suited to their cognitive and physical abilities and that they get the services needed, such as speech, physical and occupational therapy, to attend school . Ninety-five percent of students with disabilities attend public schools, a higher share than the 90% of students overall who do — and that’s largely because of the services federal policy requires public schools to provide.
Kim Crawley, a mother to a teenager with medically complex needs, has a 25-year career as a special education teacher. As part of her training, she learned about the history of education, including how five decades ago, schools were not obligated to accommodate students’ special needs. The agency never took power away from the states, she said, but stepped in to ensure that they educated all students equitably.
“We learn about this for a reason because we don’t want to repeat it,” Crawley said. “We don’t want to have to start over again. To think of losing everything we have gained through the Department of Education over these years is scaring not only parents but teachers. Teachers are scared because we don’t know where this is going to end up for those kids. And that’s why we go to work every day.”
Critics of closing the department and redirecting disabled children’s needs to other agencies say that it will create a bureaucratic nightmare for parents. Instead of one federal agency overseeing research on students with disabilities, state funding for special education or discrimination claims, multiple departments would be involved. Families might not know which agency to reach out to with questions and concerns.
As it is, families are sometimes unaware of the services legally available to them — a reality that has cost them time and energy in the past and could be even more complicated in the future.
Baxter, for one, pulled Marlee out of class for two years to homeschool her after the child’s kindergarten teacher retired and subsequent teachers did not know how to educate her properly, she said. It was not Baxter’s first choice to homeschool Marlee, an option unavailable to most working parents, but one she made after multiple public schools said they could not accommodate her child.
“Our special needs are full,” Baxter said they told her. “We don’t have room for her.”
When an acquaintance told her that public schools could not lawfully refuse to enroll Marlee, Baxter finally got a local public school to admit her. But after her ordeal last year, she has no faith that the federal government will hold schools that discriminate against children with disabilities accountable if the education department is disbanded.
“We have enough stuff to worry about (with) making sure that she gets taken care of as far as medical care,” Baxter said of parents like herself. “We don’t need to worry about what we’re going to do as far as their education.”
For some families, the potential Medicaid cuts could unravel both a child’s well-being and their family’s finances.
In Philadelphia, Meghann Luczkowski has three kids with varying levels of specialized health care needs, including a 10-year-old son who spent his first year of life in a hospital intensive care unit.
“His ability to grow and thrive and be part of our family and part of this community is dependent upon significant health care support at home,” said the former special education teacher, who now works in public health.
“It doesn’t pay for the nurse to go to school with him, to make sure that he can be at school, accessing his education with his peers,” she said. “That’s all been provided through Medicaid.”
In the first months of his second term, Trump has mostly indicated support for Medicaid when asked about his budgetary plans for other popular programs like Social Security and Medicare. But the president has also said he supports cutting fraud and waste — a description that health policy experts warn could be used to defend more expansive cuts. Congress is considering hundreds of billions of dollars in Medicaid cuts, a dollar figure that goes way beyond known cases of fraud.
Among the considerations are work requirements and a cap on Medicaid enrollee spending. Such restrictions could have ripple effects on state education budgets and subsequent reductions in services for students with disabilities. Medicaid is one of the largest providers of funds to public school districts. It is the responsibility of school districts and states to find funding if Medicaid reimbursements are insufficient. Trump has not addressed general concerns about how such spending cuts could impact disabled children and adults.
“We know that before 1975 and the passage of IDEA, 50% of kids with disabilities were not educated at all. So we know that this is a crucial piece of legislation, and that mandate to find funding for these is really important,” said Linscott, who previously worked as a special education teacher in New York City. “But we also recognize that school districts and state budgets are so limited, which is why we want Medicaid to be able to provide as robust funding and reimbursement as they possibly can for students and for these services.”
“There’s no state, even the wealthiest states, that could afford cuts to those programs, either when it comes to education or when it comes to providing home and community-based services,” Jorwic said.
Rachael Brown is the mom of a medically complex second grader in Washington, D.C., who receives special education services and multiple therapies at his public school.
Brown’s son, who has autism and cerebral palsy, has a rare vascular anomaly in his brain that has required multiple surgeries. He receives extensive support from Medicaid and IDEA, which are crucial for his care and education. Brown is concerned about how cuts to Medicaid would impact her son’s care and her family’s personal finances. She noted that pediatric hospitals are heavily reliant on Medicaid. If the rate of that reimbursement is cut, those hospitals’ operational costs would be on the line — impacting everything from how many doctors and other health care providers are hired to what therapies are covered for her son.
“There’s just a ripple effect for our whole community,” she said, adding: “We are relatively privileged. There’s a lot of families who aren’t. It would be much worse for families for whom Medicaid is their only insurance.”
Brown said she lives in fear and worry about what happens next, and it’s exhausting. While she and other advocates have some experience fighting for health care rights given previous political battles, “this time, everything feels a little more cruel.”
Luczkowski planned to travel to D.C. — taking a day off from work and rearranging child care needs — to advocate for Medicaid as part of a multi-organization advocacy day. She said parents of kids with medically complex needs and disabilities often aren’t able to get out and advocate as much as they would like to, in part because of the needs of their families.
“Despite the fact that it’s an incredible hardship on my family for me to be in D.C. talking to legislators and being at rallies on the Capitol steps, that’s what me and a great number of families are doing — because our kids’ lives depend on it,” she said. “We’re hopeful that our voices will be valued, and our children will be valued.”
This story was originally reported by Barbara Rodriguez and Nadra Nittle of The 19th. Meet Barbara and Nadra and read more of their reporting on gender, politics and policy.
U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem walks past reporters after doing a TV interview with Fox News outside of the White House on March 10, 2025 in Washington, D.C. (Photo by Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
WASHINGTON — Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem Monday announced about 9,000 Afghans living in the United States who had been protected from deportation will no longer be shielded as of mid-July.
After the United States withdrew from Afghanistan in 2022, the Biden administration designated Temporary Protected Status, along with other legal temporary status pathways, for thousands of Afghans who aided the U.S. against the Taliban terrorist group and fled their home country. Thirteen U.S. military members were killed in the chaotic withdrawal at the Kabul airport.
About 80,000 Afghans came to the U.S. and settled in various programs that offered legal protections and work authorization. Of that group, 9,000 were designated TPS.
TPS is granted to nationals whose home country is deemed too dangerous to return due to violence or disasters.
The TPS designation for Afghanistan will expire on May 20 and deportation protections will lift on July 12. The order is likely to face legal challenges, since Noem’s moves to curtail TPS for other nationals have faced lawsuits.
“This administration is returning TPS to its original temporary intent,” Noem said in a statement. “We’ve reviewed the conditions in Afghanistan with our interagency partners, and they do not meet the requirements for a TPS designation. Afghanistan has had an improved security situation, and its stabilizing economy no longer prevent(s) them from returning to their home country.”
The termination of the status comes as the Trump administration fast-tracked the classification of refugees for white South Africans who landed in the U.S. Monday at Dulles International Airport in Virginia.
President Donald Trump signed an executive order in February that noted Afrikaners — an ethnic group in South Africa made up of European descendants, predominantly Dutch — are “victims of unjust racial discrimination” after South Africa’s government passed a land ownership law in an effort to address land dispossession that occurred under apartheid.
The Trump administration suspended all refugee services in late January and has resisted a district court’s order to reinstate the program, along with contracts to organizations that facilitate refugee resettlement services.
Noem said that determination to end TPS for Afghanistan was based on a review from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services on Afghanistan’s conditions along with input from the State Department.
The Taliban currently control the government and the State Department’s travel advisory for the country is the highest level, a 4, which means it advises against traveling.
DHS added in a statement that Noem “further determined that permitting Afghan nationals to remain temporarily in the United States is contrary to the national interest of the United States.”
Noem has also ended TPS for Venezuelans and Haitians.
The Trump administration asked the U.S. Supreme Court in early May to lift a lower court’s order that reversed Noem’s decision to end TPS for one group of Venezuelans.
Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, one of six Democrats vying to become New Jersey's next governor, has been a vocal critic of a new migrant jail in the city he runs. (Dana DiFilippo | New Jersey Monitor)
Ras Baraka, the mayor of Newark and one of six Democrats running to be New Jersey’s next governor, was arrested and detained by federal immigration agents Friday, according to his campaign.
This comes just over a week after the migrant jail, Delaney Hall, opened its doors as the largest detention center on the east coast. Baraka, whose city filed a lawsuit challenging whether the facility’s owner secured proper city permits before opening, has spent the week protesting outside the jail and attempting to gain entry, to no avail.
A photo taken by Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman (D-12), who was also at Delaney Hall Friday, shows a handcuffed Baraka being led away from the facility in handcuffs. It’s unclear whether he has been charged with any crime and where he is being held.
Acting U.S. Attorney of New Jersey Alina Habba said on social media that Baraka “committed trespass and ignored multiple warnings from Homeland Security Investigations to remove himself from the ICE detention center.”
“He has willingly chosen to disregard the law. That will not stand in this state. He has been taken into custody,” said Habba.
Habba, a personal lawyer for President Donald Trump, said in April that she is investigating Gov. Phil Murphy and state Attorney General Matt Platkin over the state ban on local law enforcement assisting in civil immigration enforcement. Under a 2018 attorney general directive, state, county, and local cops are barred from aiding federal agencies in civil immigration arrests or providing access to state or local resources and databases.
In February, private prison firm Geo Group announced it had secured a 15-year contract with ICE to use Delaney Hall as a 1,100-bed detention center amid ramped-up immigration enforcement. Trump has made mass detention and deportation of immigrants — including some here legally — a pillar of his second term in office.
Delaney Hall, which held immigrant detainees from 2011 to 2017, reopened May 1, despite Newark officials’ attempts to block the opening through the lawsuit. ICE officials have confirmed that detainees are being held there, but have not said how many.
The Attorney General’s Office and the governor’s office did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
New Jersey Monitor is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. New Jersey Monitor maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Terrence T. McDonald for questions: info@newjerseymonitor.com.
Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-WI) speaks to reporters on the steps of the U.S. Capitol Building following a vote on July 25, 2024 in Washington, D.C. (Photo by Tierney L. Cross/Getty Images)
U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Prairie du Chien) has said he’s opposed to Republican efforts to make changes to the federal government’s Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), more commonly known as food stamps, even though he voted for the Republican-authored federal budget blueprint that calls for more than $200 billion in cuts to programs including SNAP.
Despite voting for the budget blueprint, earlier this week Van Orden co-sponsored legislation that states he’s against a budget bill that would reduce Medicaid and SNAP benefits.
Republicans in the House of Representatives have been searching for $230 billion in budget cuts for their budget reconciliation bill — which also includes a permanent extension of President Donald Trump’s 2017 tax cuts. Progress on the bill has stalled as some Republicans have objected to the cuts to popular programs in the blueprint.
Van Orden sits on the House Agriculture Committee, which oversees SNAP. The committee has been considering a proposal that would, for the first time, pass some of the cost of operating the program on to the states while also adding work requirements and implementing methods to limit future increases to benefits.
Last week, Van Orden walked out of a Republican House Agriculture briefing and yelled an insult at staff, according to Politico. The outlet also reported he raised concerns that the SNAP changes unfairly penalized Wisconsin during a meeting of House Republicans.
Democrats said that if Van Orden were really against the cuts, he wouldn’t have voted for the budget blueprint.
“If Derrick Van Orden really wanted to save Medicaid and SNAP, he should have voted ‘NO’ on the Republican budget that cuts both,” Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Spokesperson Justin Chermol said in a statement, He signaled that Democrats will use the blueprint vote against Van Orden in the 2026 election.
Jay O. Rothman, president of the University of Wisconsin System, speaks during the UW Board of Regents meeting hosted at Union South at the University of Wisconsin–Madison on Feb. 9, 2023. (Photo by Althea Dotzour / UW–Madison)
As Congress is considering remaking the federal financial aid program, Wisconsin higher education leaders are warning that changes could significantly affect access to its campuses.
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As federal funding and systems dwindle, states are left to decide how and
whether to make up the difference. Read the latest
Congressional Republicans recently introduced a 103-page proposal that would overhaul the federal financial aid system with cuts meant to help support the extension of tax cuts. Changes would include reducing eligibility for Pell Grants by requiring students take more credit hours to qualify, capping the total amount of student loans one can take out annually and ending certain student loan programs.
The proposed changes come alongside the Trump administration’s work to remake the system by moving the student loan portfolio from the Department of Education to Small Business Administration, even as both agencies have had significant layoffs, and seeking to eliminate loan relief for people working to support immigrants and trans kids.
Rothman said nearly half of the 164,400 students across University of Wisconsin campuses rely on federal aid to access the schools and noted that many of the students receiving the help are first-generation college students and low- to middle-income. He said federal financial aid has helped better the U.S. economy and allowed millions of people to improve their own lives.
“It makes no sense for the US to narrow opportunities if our country wants to win the global War for Talent. I’m dumbfounded that cutting educational opportunities would even be considered when our economic vibrancy is at stake,” Rothman wrote. “While the UWs are among the most affordable in the nation, many lower- and middle-class families rely upon federal financial aid to make these life-changing educational opportunities real.”
Rothman urged Congress to reevaluate the potential cuts in the federal budget, continuing his advocacy for keeping the UW accessible for current and future students.
In a letter to the Wisconsin Congressional delegation last month, Rothman noted that in the 2023-24 school year, 91,000 UW undergraduate students — or 59% — received some form of financial aid. The federal government distributed $130 million in Pell grants to about 23.4%, or 26,060 undergraduate students that year, delivering an average award of $5,000.
During that year, undergraduate and graduate students across the system received nearly $1.5 billion in financial aid, including $634 million in grants, $666 million in loans and $13 million in work-study funding.
“Programs like the Pell Grant and other federal financial aid are critical to ensuring continued access and success for students who choose to pursue higher education,” Rothman wrote to lawmakers. “Indiscriminate cuts whether to research, financial aid or programs that provide student support are ultimately shortsighted and will negatively impact the next generation of Wisconsin’s workforce.”
Rothman is not the only leader who has expressed concerns about cuts to programs. During a hearing last month, Wisconsin Association of Independent Colleges and Universities President Eric Fulcomer told state lawmakers that “cutting the Pell Grant or eliminating the Pell Grant would be devastating for our sector.” He said private colleges could be looking at a 27% cut to enrollment.
The EV maker expects to manufacture 40,000-46,000 vehicles until the end of the year.
Rivian produced 14,611 vehicles during the first quarter and delivered 8,640 of them.
Meanwhile, Lucid built 2,212 vehicles in Q1, but expects to end 2025 with 20,000 units.
Rivian has revised its 2025 delivery forecast, blaming a shifting global trade environment that has been heavily influenced by Donald Trump’s second term as U.S. President. In a similar vein, Lucid is acknowledging rising costs due to tariffs but is holding firm on its production targets, expecting to produce 20,000 vehicles this year.
During the announcement of its first-quarter 2025 financial results, Rivian revealed a notable increase in gross profit, at $206 million to be exact. This marks the company’s second consecutive quarter of profitability, a significant milestone for the fledgling American EV manufacturer. It also makes Rivian eligible for a $1 billion investment from the Volkswagen Group, part of a broader partnership between the two companies.
Rivian’s First-Quarter Progress
The EV startup manufactured 14,611 vehicles in the first quarter, delivering 8,640 of them to customers. The company continues to make strides with its small R2 model, now building validation prototypes while expanding its manufacturing facility in Normal, Illinois.
The carmaker pointed out that while all its vehicles are manufactured in the U.S. and most of its materials either come from the US or are USMCA-compliant, the effects of tariffs, “evolving trade regulations,” and other policy changes have forced it to revise its delivery forecast.
Rivian now expects to deliver between 40,000 and 46,000 vehicles this year, down from an earlier projection of 46,000 to 51,000 vehicles. This adjustment means a potential reduction of up to 5,000 vehicles, equating to a 10% drop at the higher end of the original forecast and a 13% decline at the lower end.
On top of that, Rivian estimates that tariffs could add thousands of dollars to the cost of each vehicle. However, the company does appear to have one ace up its sleeve: a stockpile of batteries, which, according to reports, it’s been quietly accumulating since before the election. This stash could serve as a buffer against the pricing pressures triggered by Trump’s auto tariffs.
“This quarter we hit our second consecutive gross profit and our highest gross profit to date at $206 million,” added company founder and chief executive RJ Scaringe. “We have continued to make significant progress on R2, including vehicle validation builds underway and our Normal, Illinois manufacturing facility expansion on track.”
Despite Slow Start, Lucid Aims High
Meanwhile, Lucid wrapped up Q1 by building 2,212 vehicles, excluding 600 currently being shipped to Saudi Arabia. The company also delivered 3,109 vehicles during the quarter, posting $235 million in revenue. Despite the ongoing challenges, Lucid ended the quarter with a healthy liquidity position of $5.76 billion and is still on track to build approximately 20,000 vehicles this year.
Lucid owner shares on social media why he’s giving up the brand for an Acura.
He says the car drives well but the service and ownership experience fall short.
Highlights how early adopters often face frustrating issues with newer car companies.
Buying into the latest automotive trend can feel like stepping into the future, until that future leaves you stranded at the service center. Sometimes the cutting edge cuts a little too deep. That’s exactly what went down with one Lucid owner who picked up an Air Pure AWD in 2023. Less than a year later, he’s moving on to an Acura. The car itself? Solid. The ownership experience? Not so much.
“When you buy a Lucid, you’re not just getting a stylish, fun-to-drive EV – you’re buying into an experience. And sadly, that experience has been… underwhelming.” Those are the words of a now-former Lucid driver in what he openly admits is a bit of a rant, posted online.
Lucid “Can’t Tell Its Right Hand From Its Left”
Posted to Reddit, this story details one owner’s experience with what it’s like to own a car from a young automaker. They report leasing the vehicle in 2023, and that it spent two out of twelve months in the shop. Reported issues include malfunctioning windows, a stuck frunk, buzzing speakers, trim problems, unreliable phone connectivity, and what the owner describes as a company that is “completely lost, unable to tell its right hand from its left.”
It gives the impression that different departments aren’t communicating, and some representatives don’t bother reviewing customer notes before reaching out. According to the post, one Lucid employee said a lease buyout was possible, while another insisted it wasn’t. After inquiring about the buyout, the owner was then contacted – ironically – not with answers, but with a sales pitch for another Lucid.
Good Car, Awkward Company
All companies screw up from time to time, but this owner reports that they haven’t received a single call or message to ask about why they wanted out of their lease. To this (now former) owner, Lucid is missing one big thing: “They’re not just selling a car – they’re selling a luxury experience. And right now, they’re only delivering half of that,” they say.
On the plus side, that last comment hints at the silver lining here. Lucid might still be trying to figure out the service and customer experience side of the business, but they have built a very good EV. “The car itself? Terrific. A blast to drive,” the owner said said. Interestingly, the Lucid will be replaced by an Acura ZDX. So, why did they chose this particular car?
“The ZDX feels like a refined, luxury version of [a Honda Prologue]”, they explained. “No, it’s not as thrilling as the Lucid, but I’ll take reliability, a responsive local dealer, guaranteed loaners, and half the insurance cost any day. Plus, the lease is in the mid-$300s with zero down.”
Ultimately, this seems like a pretty typical example of what can happen when you buy a car from a startup EV company. Sure, issues like these can crop up with any brand, but they tend to hit early adopters of newer automakers more often.
Lucid’s Gravity SUV costs $1,380 per month to lease versus $1,070 for the Air sedan.
Gravity Grand Touring’s $96,640 MSRP is $15,760 lower than Air Grand Touring’s.
Rebate offers are twice as big on the sedan, bringing the lease cost below the SUV’s.
When anyone is evaluating two vehicles, the MSRP is always one of the major metrics considered alongside horsepower, zero to 60 mph (100 kmh) times, fuel economy and, now with EVs, range figures. But a huge discrepancy in lease costs between Lucid’s Gravity SUV and the Air sedan reminds us that MSRP is actually irrelevant to many new car shoppers. It’s what they pay each month that matters.
And in the case of the electric Gravity, that monthly cost is far higher than it is for the Air, despite the SUV having a much lower MSRP, Cars Direct discovered. The website describes the Gravity as “a terrible vehicle to lease” due to its steep circa-$1,380 monthly lease cost, which is around 30 percent above what you’d pay to run an equivalent Air sedan.
Although Lucid says a more affordable Touring trim will join the SUV’s lineup later this year, for now you can only get it in Grand Touring spec. Its MSRP is $96,640, which looks good value next to the $112,400 Air Grand Touring.
But by the time you’ve factored in a down payment of $8,030 and the acquisition fee of $995, Lucid’s quoted $1,099 per month lease cost for a 36-month contract has ballooned to $1,380 before fees and taxes. Compare that with the Air Grand Touring, which costs $849 per month and a true price after down payments and fees of around $1,070.
So why does the Gravity cost $310 more to lease when it’s almost $16k more expensive to buy outright? The difference is down to the amount of rebates Lucid offers for the Air: they’re almost twice as big as the ones for the Gravity and include a $5,000 Air Credit, $1,000 On-Site Vehicle Bonus, and a $2,000 Conquest Offer, Cars Direct explains.
Right now the Air looks better value, especially since you can also order it in lower trim levels that really ramp up the savings. Go for the Air Touring and your overall monthly lease cost comes in at $731, which is close to half what the (admittedly better equipped) Gravity will cost you.
Four of the Wisconsin 14 – from (l to r) Jeff Davis, Kai Gardner Mishlove, Pat McFarland and Thomas Lang – urged state lawmakers to extend postpartum Medicaid on March 18, 2025. (Courtesy of Builders)
Thomas Lang and Jeff Davis — conservative Catholics from Wisconsin — did the unexpected on a recent Tuesday: They asked some of their conservative legislators to extend a social safety net for pregnant women.
Both men support local crisis pregnancy centers and groups opposed to abortion, and they typically oppose expanding public services. Davis said he’s always been a conservative spender, having grown up with a Depression-era father.
But after participating in a civic engagement program about abortion a year ago, both said their empathy for pregnant women is better informed.
“My wife was a great sounding board for me being more empathetic towards women, because she was a very empathetic woman, and I kind of lost a little bit of that when she passed away,” Davis said, noting it’s been two years. “I didn’t have her level of compassion, and this helped me, seriously, to be more compassionate, and not just to women who are having an abortion, but just people in general.”
One year ago, 14 people around Wisconsin, dubbed the Wisconsin 14, were recruited by the civic engagement nonprofit Builders (formerly known as Starts With Us) to try to find common ground on reproductive health policy despite their deep divisions on abortion. For most of the participants, as the emotionally grueling Citizen Solutions sessions would reveal, their beliefs are rooted in personal trauma.
A year later, several of the participants who had severe disagreements have come back together to fight for their first consensus solution: extending postpartum Medicaid.
While the Wisconsin 14 ultimately could not agree on a single abortion-related policy, they were united on five policy proposals to make it easier and safer to give birth. Several of the participants returned to the Capitol in Madison last month to lobby their state legislators to pass Assembly Bill 97/Senate Bill 23, which like one of their proposals, would extend Medicaid coverage for women from 60 days to 12 months after giving birth if they do not already qualify for the state’s Medicaid program. Under current law, pregnant individuals in Wisconsin are eligible for Medicaid at a higher income threshold than those who are not pregnant: 306% instead of 100% of the federal poverty level. But they can lose that coverage 60 days after giving birth if their income increases beyond the non-pregnant eligibility threshold.
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Reproductive health experts have identified postpartum Medicaid extension as the first step to maternal health equity, as States Newsroom has reported. According to a new study in the Journal of the American Medical Association, more than 80% of pregnancy-related deaths nationwide are preventable, and almost one-third of pregnancy-related deaths occurred after delivery.
Wisconsin and Arkansas are currently the only states cutting off postpartum Medicaid after 60 days, despite these being largely popular policies.
“Last spring, 20,000 Wisconsinites from 70 counties across the state weighed in on the proposals during a public feedback period,” said Builders communications director Tori Larned in an email. “Nearly three-quarters (73%) of people favored extending Medicaid postpartum.”
This is the second year the proposal has been introduced in the legislature, and like last year it has received bipartisan support but severe opposition from House Speaker Robin Vos. The Republican has described the bill as an expansion of “welfare,” including last week, when the bill passed the Senate 32-1.
“My position has been fairly clear from the very beginning: I’ve never supported an expansion of welfare. I can’t imagine that I would ever support one,” Vos said at a press conference after the April 22 vote, according to the Wisconsin Examiner. “But we have to talk about it as a caucus.”
Vos’ office did not reply to a request for comment for this story.
In the past month, several among the Wisconsin 14 have lobbied their legislators in person, talked about the bill in public, and a few have or are currently writing op-eds. Larned told States Newsroom nearly every participant has called Vos’ office urging him to extend postpartum Medicaid to a full year.
“[S]tagnation on this issue does not reflect the public will,” wrote Kateri Klingele Pinell and Kai Gardner Mishlove, two of the Wisconsin 14, who fundamentally disagreed on when abortion should be legal and accessible, in a recent Milwaukee Journal Sentinel op-ed. “Extended Medicaid coverage is crucial for the physical, emotional, and mental well-being of mothers and their children. Sixty days is insufficient to address the vast array of medical needs that arise during the postpartum period.”
They cited a 2024 Wisconsin Maternal Mortality Review Team report showing that between 2019 and 2020 the majority of pregnancy-related deaths were caused by cardiovascular conditions or hypertensive disorders or due to mental health conditions, including drug overdoses. They also noted that Black women and women from low-income households suffer worse maternal health outcomes. They cited an American Hospital Association report to argue that prolonging postpartum coverage would generate cost savings.
They ended the op-ed addressing Vos directly.
“We have faith that Speaker Vos and his colleagues in the Assembly will answer our call,” they wrote. “Vos has already expressed his desire to, ‘protect life while ensuring women receive necessary medical care.’ The passage of this bill offers him the opportunity to properly represent his constituents.”
Klingele Pinell is a clinical mental health professional who opposes abortion, but believes in expanding public health services, especially as someone who says she has relied on them as a young single mom. Gardner Mishlove is a grief doula and the executive directive of Jewish Social Services in Madison, which she said provides short- and long-term case-management and advocacy to vulnerable populations.
“We need to reassure moms and families that they will not lose coverage during this crucial time,” Gardner Mishlove told States Newsroom. “Can you imagine deciding to maintain a pregnancy and then realizing that you’re going to lose your health insurance 60 days after? Being a new mom, there’s a lot to deal with, a lot to juggle, and if that’s one less thing for you to juggle so that you can make sure that you maintain connection to your healthcare provider, to your behavioral health provider, for the health and wellness not only of yourself but your family, then that’s a huge burden that’s lifted from that mother, from the family, from the health care system.”
Bridging the divide
In mid-March, four of the Wisconsin 14 joined a lobbying event co-sponsored by Main Street Alliance, where they urged state lawmakers to pass the postpartum Medicaid extension, focusing on more reluctant Assembly and Senate Republicans.
Davis, the 77-year-old widower, said it felt out of his comfort zone just to drive from his farm to the Capitol and navigate traffic and parking, but he felt it was important to do.
“I just kind of thought that maybe my input, because of being pro-life and being for the bill, would carry some weight,” Davis told States Newsroom.
Davis and Lang said they didn’t initially appreciate how difficult it would be to move the needle with some of the Republican legislators, especially after learning how much extending postpartum Medicaid is likely to cost the state.
The state has projected that an additional 5,020 women would have coverage per month under the bill, costing an estimated $18.5 million, including $7.3 million in state general purpose revenue with the rest coming from the federal government. As the Wisconsin Examiner has reported, if Wisconsin joined other states that have accepted the full federal Medicaid expansion, the cost for the postpartum coverage would be reduced to $15.1 million in all funds including $5.2 million in general purpose revenue. However, under the Trump administration, the federal Medicaid program as a whole is under threat.
“We’re talking a drop in the bucket,” Lang said. “We’re talking about a small annual average number of pregnant women in Wisconsin, so the fiscal hawks really don’t have much to worry about, and more importantly we’re talking about getting women out of a corner. … Everybody agrees that no woman gets pregnant to have an abortion. It’s always something of a compulsion. So let’s get her out of the corner if we want her to have choice, right?”
Gardner Mishlove and Patricia McFarland — whose politics and abortion views veer widely left from Davis’ and Lang’s — said they tried to find common ground with more conservative legislators.
“[We’re] trying to end the divide, to find ways to talk to each other about basic human issues, so that you are not just pro-birth, but if you’re pro life, you really want the family to thrive,” said McFarland, who had a traumatic illegal abortion before Roe v. Wade enshrined federal abortion rights in 1973 and is now an abortion-rights activist. “You want that baby to be born and to have all the care they deserve.”
The fate of the bill remains uncertain, but the Wisconsin 14 have not given up on it.
Jacob VandenPlas, a dad, farmer, agricultural educator and veteran from Door County, has some of the most nuanced politics and abortion views among the 14.
VandenPlas ran for Congress as a Libertarian in 2022 and is considering a future run for governor as an independent or for Wisconsin state Senate as a Republican. He said he believes abortion should be broadly legal through the first trimester and then restricted with exceptions for health and rape. VandenPlas said he’s been calling different legislators about the postpartum Medicaid bill; lobbying his representative, Republican Rep. Joel Kitchens, at the gym; and is currently working on an op-ed. He pitches it from a Libertarian angle.
“This is our future generation, and the constriction on the pocketbooks of the American people and how much the government has robbed from us makes it very difficult to start families,” VandenPlas said. “We’re talking the cost of housing and everything else. It’s very, very important to be able to help the future mothers and future families of our state.”
“Most importantly,” he continued. “This is one of the single best ways that we can address abortion. If you want to start limiting those numbers, we have to start addressing the reasons why women are choosing abortion, and this is one of them. We can save babies’ lives by extending postpartum care, and we can save the lives of mothers.”
Builders head of programs Ashley Phillips said the organization has not given up on trying to pursue abortion consensus solutions in other states, as abortion restrictions continue to broadly impact reproductive health care, including for those who want to have babies but have a shortage of health care options. She said Builders is conducting listening sessions in Texas, the next likely state for their third Citizens Solutions initiative. But this time participants will determine the policy area, she said.
“One thing I have learned is that this work is messy, it’s complicated, it’s hard, and in the moment, it often doesn’t feel great,” Phillips said. “And then I saw a subset of those people this weekend in Wisconsin, and the joy was back, and the belief that they could do something despite having a lot of discomfort around that issue of abortion.”
Last year, the Wisconsin 14 finalized four other proposals that received majority support from the approximately 20,000 Wisconsinites who weighed in during a public feedback period. The group might try to advance the ideas in the future:
Adults who plan to fly within the U.S. or visit a military base or federal buildings on or after Wednesday, May 7, will need a Real ID or other Transit Security Administration-approved documentation.
Here’s what you need to know to get a Real ID in Wisconsin before enforcement begins.
What is a Real ID?
A Real ID is a state-issued driver’s license or identification card that meets security standards of the federal REAL ID Act, which Congress enacted in 2005.
Wisconsin-issued Real IDs are marked with a star in the upper right corner. You can check if your Wisconsin ID is a Real ID here.
Over 64% of Wisconsin residents now have a federally compliant driver’s license or ID card, according to the Wisconsin Department of Transportation Division of Motor Vehicles.
Can I still use another ID?
Starting May 7, a Real ID-compliant driver’s license or identification card, or another TSA-acceptable form of identification, will be required for domestic air travel or visiting U.S. military bases or federal buildings.
The Wisconsin DMV offers both Real IDs and non-compliant IDs.
You do not have to apply for a Real ID if you have no plans to fly or visit a federal building, or if you have another accepted form of identification, like a valid U.S. passport.
You can continue to use your current driver’s license or ID for other identification purposes until its expiration date.
How to get a Real ID
You can apply to get a Real ID online or through a local branch of the Wisconsin DMV.
Using the DMV’s interactive driver licensing guide, you can start an application online, print out a checklist of required documents and schedule an appointment.
Appointments are not required, but the DMV is seeing an increase in visitors as the Real ID enforcement deadline approaches, a department spokesperson said.
What documents do I need to bring?
When you apply, you must provide additional documentation in the form of an original document or certified copy (not a photocopy, fax or scan) from each of the following categories, according to the Department of Transportation.
Some documents can apply to multiple categories, but others may only meet the requirements of one category.
How to get a copy of your birth certificate or name change documents?
If you were born in Wisconsin, you or an immediate family member can request a copy of your birth certificate online through the Department of Health Services..
This process also requires forms of identification. The cost of the certificate is $20, plus $3 per additional copy.
If you are a U.S. citizen born outside Wisconsin and need a birth certificate, check this guidance.
The simplest way to provide proof of a name change is to bring a valid, unexpired U.S. passport in your current name when you apply for a Real ID. If you don’t have that, you will need to provide documents to support each name change from birth to the current date.
How will the TSA enforce the deadline?
Travelers planning to fly within the U.S. without compliant identification could face delays, additional screening and possibly not be allowed into an airport security checkpoint, according to the Transportation Security Administration.
Minors are not required to have a Real ID, but it is required of adults accompanying them to travel.
Meredith Melland is the neighborhoods reporter for the Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service and a corps member of Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on under-covered issues and communities. Report for America plays no role in editorial decisions in the NNS newsroom.
Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez and state Sens. Sarah Keyeski (D-Lodi) and Brad Pfaff (D-Onalaska) listen to community members at an April 24 roundtable in Richland Center. (Hery Redman | Wisconsin Examiner)
RICHLAND CENTER — In a 90-minute roundtable meeting at the Richland Center community center Thursday, President Donald Trump’s name was mentioned just twice. But community leaders highlighted how his administration’s policies are already wreaking havoc on the county with the sixth highest poverty rate in the state.
About 15 area leaders representing small business owners, farmers, schools, hospitals and community advocacy groups met Thursday with state Sens. Sarah Keyeski (D-Lodi) and Brad Pfaff (D-Onalaska) and Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez. Throughout the event, the attendees discussed how the policies and plans of Trump and the Republican-controlled Congress to cut or diminish Medicaid, Social Security and education funding while instituting widespread tariffs on imported goods from countries around the world and making it harder for migrant workers to obtain visas could decimate their region.
“None of this is right. Where I’m at that age in my life where I don’t get more thoughtful, I get more pissed,” Brett White, executive director of the Southwestern Wisconsin Community Action Program, said. “And because this is all not necessary, this is completely unnecessary, which means that it’s intentional.”
The group noted repeatedly that a cut to programs in one area had a ripple effect across every other community institution.
White, and Chris Frakes, the organization’s senior director, said that the cuts to Head Start early childhood education programming that have already come and are set to deepen under Trump are their biggest worry.
There are currently about 70 kids in Richland County enrolled in Southwest CAP’s Head Start program, according to Frakes. If those programs are lost, poor kids in Richland County will never catch up, she said.
“Because we know if you enter kindergarten already behind, there’s virtually no chance to catch up by third grade,” Frakes said. “If you’re not on grade level reading in third grade, we know your life prospects go down dramatically, right? So Head Start fills this critical, vital need to get those kiddos onto par with their middle class peers when they hit kindergarten, so that they are ready to learn, and their families have the sort of surrounding supports, whether that’s food, whether that’s access to transportation, for medical care.”
If Head Start gets cut, the children who are affected will eventually reach Aaron Mithum, the middle and high school principal for the Kickapoo Area School District. Mithum says the district is “waiting for the other shoe to drop” on the future of the approximately $800,000 it gets annually from the federal government as Trump seeks to shut down the U.S. Department of Education.
If Head Start leaves poor kids behind before they turn five, by the time they reach Mithum at a middle school that’s also struggling financially, there won’t be many options.
“We’re getting them when they get into pre K or kindergarten, and now we’re trying to go from there, and now, all of a sudden, they don’t have any of that foundational aspect,” Mithum said. “It’s a building block, trickle effect, and not in a positive way. So now it’s that much harder for us to do what [Head Start wasn’t] able to do, and it continues to go up. And it’s just really hard to think about, what does that look like? What does that look like to be a parent with a special ed kid who needs speech services or reading services, or whatever. And the answer is, sorry, not our problem.”
While the child care and education system of a community that’s already seen the closure of its local University of Wisconsin campus faces the prospect of being unable to keep poor kids from falling behind, the area’s food system is also being hit.
Retaliatory tariffs on the area’s wheat, corn and soybean farmers are hurting their ability to find international markets for their products while tariffs imposed by Trump have made fertilizer and machinery more expensive, said Sally Leong, Wisconsin Farmers Union member and former professor of plant pathology at UW-Madison.
Those struggles are continuing to push up the price of food, causing local families to rely on food pantries more than used to, according to Jackie Anderson, executive director of Feeding Wisconsin.
Under Trump, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) paused funding for The Emergency Food Assistance Program (TEFAP), which Anderson said has amounted to about a 30% cut to what food banks are able to buy. USDA has also ended a program that connected local farms with food pantries to supply fresh produce.
“Food banks are really looking at the bottom line and saying, like, ‘How are we going to be able to get that amount of food here?’” Anderson said.
The tariffs are also affecting the companies providing jobs in the area. Marty Richards, the county tourism director, said that Rockwell Automation has delayed and cancelled orders because of Trump’s tariffs. Meanwhile it’s getting harder to find local workers and Trump’s restrictive immigration policies have made it nearly impossible to hire migrant workers. Richards said the company has had a hard time getting workers from its plant in Mexico to come to the U.S. even temporarily for technical training
Teri Richards, board member of the Greater Richland Area Chamber of Commerce, said the county desperately needs more people and she doesn’t know where to find them.
“We’re obviously not having enough babies. We’re struggling to get that immigrant population and we can’t keep stealing from each other,” she said. “So it’s time to go into Chicago or Milwaukee, to even get a few of those folks moved out here? I don’t know.”
With fewer people moving in and federal policies discouraging investment from the business community and cutting funds from schools and child care, the community is also facing the management of an aging population. About 30% of the population is older than 60 and 14% is disabled, according to Roxanne Klubertanz, manager of Richland County’s Aging and Disability Resource Center (ADRC).
That aging population means the community is only going to become more reliant on federal programs like Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. Currently, the ADRC helps people in the community apply for Medicaid to pay for the services that will help them stay in their homes for as long as possible or move to an assisted living facility — currently a cost of about $3,800 per month, she said.
Republicans in Congress are currently weighing a budget proposal that would slash Medicaid funding. Klubertanz said without the program people won’t be able to access those services and will ultimately get sicker and require a placement in a nursing home — a cost of about $10,000 per month.
“So if that funding, that Medicaid funding, goes away, what’s going to happen?” she said. “Maybe right away, you’re going to see some decreases, but people are going to get sicker and need more services, and then they have to pay for that nursing home placement, which is almost three times the cost. So if you’re trying to fix something today, you have to think about what it’s gonna be like in five years. You’ve gotta have that long range thinking.”
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Yahara House, part of the nonprofit Journey Mental Health Center, is a community mental health program focused on building relationships and job opportunities.
Its clubhouse model reduces hospitalizations and boosts employment in adults with serious mental illnesses, experts and advocates say.
Yahara House is one of just seven clubhouses in the state and just three with international accreditation. Michigan, by contrast, has 37 accredited clubhouses. Advocates want Wisconsin to learn from Michigan to expand clubhouses statewide.
Yahara House relies heavily on Medicaid for funding, but federal budget cuts under the Trump administration may threaten its work.
Listen to Addie Costello’s story from WPR.
Chewbacca, Yoda and Princess Leia watched over Joe Mannchen and colleagues as they worked on their Yahara House computers, some designing birthday cards for fellow clubhouse members.
Taped above each desktop, the “Star Wars” cutouts distinguished the computers from others — a more lively equipment tracking method than four-digit codes, Mannchen explained.
“We’re not numbers,” the 15-year clubhouse veteran joked. “Why should our computers just be numbers in the system?”
The cutouts accented colorful decor inside Yahara House, which overlooks Lake Mendota on Madison’s isthmus. A pride flag, bulletin boards and photos covered bright blue walls of a mansion built in 1902 and once occupied by Adolph Kayser, a former mayor. Hanging beside century-old stained glass: a “Pets of Yaharans” photo display of cats Pumpkin Boy, B.B. King Cat, Mookie, Spock and Purr. Photos of human Yaharans hung elsewhere.
Yahara House, part of the nonprofit Journey Mental Health Center, is a community mental health program focused on building relationships and job opportunities. The clubhouse model reduces hospitalizations and boosts employment in adults with serious mental illnesses, experts and advocates say.
Marc Manley, a member of Yahara House for 30 years, waits for the bus after spending the day at the clubhouse, March 14, 2025, in Madison, Wis. (Joe Timmerman / Wisconsin Watch)
Mannchen, who once edited videos professionally, uses those skills to help create updates for members. He and others are considering starting a podcast to promote Yahara House to the community.
“At the risk of being a little saccharine, it brings me joy,” he said.
Other members work in the Yahara House offices, reception desk or its kitchen, the Catfish Cafe. Still others fill temporary jobs at local shops, restaurants and the State Capitol. A bulletin board celebrates three dozen members with permanent jobs.
Wisconsin has few places like this. Yahara House is one of seven clubhouses in the state and just three with international accreditation, according to Clubhouse International’s latest count. Neighboring Michigan has 37 accredited clubhouses. Advocates want Wisconsin to learn from Michigan to expand clubhouses statewide.
Medicaid cuts could jeopardize services
Reimbursement from Medicaid, the joint state and federal program to help low-income residents afford care, funds nearly all of the Yahara House budget, said director Brad Schlough.
But budget cuts in Washington may threaten that funding. Seeking to pay for tax cuts and some mandatory spending increases, the Republican-led U.S. House has proposed cutting up to $880 billion in spending over the next decade from the committee that oversees programs including Medicare and Medicaid. For a variety of reasons, including the large size of the program, Medicaid is a likely target for significant cuts.
“I’m not sleeping well at night worrying about the human costs the proposed funding cuts will inevitably bring,” Schlough said.
More than one in three U.S. adult Medicaid enrollees have a mental illness. Most in Yahara House rely on Medicaid for services within and outside of the clubhouse.
The clubhouse already struggles financially to serve members waiting to enroll or ineligible for Medicaid support services.
“Clubhouses are intended to be open to anyone in the community with a mental illness. The problem is that the funding doesn’t always follow that,” Schlough said.
Yahara House member Isaac Buell, from left, talks with employees James Van Abel and Evie Tennant during a job committee meeting at Yahara House on March 14, 2025, in Madison, Wis. (Joe Timmerman / Wisconsin Watch)
When members do join the right Medicaid programs, Wisconsin requires hours of recordkeeping for clubhouses to get paid. That contrasts with Michigan, which streamlines payments for clubhouses.
Yahara House members pride themselves on finding solutions. The community is celebrating 25 years of international accreditation this year and has served adults with mental illness for much longer.
Its longest-tenured member is Michael Larscheid at 47 years. His photo hangs on a bulletin celebrating continuing education. He recently started swimming classes.
While many of his friends have moved or lost touch over the years, Yahara House remains a constant.
“This is my family here,” he said.
An ‘antidote for loneliness’
Larscheid works weekdays in the Catfish Cafe, calling out lunch orders that cost around $1 each.
Mark Benson, a 40-year clubhouse member, joins him, preparing food for about 30 people. Benson researches recipes for twice-weekly desserts that cost 50 cents. In February, he debuted a diabetic-friendly pecan pie.
Shannon Schaefer, right, a specialist at Journey Mental Health Center’s Yahara House, helps make lunch. Rob Edwards, left, a clubhouse member, takes orders on March 14, 2025, in Madison, Wis. Schaefer says she has worked in Yahara House for 10 years. (Joe Timmerman / Wisconsin Watch)
Benson is retired from outside work. But when he first joined, Yahara House connected him with a job at an upscale furniture store.
“I was vacuuming around these like three $30,000 consoles and glass tables,” he recalled. “I had to be very careful where I went. It was a good job.”
People with mental illness can often find jobs on their own, but some struggle in workplaces that lack flexibility for mental health days, Schlough said. They might also face transportation barriers. Yahara House keeps a list of more flexible Madison-area employers. The clubhouse trains staff for each job, allowing them to fill in when a club member can’t make a shift.
Yahara House also provides safe spaces during the day and on holidays and fosters community through weekly events like karaoke.
Schlough calls clubhouses an “antidote for loneliness.”
Few Wisconsin clubhouses
Despite the advantages, Wisconsin has seen limited clubhouse expansion.
That surprised Sita Diehl, public policy and advocacy director for the National Alliance on Mental Illness Wisconsin chapter. She sees the model as underutilized.
Wisconsin prioritizes other types of services.
Democratic Gov. Tony Evers’ latest budget proposal does not include specific funding for clubhouses, state Department of Health Services spokesperson Jennifer Miller confirmed in an email to WPR and Wisconsin Watch.
Still, Evers’ budget would expand the state’s behavioral health system, fund suicide prevention and improve crisis response, Miller wrote, adding: “Supporting people with mental health concerns is a top priority” and that the administration worries that federal Medicaid cuts would harm Wisconsin residents.
Substantial funding changes for clubhouses would require legislative and state health department approval. There are no current plans to seek a new clubhouse waiver, Miller said but added that expanding Medicaid like other states would boost resources for many services.
Yahara House’s Medicaid reimbursements flow through the state’s Comprehensive Community Services waiver for people with mental health or substance use issues that could lead to hospitalization. That program best accommodates easier-to-document treatments like psychotherapy, which unfold in hourlong blocks of time, Schlough said.
Yahara House serves members more sporadically throughout the day, leaving staff to spend as many as six hours daily logging time spent serving members — necessary for reimbursement, Schlough said. The exercise conflicts with a clubhouse spirit that encourages staff to treat members more as peers than patients.
The clubhouse doesn’t pepper new members with questions about diagnoses and limitations.
“We say, ‘We’re glad to see you,’” Schlough said. “What do you like to do? What are your interests?’”
‘We want to be a right door’
As a lifelong Madisonian, Rick Petzke probably drove past Yahara House thousands of times. He didn’t know it could help him until his tour almost five years ago.
He joined and received a temporary job at Hy-Vee.
“They liked me so well, they hired me permanently,” Petzke said.
He regrets not learning earlier about a clubhouse members call “Madison’s best kept secret” — like a fancy restaurant on a hidden street.
Yahara House members and employees eat and prepare lunch together on March 14, 2025, in Madison, Wis. Yahara House, part of the nonprofit Journey Mental Health Center, is a clubhouse for people who live with mental illness. Members and staff work together as colleagues to run the house. (Joe Timmerman / Wisconsin Watch)
Joining requires little more than having a mental illness and not being a harm to yourself or others. But it can take members up to four months to properly enroll with the county in the right Medicaid program, and a few don’t qualify, Schlough said.
When members aren’t enrolled? Yahara House eats the cost.
“There are too many wrong doors in this system, and we want to be a right door,” Schlough said.
The clubhouse has few funds for non-reimbursed services, particularly after Dane County cut part of that budget this year, Schlough said. Proposals for the state to allocate a $50,000 matching grant to each Wisconsin clubhouse failed in consecutive legislative sessions.
The Wisconsin Mental Health Action Partnership wants state lawmakers to appropriate those funds, streamline Medicaid reporting requirements and adopt a clubhouse-specific Medicaid waiver.
The possibility of federal Medicaid cuts could only harm that cause, leaving Wisconsin with fewer dollars to spread around, Diehl said.
Investing in clubhouses could save governments money over time, experts say. Compared to others living with severe mental illness, clubhouse members are less likely to be incarcerated, more likely to pay taxes and less likely to take costly trips to the emergency room.
‘I need to go back to my house’
Jennifer Wunrow left Yahara House for a decade following more than 10 years as a member. During her years away she felt herself “going down” and slipping toward a crisis.
“I need to go back to my house,” Wunrow recalled thinking.
Members greeted Wunrow upon her return, asking where she’d been.
When she secured her own two-bedroom apartment with Yahara House help, members and staff helped her move.
A year later, Wunrow calls herself “the biggest mouth in the house” and helps situate new members.
“I take a lot of pride in this house,” she said. “I love it here.”
Yahara House members stand on a third floor fire escape overlooking Lake Mendota on March 14, 2025, in Madison, Wis. The house was built in 1902 and once occupied by Adolph Kayser, a former mayor. (Joe Timmerman / Wisconsin Watch)
Official proof of three things — identity, age and citizenship or qualifying immigration status — is required to obtain a Social Security number.
For U.S.-born adults, required documents include a U.S. birth certificate or a U.S. passport, though most U.S.-born citizens are issued a Social Security number at birth.
Noncitizens can apply if they have U.S. permission to work in the U.S. or permanent resident status (U.S.-issued green card). Less common are nonworking immigrants, such as those issued a student visa, who need a Social Security number.
“Merely showing a bill or a school ID is not sufficient,” Kathleen Romig, a former senior adviser at the Social Security Administration, told Wisconsin Watch.
Elon Musk claimed March 30 in Green Bay, Wisconsin, that “basically, you can show … a medical bill and a school ID and get a Social Security number.”
Trump administration officials did not reply to emails seeking comment.
This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.
In September, California adopted a law that prohibits local governments from requiring voters to present identification to vote.
The law states that voter ID laws “have historically been used to disenfranchise” certain voters, including those of color or low-income.
The law says California ensures election integrity by requiring a driver’s license number or Social Security number at registration and verifying the voter’s signature with the voter’s registration form.
Voter ID supporters say requiring a photo ID helps prevent voter fraud and increases public confidence in elections.
California is among 14 states that don’t use voter ID. They verify voter identity in other ways, usually signature verification, according to the nonpartisan National Conference of State Legislatures.
Wisconsin has required photo ID since 2016. On April 1, voters approved a referendum adding that requirement to the state constitution.
Elon Musk alluded to the California law during remarks March 30 in Green Bay, Wisconsin.
This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.
There are some other EV brands getting close to profits, including Xpeng and Leapmotor.
Tesla posted a 7.2 percent margin in 2024, narrowly ahead of BYD’s improving 6.4 percent.
Lucid reported a staggering -374 percent margin, leading the industry in unsustainable losses.
Electric vehicles might be the future, but profitability? That’s still a rare luxury in the EV world. An interesting study has revealed that just four EV-only brands are currently operating at a profit, while many others continue to bleed money at impressive rates. It probably won’t shock anyone that Tesla and BYD are leading the charge, but some of the other top-performing names are a bit less expected.
The study examined the operating income ratios of major EV brands and found that in 2024, Tesla reported an operating margin of 7.2%, putting it just ahead of BYD at 6.4%. However, while Tesla’s margin has declined since 2023, BYD’s has been climbing. If that trajectory holds, as many analysts expect, BYD could soon surpass Tesla in operating profitability.
Vertical Integration Pays Off
Key to the growth of both of these brands is that they are vertically integrated, helping them to scale and reach profitability sooner. The only other two brands analyzed by the study to have reached profitability are China’s Li Auto and the Series Group, which includes the Seres, Aito, and Landian brands.
While none of the other EV brands analyzed turned a profit in 2024, a few are edging closer. Zeekr, part of the Geely group, reported an operating margin of -8.5% last year. But with sales on the rise, it may soon begin delivering profits for its parent company. Xpeng and Leapmotor are also moving in the right direction, having more than halved their losses between 2023 and 2024.
Nio is another important player in China’s EV market, but not a profitable one. Its 2024 operating margin came in at over -30%, suggesting it still has a long climb ahead before it sees black ink on its balance sheet.
Tesla Stands Alone Outside China
Tesla remains the only non-Chinese EV brand to hit profitability. Polestar hasn’t crossed that threshold yet, though it did manage to reduce its losses in 2024. Similarly, Rivian also remains in the red, though like Polestar, it continues to receive substantial external funding.
At the other end of the spectrum, Lucid holds the dubious honor of running the steepest losses in the EV sector. According to data from Rho Motion, its 2024 operating margin was -374%. That’s an improvement from over -500% the year before, but still, not exactly a sign of financial health. Heavy backing from Saudi Arabia is helping Lucid stay afloat despite the massive shortfalls.
Lucid is asking owners to remove the mats and will refund them.
The mats are only held in place by small nibs on the underside.
Other floor mats from Lucid have anchors, securing them to the carpet.
If you happen to own a Lucid Air equipped with the optional all-weather floor mats, you might want to brace yourself for some unexpected news. The carmaker is issuing a recall notice, as there’s a chance these floor mats could shift out of position and interfere with the throttle pedal, raising the risk of an accident.
Sound familiar? It’s eerily reminiscent of Toyota’s infamous floor mat debacle from over a decade ago, where improperly secured mats were blamed for a series of unintended acceleration incidents.
According to Lucid, its Model -00 all-weather floor mats are only secured in place by small nibs on the underside, rather than any proper anchors. This means they’re prone to slipping forward, and this can lead to unintended acceleration. That doesn’t just put occupants inside a Lucid at risk, but could also endanger other road users.
How Did This All Happen?
Lucid first became aware of a potential issue in August last year when a sales associate was driving an Air with the floor mats in Europe suspected the mat had slipped forward and caused the accelerator to stick. The company later became aware of 13 other cases of the floor mats moving, but there were no reports of it interfering with the accelerator.
However, on February 27, 2025, a U.S. customer reported an issue: while accelerating, the throttle pedal didn’t return to its normal position after being released. Lucid determined that the potential for the floor mat to shift and interfere with the pedal posed an unreasonable safety risk.
As a result, the company has stopped selling the problematic all-weather floor mats and now only offers mats that feature holes to attach to anchors in the carpet, as you’ll find in most vehicles.
Owners of Lucid Air models with the affected mats are being instructed to remove them and will receive a full refund for their purchase. If you’re unsure whether your mats are the faulty ones or the newer, anchor-secured type, simply take your vehicle to a Lucid facility for a free inspection.
After CarPlay and Android Auto were dropped from GM EVs, a dealer provided a solution.
The dealership that installed the CarPlay Kit has been ordered to stop doing so.
That’s because GM continues to pursue Ultifi software for its Ultium-platform EVs.
Remember the good old days when radio head units were a one-size-fits-all affair, and dealers or aftermarket suppliers could quickly and easily upgrade your car’s stereo with a screwdriver and a bit of elbow grease? The gradual replacement of single and double-DIN head units for proprietary layouts, screens, and software was heralded as progress. But when car manufacturers decide they no longer want to include a feature, it leaves frustrated owners without an option.
That’s what happened when General Motors decided to drop Apple CarPlay and Android Auto for its Ultium EV platform. Naturally, customers were a little miffed, but one dealer came to the rescue, offering to install an aftermarket solution that allows screen mirroring.
But now GM has stopped it, according to The Drive. The dealer claims GM instructed them to stop offering the kit. Additionally, the manufacturer of the kit pulled the product from its website, claiming it was no longer viable to keep selling it.
Mirroring Dreams
Back in 2023, General Motors made the controversial decision to drop Android Auto and Apple CarPlay support from its new-generation EVs. Instead, it would offer its own smartphone-compatible software solution: Ultifi.
At the time, GM defended the move, saying that it helped the company offer a more “deeply integrated experience that you can create with the vehicle” by building a system from the ground up. The future of autonomy, as well as other features such as battery preconditioning, were all listed as reasons why GM’s own tech was the way forward.
As is often the case, the aftermarket seemingly came to the rescue when White Automotive and Media Services (WAMS) developed a kit that allowed OEM-like integration of the two most popular screen mirroring apps.
The only catch was that the WAMS kit wasn’t something a hobbyist or casual user could install. Instead, it required a specialist touch. A single dealership, LaFontaine Chevrolet in Plymouth, Michigan, was tapped to offer the professional install.
The Unsurprising Block
As you can easily guess, GM wasn’t very pleased with the situation. The company launched an investigation into the kit, and a company spokesperson said: “Aftermarket services that introduce features not originally designed, thoroughly tested, and approved by GM may cause unintended issues for customers. These issues could affect critical safety features and may also void portions of the vehicle’s warranty.”
It all sounds like this was a specialist piece of kit that, at best, modified and, at worst, wholly bypassed GM’s proprietary software. And with the amount of data that cars can collect nowadays, there’s also a question mark over just how protected one’s personal info is after the installation of a third-party device. As we’ve reported many times, though, that’s also a big issue for automakers themselves and how they use owners’ data, so it’s kinda the kettle calling the pot black.
Are We At The Mercy Of Automakers?
With the WAMS system only offered by one dealership and the complexity of the kit precluding DIY installers, it can be assumed that with the only distribution channel shut down, WAMS couldn’t see a future in the product.
However, it’s another stark reminder that as cars become more tech-laden, we’re increasingly at the behest of the manufacturers who can decide to end support for key selling points at any time. Not to mention putting already installed features behind a paywall despite the hardware already being there. Sure, they might call them subscriptions, but milking their customers trying to cash in for a software update by any other name still smells fishy.
Lucid offers a $2,000 Conquest Credit for existing owners from other premium brands.
Certain Air models are available with a $3,000 Studio Select Discount.
Interested buyers can also get a $500 referral credit from another Lucid owner.
The Lucid Air is undeniably one of the finest EVs on the market today. However, its premium price tag is enough to send many buyers looking for a less wallet-punishing alternative. Fortunately, there’s a way to make it more attainable: leasing. For as little as $510 per month with $0 down over 36 months, the entry-level Air Pure becomes a much more reasonable option for those craving a luxury all-electric sedan.
Lucid’s Incentives and Bonuses
Lucid is offering a slew of bonuses and incentives to convince customers to lease the Air Pure. For example, the American automaker has a $2,000 Conquest Credit available to current owners or lessees of a number of all-electric, hybrid, and gas-powered cars.
These include models from brands like Tesla, Acura, Audi, BMW, Cadillac, Genesis, Infiniti, Jaguar, Land Rover, Lexus, Mercedes-Benz, Maserati, Porsche, Volvo, Alfa Romeo, Bentley, Aston Martin, Ferrari, Lamborghini, Ineos, Rolls-Royce, McLaren, Mini, and Lotus.
In addition, those who select a Lucid Air Pure from the existing inventory at a sales studio will receive an additional $2,000 on-site bonus. Buyers can also make easy use of Lucid’s Referral Program and get a further $500 discount on an Air Pure if they use the referral code of an existing owner.
The single most generous offer is the Studio Select Discount, valued at $3,000. This is only available for certain inventory at select sales studios in the US, and may be hard to find for some.
The Fine Print and What You Need to Know
As noted by LeaseHackrthat discovered this deal, Lucid’s online lease calculator might show a $3,500 downpayment, but that’s effectively erased if you stack the referral bonus and Studio Select Discount. With these incentives, it’s possible to lease the Lucid Air Pure for just $510 per month before taxes for 36 months—making it feel a little less like you’re splurging on a high-end tech gadget and more like you’re making a fairly smart financial move.
These incentives, combined with the $7,500 federal EV tax credit, can effectively reduce the cost of an Air Pure from $69,900 to $52,470. It must be noted, though, that the $510 per month figure doesn’t include estimated upfront taxes, registration, and other fees.
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