A 14-year-old boy with special needs is safe after a school bus driver found him wandering the streets during cold temperatures, reported ABC 7.

The incident reportedly took place on Feb. 18, when Trey Briggs woke up and found all the doors of her family’s apartment open and her son, Urijah Heard, missing.

According to the news report, Heard is non-verbal. Temperatures that day were below zero and he was only wearing a t-shirt and underwear.

Briggs reportedly contacted the Wheeling Police Department and was told that officers had already been contacted by a passing school bus driver who saw Heard wandering and returned to pick him up.

“The fact that he [the school bus driver] stopped and put him on the bus is amazing to me. A miracle to me,” Briggs told local news reporters.

Police were able to identify Heard almost immediately because the teen had just been registered in a program started in 2022 by Wheeling Police Sgt. Richard Giltner called “Return Home Safe.” The database includes children with special needs, identified with photos and information submitted by their parents, for situations similar to this one.

According to local news reporters, the bus driver, Freddy Leon, did not want to comment on the matter. However, Heard’s mother is grateful for his act of kindness. The police department is planning to honor Leon for his actions later this month.

Related: Student Found Wandering Alone After Bus Drops Her at Wrong Location
Related: Florida Bus Driver Rescues 2-Year-old Wandering Alone
Related: Louisiana Child Left Alone in School Bus for 5 Hours
Related: Illinois Preschooler Left in School Bus for Hours

The post Illinois School Bus Driver Finds Teen Wandering Alone appeared first on School Transportation News.

Wisconsin Watch partners with Gigafact to produce fact briefs — bite-sized fact checks of trending claims. Read our methodology to learn how we check claims.

No.

Wisconsin sheriffs have discretion on whether to report a person booked into county jails to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, a Racine County Republican, alluded to the background checking Feb. 25.

Vos spoke about an Assembly bill he co-sponsored that would require sheriffs to request proof of legal presence status from individuals jailed for a felony offense.

Former Brown County Sheriff John Gossage, executive director of the Badger State Sheriffs’ Association, said most Wisconsin sheriffs report to ICE a person who is jailed on a felony charge and doesn’t have proof, such as a Social Security number or immigration visa, of legal presence in the U.S.

ICE can ask, but jails are not required, to hold a person for 48 hours if ICE wants to pick up that person for an alleged immigration violation. 

Milwaukee County doesn’t report inmate immigration status to ICE. Dane County also doesn’t assist ICE.

This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.

Sources

• Meg Ellefson Show: Guest: Speaker Robin Vos 022525
• Wisconsin State Legislature: 2025 Assembly Bill 24
• John Gossage, executive director of the Badger State Sheriffs’ Association: Email, March 4, 2025
• ACLU of Wisconsin: ACLU of Wisconsin Condemns Proposed Legislation Compelling County Sheriffs to Collaborate with ICE
• U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement: Immigration Detainers
• WisconsinEye: Assembly Committee on Criminal Justice and Public Safety
• Wisconsin State Legislature: Assembly Bill 24 history
• Wisconsin Public Radio: Milwaukee County Sheriff’s Office No Longer Working With ICE
• CBS 58: GOP immigration bill would require Milwaukee to help ICE or lose state funding
• Madison Reporter: Dane County Sheriff’s Office will not share immigration data with ICE: ‘We do not plan to participate in federal enforcement efforts’
• Wisconsin Public Radio: Wisconsin sheriffs would have to cooperate with ICE under GOP proposal

Are Wisconsin sheriffs required to check the immigration status of people in jail? is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

Proposed legislation would penalize the Milwaukee Public Schools if the district cancels plans to place police officers inside school buildings. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)

Republican lawmakers are proposing a law that would financially penalize the Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS) and the city of Milwaukee if they stop complying with a state law that requires police officers in schools. 

The bill, coauthored by Rep. Bob Donovan (R-Greenfield) and Sen. Van Wanggaard (R-Racine), comes after months of noncompliance with state law by the school district. Wisconsin Act 12, which provided a boost in funding to local governments, included requirements that Milwaukee Public Schools place 25 school resource officers — sworn police officers assigned to schools. 

The law took effect in 2023, and officers were supposed to be in MPS schools by Jan. 1, 2024, but the district missed the deadline. On Tuesday, the city and the school district voted to approve an agreement to install the officers in response to a lawsuit. 

Donovan said during an Assembly Criminal Justice and Public Safety hearing Wednesday that it’s “unconscionable” the district took so long to follow through on the requirement.

“The biggest district, the one in my estimation that could benefit the most, has, along with the city, dragged their feet for 400 days. It’s absurd and the safety of our kids is at jeopardy,” Donovan said.

Citing a Milwaukee Journal Sentinel report found MPS averaged 3,700 police calls each year over 11 years, Donovan said the calls were “pulling officers from street patrols to respond.” He added that “SROs trained specifically for school incidents can handle many of these situations quickly, leaving officers to stay in our communities.” 

The school resource officer requirement was controversial when Act 12 was passed.  Officers had not been stationed inside Milwaukee schools since 2016, and the district ended its contract with the Milwaukee Police Department in 2020 in response to student and community opposition to the practice. At Wednesday’s hearing, Wanggaard blamed the district’s contract cancellation on  a “fit of anti-police bias.” 

Many advocates opposed to police officers in schools have pointed to potential negative impacts. 

A Brookings Institution report found  that the presence of school resource officers has led to increases in use of suspension, expulsion, police referral and arrest, especially among Black students and students with disabilities.

The agreement that the Milwaukee Common Council and Milwaukee School Board both voted to approve Tuesday was in response to a lawsuit against the district. 

In October 2023  the Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty (WILL) sued MPS and the city of Milwaukee on behalf of Charlene Abughrin, a parent in the district, arguing the district’s noncompliance presented a “substantial risk to her and her child’s safety.” 

Last month a judge ordered the district and city to comply with the state law and instructed  the district and the city to split the cost for the officers evenly.

According to the agreement, officers in schools will have to be properly vetted and required to  attend state- and city-mandated training, including a 40-hour National Association of School Resource Officers course. The agreement also specifies that officers will not participate in enforcing MPS code of conduct violations and that school conduct violations and student discipline will remain the responsibility of school administrators, not police officers. 

Despite the agreement, the bill’s authors said Wednesday that a law is needed to serve as an enforcement mechanism and address potential future noncompliance. 

“If that agreement is terminated, this legislation provides a similar compliance framework to ensure that both remain in compliance with Act 12,” Donovan said. “To prevent the ongoing and future non-compliance, consequences must be in place.” 

If the agreement is terminated, the bill would implement a timeline requiring a new agreement within 30 days, another 30 days for the city to certify with the Legislature’s Joint Finance Committee that officers are trained and available. The district would then have 30 days to certify with the committee that officers are present in schools.

If there is noncompliance, 10% of the city’s shared revenue payment will be withheld by the state and 25% of the school district’s state aid payments would be withheld. 

Under the bill, MPS would be responsible for paying 75% of the cost for the school officers program, while the city would be responsible for the remaining 25%.

Rep. Jodi Emerson (D-Eau Claire) asked about the discrepancy between the 50-50 payment implemented by the judge and the one in the bill. 

Wanggaard said that bill assigns a larger share of the cost to the school district because  “it was MPS that made the schools less safe by not having officers in the school, not the city, and based on these factors and other conversations I’ve had, I believe MPS was the major cause of delaying returning officers to the schools.” However, he appeared open to amendments, noting that the bill is still pending. 

MPS is opposed to the bill, in part because of the difference in how it apportions the cost.

The district said in written testimony that school officials have been working on getting a memorandum of understanding with the city for over a year, sought the selection and training of police officers, and worked to negotiate a fair apportionment. The statement noted that the district has no authority to train or hire officers. 

The district statement endorsed a plan proposed by Gov. Tony Evers, which assigns 75% of the costs to the city and 25% to the district. The statement said that because “the school resource officers were part of a legislative deal negotiated without the participation of MPS and that provided hundreds of millions of dollars to the City of Milwaukee, the Governor’s proposal appears as the fairest.” 

The district statement also called for the state to reimplement a law in the 2009 budget that allowed districts to use generated funds to “purchase school safety equipment, fund the compensation costs of security officers, or fund other expenditures consistent with its school safety plan.”

“Whatever the apportionment, there should be no debate that school safety costs be adequately funded,” the district statement said. 

The Wisconsin Police Association and WILL support the bill, according to the state’s lobbying website.

Some electric vehicle owners may be in for an unpleasant surprise when they pull up to charge today only to find their intended station reduced to a charred wreck. That’s the unfortunate situation at the Tesla Supercharger station in Littleton, Massachusetts, where at least seven stalls were torched overnight. Authorities are now investigating the incident as an act of arson.

“Chief Matthew Pinard reports that the Littleton Police Department responded to and is investigating fires at a Tesla charging station at The Point Shopping Center that are believed to be suspicious in nature,” local officials told ABC News. “Responding officers observed that several Tesla charging stations were engulfed in flames and heavy, dark smoke.”

More: Dozen Teslas Torched At French Dealer Causing Over $730,000 In Damages

Authorities have made it clear that they suspect arson. “The Littleton Police and Fire Departments, along with the Massachusetts State Police Fire and Explosion Investigation Unit from the State Fire Marshal’s Office, are investigating and have determined that the fire was likely intentionally set,” they confirmed. This is an important detail, especially since Tesla has provided additional context that aligns with that conclusion.

While fires at electric vehicle or charging stations can happen, they’re extremely rare, and are typically the result of a thermal event caused by a faulty connection between a vehicle and charger. In this case, however, Tesla confirmed that no cars were plugged in at the time. Impressively, the company says the station will be fully operational again in less than 48 hours.

Interestingly, Tesla does seem to have a fast turnaround when things like this happen. When vandals attacked chargers about a week ago, the team said it would fix the issue within a day and press charges. Perhaps it’ll do the same if police find a suspect for the fires in Massachusetts.

Read: Tesla Store Hit With “Nazi Cars” Graffiti By Would-Be Arsonist

Sadly, this marks the third arson attack in just a week. In Colorado, police caught a suspect with explosives and incendiary devices near a Tesla dealership—though, thankfully, no fires were set. In France, however, things took a darker turn. Police believe someone set fire to at least a dozen cars at a service center overnight on Sunday, including customer vehicles that were there for repairs.

Lead image Littleton Fire Department

On Sunday night, one or more individuals set fire to at least a dozen cars at a Tesla dealership in France, according to a magistrate from the Toulouse public prosecutor’s office. The attack damaged both vehicles for sale and customer cars in for repairs. While the motive remains unclear, it appears to be the latest, and possibly the most serious, incident amid growing tensions surrounding Tesla. Protests targeting the company and its CEO, Elon Musk, have been on the rise in recent months.

Authorities say that they believe this was arson in part because of the fire pattern itself. It appears as though there were at minimum three separate fire origins and that none of the fire damaged the building itself. Of the twelve vehicles bruned, eight were completely destroyed, while four sustained partial damage. The prosecutor’s office called the fire “not at all accidental.”

More: Woman Caught With Explosives After Tesla Dealership Vandalism

According to FranceInfo, damage estimates are hovering around 700,000 Euros or about $735,000 at current exchange rates. Video from the scene shows the extent of the destruction, including cars burned so severely that only their skeletal remains are left.

It appears as though the arsonist targeted a small group of cars including several Model Ys and Model 3s. In another section of the lot we see a Model 3 damaged on the front but in far better shape than some other cars in the lot.

Over the past few months, protests and demonstrations against Tesla and its CEO, Elon Musk, have been ramping up. Weeks ago, protesters projected the word Heil onto the Berlin Gigafactory. Others put up anti-Tesla posters in London, while more demonstrators gathered outside dealerships across the U.S. in the past month.

One person was arrested for attempted but failed arson at a dealership last week. At the same time, it very well appears to be the most dangerous and destructive in nature. While some vandals have targeted charging stations or individual cars, none have gone to this sort of scale.

Tesla and Musk Remain Silent

Despite the growing wave of anti-Tesla actions, both the company and Musk have remained largely silent. Aside from Tesla’s previous statement vowing to prosecute vandals targeting charging stations, there’s been little response. French authorities, meanwhile, have yet to release any information about possible suspects.

More: Tesla Sales Plunge 45% In Norway Even As EV Market Surges By 53%

Consumers, however, seem to be making their stance known with their wallets. Tesla’s sales have taken a significant hit across multiple European markets. In the first two months of 2025, sales dropped 45% in France and Norway, while Sweden saw a 42% decline compared to the same period last year. Denmark was hit even harder, with Tesla’s sales plummeting by 48% in February alone.

Image Google Photos

A deputy falsifying jail logs. Officers stealing during a search warrant. An off-duty officer hitting a parked car after leaving a bar, then lying about it.

Imagine one of them arrested you. 

Would you want to know about their past?

Under the law, you have a right to that information. How and when you get access to it depends on prosecutors, who file criminal charges and bring a case in court.

The Milwaukee County District Attorney’s Office has a system for tracking officers with credibility concerns, allegations of dishonesty or bias, and past criminal charges. But it is inconsistent and incomplete and relies, in part, on police agencies to report integrity violations, an investigation by the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, TMJ4 News and Wisconsin Watch found.

After reporters provided Milwaukee County District Attorney Kent Lovern with their analysis and raised questions about specific cases, he removed seven officers from the database and acknowledged one officer should have been added to it years earlier.

The haphazard nature of these tracking systems fails officers and people defending themselves, said Rachel Moran, a professor at the University of St. Thomas School of Law in Minneapolis, who has extensively studied the issue nationwide.

“It does lead to wrongful convictions,” Moran said. “It leads to people spending time in jail and prison when they shouldn’t.”

Many criminal cases come down to whether jurors believe a defendant or a law enforcement officer.

The system of flagged officers — often known as a “Brady/Giglio list,” so named for two landmark U.S. Supreme Court cases — is meant to help prosecutors fulfill their legal duty to share evidence that could help prove someone’s innocence.

Wisconsin does not have statewide standards for how such Brady information should be gathered, maintained and disclosed. It falls to local district attorneys to decide how to gather and share information about officers’ credibility, leading to inconsistencies across the state’s 72 counties.

Lovern maintains his office is fulfilling its obligations. By compiling the spreadsheet, his office already is doing more than required, he said in an interview. Just because an officer is on the list does not mean he or she was necessarily convicted of a crime or had a sustained internal violation.

“The database is complete to the best of my knowledge and belief,” he said in a follow-up email in February, adding it always is subject to change with new information.

Some of those changes were prompted by this investigation, which found multiple inaccuracies in the Brady list released last fall. One officer was described as being involved in a custody death but he was not. Two were listed with the wrong agency. Another was listed for a criminal case that was expunged in 2002. At least five officers on the list were deceased. 

After reporters raised questions, a West Allis officer who resigned after admitting he had sex with a woman while on duty at a school was removed from the list because, Lovern said, he did not lie about what he did. That officer was hired at another agency in the county.

The inconsistencies in Milwaukee County’s Brady list have frustrated defense attorneys and advocates for police officers — one union leader called it the “wild, wild west” — and are another example of a nationwide problem for legal experts like Moran.

“It’s just an ongoing travesty of constitutional violations,” she said. “It is a huge national problem that should be a national scandal.” 

Who is on the Milwaukee County Brady list and why?

The district attorney’s office started tracking officers with documented credibility concerns more than 25 years ago.

The full list has not been made public — until now.

The move came after years of pressure from defense attorneys, media outlets and a lawsuit threat. The decision to release the list was harshly criticized by Alexander Ayala, president of the Milwaukee Police Association, the union representing rank-and-file officers in the city.

“It’s only going to be detrimental to police officers or even ex-police officers because they’re trying to move on,” he said.

The district attorney’s office first released the list to media outlets last September in response to public records requests. At the time, Assistant District Attorney Sara Sadowski wrote, in part: “This office makes no representations as to the accuracy or completeness of the record.”

She also said that some criminal cases may have “resulted in an acquittal, that charges were dismissed, or that charges were amended to non-criminal offenses.”

That list, dated Sept. 20, contained 218 entries involving 192 officers and included a wide range of conduct, from a recruit who cheated on a test to officers sentenced to federal prison for civil rights violations.

The Journal Sentinel, TMJ4 and Wisconsin Watch spent five months tracking down information about the officers through court documents, internal police records and past media coverage. 

Milwaukee police officers made up the largest share of officers on the list, but nearly every suburban police agency in the county was represented, as well as the Wisconsin Department of Justice and the Wisconsin Department of Corrections.

At least a dozen officers kept their jobs after being placed on the Brady list, then landed on the list again.

One of them was Milwaukee County sheriff’s deputy Joel Streicher. 

Back in 2007, Streicher and five other deputies searched a drug suspect’s house without a warrant, according to a previous Journal Sentinel article. It wasn’t until 2019 that Streicher was added to the Brady list when he was caught up in a prostitution sting and pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct.

A year later, Streicher was on duty when he ran a red light near the courthouse and killed community advocate Ceasar Stinson. He resigned and pleaded guilty to homicide by negligent operation of a vehicle. Streicher declined to comment when reached by a reporter last month.

Criminal cases like Streicher’s represent three-quarters of the entries on the Brady list. The other quarter are tied to internal investigations.

The news organizations also found:

• Of the 218 entries on the list, about 47% related to a direct integrity or misconduct issue, such as officers lying on or off duty. The allegations vary: One officer pleaded guilty to taking bribes for filling out bogus vehicle titles and was fired. Another former officer was charged with pressuring the victim in her son’s domestic violence case to recant. A lieutenant was demoted after wrongly claiming $1,800 in overtime. 
• About 14% related to domestic or intimate partner violence, and nearly 10% related to sex crimes, such as sexual assault or possessing child pornography.
• Another 14% involved alcohol-related offenses, most often drunken driving. At least six cases involved officers, most off duty, who were found to be driving drunk and had a gun with them.

Nearly 7% involved allegations of excessive force. One of the officers listed in the database for such a violation was former Milwaukee officer Vincent Woller, who was added in 2009 after receiving a 60-day suspension for kicking a handcuffed suspect in the head, according to previous Journal Sentinel reporting.

Woller remained on the force until last year. He recently told a TMJ4 reporter he had testified “hundreds” of times in the past 15 years and never knew he was on the Brady list.

When asked to respond, Lovern, the district attorney, removed Woller from the list, saying Woller’s internal violation was not related to untruthfulness.

Lovern, who served for 16 years as the top deputy to his predecessor, John Chisholm, said he reviews any potential Brady material brought to his attention from the defense bar. 

In those cases, he said, he often has concluded that while officers’ conduct may show “poor judgment,” it did not relate to credibility or untruthfulness. 

Others have strongly disagreed with those decisions.

Three years ago, the State Public Defender’s Office asked for the full Milwaukee County Brady list, only to receive a partial list of about 150 names of officers charged or convicted of crimes. 

Public defenders then shared police disciplinary records they had obtained while investigating and trying past cases, said Angel Johnson, regional attorney manager for the State Public Defender’s Office in Milwaukee.

Johnson had expected those officers would be added to the list.

“They were not,” she said.

How some police officers can be on the Brady list and keep their jobs

The Brady list is not a blacklist. 

Eighteen officers are still employed by the Milwaukee Police Department, while five others are members of the Milwaukee County Sheriff’s Office, according to representatives for those agencies.

In some cases, an officer’s past integrity violation or criminal conviction, such as drunken driving, may not necessarily prohibit the officer from testifying. That means they can still be useful as police officers, officials say.

“For us, it’s not about being placed on the list, it is how they will be used by the district attorney’s office,” Milwaukee Police Chief Jeffrey Norman said in an interview.

Norman said he does consider an officer’s ability to testify when weighing internal discipline. 

Milwaukee County Sheriff Denita Ball said she does not, instead concluding the internal investigation and deciding discipline before forwarding any information to the District Attorney’s Office.

“Somebody can just make a mistake,” Ball said. “If that’s the case, then their employment is retained.”

Norman stressed he takes integrity violations seriously and makes his disciplinary decisions after reviewing internal investigations, officers’ work histories, comparable discipline in similar cases and input from his command staff.

Depending on those factors, officers can keep their jobs despite an integrity violation.

Officers Benjaman Bender and Juwon Madlock were working at District 7 on the city’s north side in 2021 when a man reported that he had just been shot at in his vehicle a few blocks away, according to records from the department and the Fire and Police Commission.

The man handed Bender his ID. The officers did not write down his name, inspect his damaged car parked outside, interview witnesses, or ask him any other investigatory questions, even after the man took a call from someone involved in the shooting.

Instead, Bender instructed the man to return to the crime scene by himself and told him a squad would meet him there.

“So it’s cool for people to just go shoot at people now?” the man replied.

“Just go over there,” Madlock said, as he returned the man’s ID.

Bender later told a sergeant the man had been uncooperative and that he did not see the man’s ID. Madlock told another sergeant the man had walked out on his own. Video from the lobby contradicted their accounts.

Internal affairs found both officers failed to thoroughly investigate and had not been “forthright and candid” with supervisors. 

Norman suspended each officer for 10 days. They remain employed — and on the Brady list.

The department did not authorize the officers to speak with a reporter for this story.

In rare cases, the district attorney’s office will decide that an officer can never be called as a witness. Only two or three officers in the county have received that designation in the last 18 years, and none are still employed as officers, Lovern said.

Reporters were unable to track the current employment of every officer on the Brady list because the Wisconsin Department of Justice has refused to release a statewide list of all certified law enforcement officers, a decision that is being challenged in court.

The state has released a separate database of officers who were fired, resigned instead of being fired or quit while an internal investigation was pending.

A comparison to that database showed at least four officers on the Sept. 20 Brady list were working at different law enforcement agencies in the state. 

Credibility matters whether you’re an officer or a citizen accused of a crime

There’s no guarantee an officer’s past will come up in court.

A defense attorney has to decide whether to raise it. And if they do, a judge has to decide if a jury should hear about it.

But for any of that to happen, prosecutors must collect and disclose the information in the first place. 

“We don’t monitor the Brady list,” said Milwaukee County Chief Judge Carl Ashley, who added that he has never encountered a Brady issue during his 25 years on the bench.

“We get involved once the matter is brought to our attention,” he said.

Some prosecutors across the country come up with different systems to learn of potential Brady material. In Chicago, prosecutors started asking police officers a series of questions, such as if they had been disciplined before or found to be untruthful in court, before using them as witnesses.

In Milwaukee County, the district attorney’s office relies on police agencies to self-report internal violations. Lovern defended the practice, saying the local agencies are “very direct with us.”

But that approach leaves gaps. 

Out of 23 law enforcement agencies in Milwaukee County, only seven provided a written policy detailing how they handle Brady material in response to a records request sent in November. 

The Milwaukee Police Department and eight other agencies in the county do not have a written policy, and the other agencies did not respond or the request remains pending.

Regardless, prosecutors have a constitutional requirement to find and disclose potential Brady material, whether the records are located in their office or at another agency, said Moran, the law professor.

“Prosecutors still have the ultimate obligation for setting up information-sharing systems,” she said.

Sometimes, officers slip through the cracks.

Before Frank Williams landed on the Brady list, the Milwaukee police officer had a history of misconduct allegations dating back to 2017. He had been investigated for excessive force, improperly turning off his body camera and interfering with investigations into his relatives, according to internal affairs records. 

His harshest punishment, a 30-day suspension in 2021, was for an integrity violation after he falsely reported he had stayed at home on a sick day when he instead played in a basketball tournament.

But Williams was not added to the Brady list until last year, when prosecutors charged him with child abuse. He later pleaded guilty to lesser charges of disorderly conduct and was forced to resign. Attempts to reach Williams and his attorney by phone and email were not successful.

When asked why Williams was not placed on the list earlier, Lovern said the Milwaukee Police Department did refer Williams for Brady list consideration in May 2021 after the integrity violation, and Williams should have been added then.

Lovern said he should have forwarded Williams’ information to a staff member to include him in the database. He found no record that he actually did.

As a result, Lovern’s office is now contacting anybody who was convicted in cases where Williams was a named witness in the three-year period he should have been in the database.

Officials with the State Public Defender’s Office said they appreciated Lovern’s decision, but said the case shows what can happen when a Brady list is incomplete.

“The ability to question those witnesses against our client and their credibility is fundamental,” said Bridget Krause, trial division director for the State Public Defender’s Office.

If the information is not disclosed, it can have devastating consequences.

“You can’t go back and unring some bells,” Krause said. “Somebody who served 18 months in prison and now you’re finding out this could have impacted their case, they can’t not serve that time.”

Criminal defense attorneys who regularly practice in Milwaukee County say they rarely receive disclosures about officers’ credibility.

One said he had been practicing for nearly 20 years and had never received one. Another said the district attorney’s office practices amounted to a policy of “don’t ask, don’t tell.”

Johnson, a manager for the state public defender’s office in Milwaukee, has practiced in the county for 10 years and tried numerous criminal cases.

She said she’s received two Brady disclosures related to officers’ credibility.

Both came this year.

Duty to disclose: Gaps found in Milwaukee County tracking of officers with credibility issues is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

For more than 25 years, the Milwaukee County District Attorney’s Office has maintained a list of law enforcement officers who have been accused of dishonesty, bias or crimes.

Often known as the “Brady list,” it is meant to help prosecutors fulfill their legal obligation to turn over evidence that could help defendants.

But a joint Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Wisconsin Watch and TMJ4 News investigation found that the list is inconsistent and incomplete, raising questions about how useful it is in practice.

Here’s what to know about Brady lists.

What is a Brady list?

The Brady list is a compilation of law enforcement officials who have been accused of lying, breaking the law, or acting in a way that erodes their credibility to be a witness. It’s also sometimes known as the do-not-call list or the Brady/Giglio list.

The name comes from the 1963 U.S. Supreme Court case Brady v. Maryland, which ruled that prosecutors cannot withhold material that might help the defense at trial.

What kind of behavior gets you on the Brady List?

The type of misconduct that can land a law enforcement officer on the Brady list is broad, ranging from violent crimes to workplace issues. An officer does not have to be found guilty of a crime or even charged with a crime to be placed on the list. 

Of the names on Milwaukee County’s Brady list, the majority involve criminal cases. Roughly a quarter involve internal investigations. 

The offenses range from crimes like domestic violence or drunken driving to integrity issues like falsifying police documents or cheating on police training tests. 

How does the District Attorney’s Office find out about potential Brady material?

The District Attorney’s Office is responsible for prosecuting crimes. If a law enforcement officer is referred for potential criminal charges, prosecutors would know about it because they make charging decisions.

But if an officer is facing an internal violation and not a criminal charge, it is up to the officer’s law enforcement agency to report the information to prosecutors, according to Milwaukee County District Attorney Kent Lovern.

Do police agencies have written policies for telling prosecutors about Brady material?

Not all of them.

The media organizations sent records requests to 23 law enforcement agencies in the county asking for any policies governing how to handle Brady material.

The Milwaukee County Sheriff’s Office and six other agencies provided a written policy. The Milwaukee Police Department and eight other agencies in the county said they do not have a written policy.

The remaining agencies did not respond or the request remains pending.

If an officer is on the Brady list, does that mean they can’t testify?

No. Being placed on the list only means that prosecutors have to disclose that officer’s history to the defense. If defense attorneys wish, they can raise the officer’s credibility issues with the judge.

At that point, it is up to the judge to decide whether or not the officer is credible enough to testify.

In rare cases, the district attorney’s office has determined an officer could never be relied upon to testify. Lovern said that has only happened two or three times in the past 18 years, and those officers are no longer employed as law enforcement.

If an officer is put on the Brady list, can they stay on the force?

Yes. Just because a law enforcement officer is on the list does not mean they are necessarily prohibited from testifying. That means they can still be useful as police officers, officials say.

Milwaukee Police Chief Jeffrey Norman and Milwaukee County Sheriff Denita Ball say they carefully consider the facts and severity of each case before deciding whether to keep an officer on the force.

Where can I find Wisconsin’s Brady list?

In Wisconsin, there is no single Brady list. District attorney’s offices in each county are responsible for maintaining their own lists. 

But there’s no consistency to how prosecutors in Wisconsin maintain Brady lists. In an investigation last year, Wisconsin Watch filed records requests with prosecutors in each of the state’s 72 counties. Many denied the records request or said they didn’t keep track. The counties that replied disclosed a list of about 360 names. 

How many people are on Milwaukee County’s Brady List? 

You can find Milwaukee County’s Brady list here.

Nearly 200 current and former law enforcement officers are on the list, which dates back about 25 years. Some are accused of multiple offenses. Of those on the list, the majority are from the Milwaukee Police Department, but nearly every suburban police department is represented. 

Milwaukee County’s Brady list has flaws. Here’s what to know is a post from Wisconsin Watch, a non-profit investigative news site covering Wisconsin since 2009. Please consider making a contribution to support our journalism.

The Wisconsin Department of Corrections Madison offices. (Photo by Henry Redman/Wisconsin Examiner)

On Wednesday, April 9, at the Kolb Center of the Fox Lake Correctional Institution, the Wisconsin Department of Corrections (DOC) will hold a Family & Friend Forum where relatives and friends of the incarcerated can  provide feedback to the DOC about the prison system’s policies.

The DOC “recognizes the crucial role that support from family and friends plays in rehabilitation and successful reentry into the community,” the department stated in its announcement of the session. 

“As part of our commitment to serving the people of Wisconsin with transparency and accountable decision-making, Secretary Jared Hoy and department leadership want to hear directly from the loved ones of those engaged with the DOC,” the announcement said.

The Family & Friends event will be held from 10 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. on Wednesday, April 9, at Kolb Center at Fox Lake Correctional Institution, W10237 Lake Emily Road, Fox Lake.

Registration is required, and the event is limited to 100 people. Spots will be accepted on a first-come, first-served basis.

Registrants must be 18 years or older.

All registrants will receive an email confirming their seat along with additional instructions.

To register online, go to https://doc.wi.gov/Pages/AboutDOC/FriendsAndFamilyForums.aspx and tap the “Reserve A Seat” button.

Milwaukee officials are pushing state lawmakers to create a statewide bonus incentive program to bring more police officers to Wisconsin.

The post Milwaukee lobbying for statewide bonus program to bring more police officers to Wisconsin appeared first on WPR.

Lucid may have entered the electric vehicle market relatively late, especially compared to the class-leading, when it comes to experience and sales, Tesla, Lucid has managed to roll out a pretty competitive first product in the form of the Air sedan. However, while the EV itself has been praised by those who have driven it, one customer is seriously considering ditching his car.

A Good Car, But Poor Support

The owner, who posted his story on Reddit under the alias MtrCityMadMan, purchased an Air GT in June 2022. He states that he has been very satisfied with the car so far, as it is “a pleasure to drive” and its range is “fantastic”. However, he says that Lucid’s customer service leaves a lot to be desired and, due to the very unpleasant experience, is thinking about getting rid of it despite its positive attributes.

More: A Lucid Air For $50,000 Could Be A Deal Too Good To Ignore

His troubles began when he accidentally damaged the fairing of a side view mirror in his garage, which he admits was entirely his own fault. After contacting Lucid, he was told he would have to come to the service center to have the mirror fixed – which wouldn’t be much of an issue if it didn’t necessitate a 2.5-hour drive. Nevertheless, even though he was annoyed, he understood that the company had chosen a “strategic location”, as he put it, and so decided to make the trip.

In theory, it was a pretty straightforward job that should be completed fairly quickly. The technicians at the service center told him that it would take one to two hours, and he didn’t complain. That estimate, though, turned out to be overly optimistic.

“I sat in a McDonald’s for over 5 hours,” he wrote on his post on Reddit. “No updates and when I’d call they didn’t have any timeline. What should have been a morning repair (left early and planned on being back midday) turned into a 12 hour day. Barely an apology.”

Bumper Issues: Same Story, New Repair

The next issue was when he had to fix the Air’s bumper that had been tagged by another vehicle. It wasn’t a serious damage, but he likes to keep his cars in perfect condition – which is perfectly fine. What isn’t is the fact that he had to drive 2.5 hours again, as there is no certified Lucid shop in his city, leave the car there for at least three days, and then, if all went well and the technicians fixed the bumper on time, travel again to retrieve it. He concedes that he could use a flatbed and save himself the trouble, but it would cost him $1,500, which he decided was too much.

More: Rivian Owner’s Quality And Service Nightmares Expose The Pain Of Being A ‘Beta Tester’

With the bumper fixed, the man was able to enjoy his Air once more. Yet, another issue popped up, and this time it was the car’s fault (although dealing with the shop was, again, problematic). “Two weeks ago car starts throwing all sorts of warnings,” he explains. “Text customer service (24/7), call customer service. Nothing. I didn’t get a call back for 5 hours (when it was 11:30pm local time). Never got a text. Luckily, car was drivable.

“Local service finally reached out and said they’d like to pick up the car and bring it to center to see what’s up, and to replace battery since my deg is larger than expected. Cool. I’ve now called 3 more times to report more issues, left messages and specifically asked for a call back. Nothing. I’ve texted. Nothing.”

The Takeaway: Customer Service Is Key

That was last straw: “I can deal with a lot, but I think I’m done with this brand. I love the car but can’t trust the service that I may need in the future,” he wrote. He nevertheless had a word of advice: “To any Lucid execs that may end up reading this – you have to do better. Build quality is great but customer service builds loyal customers.”

More: Lucid CEO Says “The Market Sucks” For Cheap $25,000 EVs

What’s more, this man isn’t the only one that is dissatisfied with Lucid. Another Air owner wrote: “I am going through the mirror thing now. Exact same thing bumping it against the garage. They are requiring a full replacement at $3000+… insanity. The mirror works, it turns in and out.”

It’s Not Just One Person

Another had an explanation why the shop was so far away: “It costs over $200K to become a certified repair shop which is at the expense of the body shop. Why would they spend that type of money when hardly any cars are on the road? The ROI would be an extremely long one and many body shops probably don’t want to drop that cash if Lucid can’t prove that it’s going to be more than a niche player.”

Not everyone had a negative experience though. One owner, who lives close to a Lucid service center, states that “they have been fantastic, like far better than any experience I have had with previous ICE cars.”

In any case, it’s clear that since its range is expanding, with the 800 hp, $95,000 Gravity SUV joining the Air and other models set to follow in the future, Lucid must ensure that owners are satisfied not only by its cars, but by the brand’s customer service too. After all, people who are willing to spend close to, or more than, $100k on a car, expect only the best – and Lucid has been found lacking by customers who may not be returning to the brand but choose a rival automaker’s model for their next purchase.

For weeks, police in Loveland, Colorado, had been chasing down a suspect after a string of incidents against a Colorado Tesla dealership that seemed like typical, run-of-the-mill vandalism. But as it turns out, the case was far more serious than anyone could have imagined.

Read: Las Vegas Gets First Cybertruck Police Fleet In America

After several calls, multiple vandalism events, and a public plea for help, the authorities finally tracked down the culprit. What started as a few cans of spray paint quickly escalated, culminating in a shocking arrest—complete with explosives and incendiary devices discovered at the scene, at a Tesla dealership.

The First Incident – Paint, Not Explosives

All of this dates back to late January, when police responded to a call about some vandalism at the Tesla dealership on 1606 North Lincoln Ave in Loveland. While they didn’t find a suspect at the time,they did find plenty of evidence that something was amiss. It was just the first of several similar incidents, with more vandalism reported on February 2 and again on February 7.

Turning Point: The Arson Attempt

It’s that second incident in February that was the turning point though. Police report that rather than simply spray-painting “offensive and hateful” messages on cars, the perpetrator also made an attempt at arson in one form or another. According to the Seattle Times, security footage showed someone throwing what appear to be Molotov cocktails into a row of cars. The affidavit revealed that at least four cars, collectively worth $220,000, were targeted by these incendiary devices. The authorities put out a bulletin to the community asking for help in identifying the person responsible.

On February 24, they finally caught a break, apprehending the person they believe is behind it all. Identified as 40-year-old Lucy Nelson, the suspect was found with “additional incendiary devices, along with materials linked to the vandalism,” according to Loveland police. Nelson’s arrest affidavit suggests she may not have acted alone, as surveillance footage shows another individual, with a different build, who is also suspected of involvement.

“These incidents were not only unlawful, dangerous, and unsettling, they also created an atmosphere of discomfort and worry,” Loveland PD Public Information Officer Chris Padgett told CNN. “Those who work at the business, along with those living in the community, have had to deal with such concerns since the first incident on January 29th,” he added.

A Long List of Charges

That said, Nelson is now facing a laundry list of charges, including the use of explosives or incendiary devices during a felony, criminal mischief involving damages between $2,000 and $5,000, and an attempted Class 3 felony. The Larimer County Magistrate has set her bond at $100,000 cash surety.

This is, of course, just one small chapter in the larger, ongoing saga of vandalism and protests tied to Tesla and Elon Musk right now.

Tesla itself has made it clear that they will prosecute anyone who damages their property—specifically, Supercharger stations, which have been a frequent target of vandalism lately. We imagine that Tesla might be willing to go after Nelson with the same tenacity. But for Tesla owners whose cars are damaged in these incidents? Well, you’re pretty much left to pick up the pieces for now.

A Dane County judge is ordering Wisconsin's Department of Corrections to launch a program for incarcerated moms and their infants. 

The post Judge orders Wisconsin prison system to implement program for incarcerated moms and their babies appeared first on WPR.

Gov. Tony Evers’ new two-year budget calls for a sweeping amount of changes to the state’s prison system. Two Republicans involved in corrections legislation signaled agreement with the push to close a large prison near Green Bay.

The post Assembly Republicans signal openness to closing Green Bay prison appeared first on WPR.

After a homeless woman died in the Eau Claire County Jail more than a year ago, Wisconsin DOJ has yet to release a report | Getty Images

Silver O. Jenkins, 29, a homeless woman, was found unresponsive in the Eau Claire County Jail on March 12, 2023. The investigation of her death was completed in August 2023 but has not been released pending a Wisconsin Department of Justice (DOJ) review.

It is not clear why the DOJ has taken more than a year to review the death investigation and release it to the public.

In July 2024, the Wisconsin Examiner made a record request of the death investigation to the St. Croix County Sheriff’s Office, the authority charged with conducting the investigation. Sheriff Scott Knudson noted the death investigation had been completed in August 2023 and had been passed on to the Eau Claire Sheriff’s Office, but he was uncertain when the DOJ obtained it.

The completed investigation was not released to the Examiner, because, Knudson said, the DOJ’s review outweighed the public interest in having the investigation released.

Knudson said there was a “balancing test” of “public interest” versus “integrity of the legal system” to “…allow the Department of Justice ample time to make a determination related to the investigation prior to the records being disclosed to the public.”

He added, “Public policy favors public safety and effective law enforcement, which is supported by the decision to deny your request at this time until the Department of Justice has completed their review of the investigation.”

In August 2024, the Examiner submitted another record request to the St. Croix County Sheriff’s Office for two items:

• All powerpoint presentations produced by the St. Croix County Sheriff’s Office which, during 2023 or 2024, were shared with and/or presented to personnel from any Wisconsin District Attorney’s Office and/or the state Department of Justice (DOJ), and which mention or are related to the March 12th, 2023, in-custody death of Silver O. Jenkins at the Eau Claire County Jail. 
• Any jail security camera footage relevant to the sheriff’s investigation into Silver’s death.

Like the July 2024 request, Sheriff Knudson denied the August 2024 record request based on the same justification he offered in July 2024.

In January 2025, the Examiner contacted Eau Claire County Medical Examiner Marcie Rosas for a copy of Jenkins’ autopsy report. Rosas responded via phone that the report would not be released pending the ongoing DOJ review.

Based on a July 15, 2024 email exchange between the St. Croix Sheriff’s Office and the DOJ, in July 2024, it appeared then that the DOJ review was coming to a close. The email exchange was between St. Croix County Sheriff Captain Tim Kufus and DOJ Assistant Attorney General James Kraus.

“Requests for reports are continuing to come in, when can we expect a decision from your office? We would like to fulfill the requests,” Kufus wrote about record requests on the Jenkins death investigation to Kraus.

Kraus responded, “Now that we have the policies, I hope to complete my part of the case by the end of this month (July 2024).”

Subsequently, the Examiner has submitted several email requests to the DOJ on the review status, but there has been no reply.

On March 14, 2023, the Eau Claire Sheriff’s Office put out a press release about Jenkins’ death and noted that she was “…listed as homeless, was charged on February 10 for disorderly conduct and bail jumping,” and added that she was in jail on $500 cash bond and had made her first appearance in court on Feb.14.

Court records also reveal that Jenkins had also been charged with bail-jumping, a misdemeanor and that Jenkins was supposed to have a competency hearing on March 7, but on March 6, that appears to have been changed to March 16, four days after she died.

Jenkins was also cited for trespassing, disorderly conduct, and bail jumping on Jan. 31, 2023.

From 2019-2023, Silvers had been charged with several violations in Eau Claire County, mostly misdemeanors.

Circuit court records from Eau Claire County show Silver’s address as “homeless,” however earlier court records from Racine and Kenosha counties cite her address as either 618 S. Barstow Street in Eau Claire, the site of The Sojourner House, a Catholic Charities homeless shelter, or 211 Howard Avenue in Racine, an apartment building.

The Examiner has contacted Catholic Charities and other homeless shelters in Eau Claire for anyone who knew Jenkins, but so far, there have been no responses.

It was only a matter of time before the Tesla Cybertruck found its way into police service. That moment has arrived with confirmation from the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department that it’s adding 10 Cybertrucks to its fleet and they won’t just be used for promotional activities.

It’s not uncommon for police forces worldwide to adopt flashy, expensive vehicles, often sparking controversy if taxpayer money is involved. In this case, however, the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department emphasizes that all 10 Cybertrucks are being “donated by an anonymous supporter,” sidestepping any budget-related backlash.

According to the department, some of the Cybertrucks will be used by local SWAT teams, while others will serve as regular patrol cars for Las Vegas police officers. A pair of renderings showcase how the modified Cybertrucks could look, and even though it’s hard to stand out in Las Vegas among all the flashing lights and craziness, these Teslas will no doubt turn heads.

Read: First Police Tesla Cybertruck Hits The Streets In Irvine, But $132K Price Sparks Backlash

The version previewed for SWAT use is finished in a new desert color and sits on black aftermarket wheels with huge mud-terrain tires. It also looks to feature reinforced armored doors and windows, off-road tracks, and custom bumpers. It’s unclear if the finished product will look like this, as this rendering appears to be based on an upgraded Cybertruck from Unplugged Performance unveiled back in late 2023.

The regular police cruiser version looks a little more tame and, once again, has been previewed with a single image based on Unplugged Performance’s Cybertruck cop car unveiled last year. Modifications include new flashing light bars, custom wheels, and LED spotlights.

“Imagine when we’re out and we’re charging these things, and officers will be approached by people from all over the community to see this thing,” Sheriff Kevin McMahill told Fox 5 Vegas. “It’s an opportunity [to] inject humanity, to increase our community partnerships. This is also a tremendous recruitment tool.”

Unplugged Performance’s Tesla Cybertruck Police Car

A Madison City Schools bus driver in Alabama was arrested after allegedly engaging in sexual acts with a student under 19 years old, reported AL News.

Police stated that 24-year-old Azaria Ashford of nearby Huntsville was arrested last Friday and charged with one count of school employee engaging in a sex act with a student under the age of 19.

According to the news report, the district received information regarding the incident on Feb. 11 that Ashford allegedly exchanged inappropriate messages with several students. The school district quickly placed her on administrative leave and reported the allegations to the Madison Police Department.

The police department conducted a subsequent investigation, which resulted in the arrest of Ashford. She is no longer employed by the Madison City Schools.

Ashford was reportedly booked into the Madison County jail pending bond. The investigation is ongoing.

Related: New York School Bus Aide Accused of Sexual Assault
Related: Florida School Bus Driver Arrested for Alleged Assault
Related: Alabama School Bus Driver Arrested for Allegedly Assaulting Student with Special Needs
Related: Alabama High School Student Killed While Waiting for School Bus

The post Alabama School Bus Driver Charged on Sex Acts with Teen appeared first on School Transportation News.

A fatal police shooting of an unnamed person in Fond du Lac is under investigation. | Getty Images

During a stop by law enforcement officers Monday night, Feb. 24, in the Town of Fond du Lac, a Fond du Lac County Sheriff deputy shot and killed a person the deputy believed was producing a firearm.

The person’s name has not been released, nor the name of the deputies involved with the stop.

According to a press release by the Wisconsin Department of Justice (DOJ), on Monday evening, Fond du Lac County Sheriff’s deputies contacted someone via phone who was known to have a felony warrant. 

Law enforcement also received information from a civilian that this same person appeared to have a handgun.

A short while later, deputies located the person in the 6300 block of Cherrywood Drive, near a trailer park.  

The person refused to follow repeated commands, and one of the deputies discharged a non-lethal weapon. (The non-lethal weapon was not named in an official statement on the incident.)

The person then produced what deputies believed to be a firearm, and in response, a second deputy discharged a firearm at 6:22 p.m., striking the person.

Emergency medical specialists (EMS) were contacted, and law enforcement and EMS attempted life-saving measures.

The person was transported to a nearby hospital before being pronounced dead.

No members of law enforcement or other members of the public were injured during the incident.

The deputy involved in the shooting is on administrative assignment, per agency policy.

Law enforcement officers involved with the stop were wearing body cameras during the incident.

Additional details are being withheld during  the investigation and will be released to the public later.

The Wisconsin Department of Justice (DOJ) Division of Criminal Investigation (DCI) is investigating the officer-involved shooting, assisted by Wisconsin State Patrol, the Fond du Lac Police Department, and the Village of North Fond du Lac Police Department.

When the DCI investigation concludes, it will turn over the investigative reports to the Fond du Lac County District Attorney’s office.

Throughout most of history, large luxury vehicles had at least one big advantage over, say, sports cars or lesser models: they were quiet inside. That’s typically part of the premium experience. However, according to several Cybertruck owners, Tesla’s latest creation seems to have missed that memo.

One owner took their concern about excessive wind noise to their local Tesla service center, and the proposed solution was surprisingly low-tech: tape. Yes, plain old tape, the same stuff you might use to wrap gifts or patch a torn page, was suggested as the fix for a high-tech, futuristic vehicle.

The customer in question anonymously posted about their experience on a Facebook Cybertruck group. “Is it just my truck?! They said nothing [sic] to do about it. Is that normal? Only from the driver side,” they wrote. Their comment was specifically aimed at the response they got to their request.

Read: Cybertruck Gets Magnetic Wraps That Let You Change Color In Minutes For $2K

In the document from the service center the customer details their complaint. “Wind Noise – I already service this issue and was said this is standard. After driving your loaner, I found that the noise in my car is much stronger then in others.” They had tested another Cybertruck and found it to be noticeably quieter, confirming that the noise wasn’t just a quirk of the model but a specific issue with their vehicle.

This is where the tape comes into play. The tech working on it says in the document that they’ve verified it is a problem. However, due to the “body fitment specifications,” no adjustment to the panels is possible. The tech noted that “the noise heard is normal air turbulence that is expected with higher speed. No further action required at this time.”

The only action they performed is described as “found that taping off the panel gap between driver front fender and frunk reduced the noise.” Does that mean that the frunk is no longer accessible? That wouldn’t be too good. Of course, being that this is a post from an anonymous source, the whole thing could be fabricated, but the comments on the post suggest that it isn’t.

Several Cybertruck owners report the same wind noise issue. “The wind noise on mine is super loud, especially on windy days like yesterday,” said one commentator. “I bought decibel meter. About 50mph sound is 70db. Goes to 73 at 80mph,” said another.

On the other hand, some in the comment section said they didn’t have issues. Still, we’ve documented them in the past here as well. Clearly, not every Cybertruck is within the 10 micron accuracy window Elon Musk once called for.

Notably, wind noise complaints go beyond the Cybertruck when it comes to Tesla. Model 3 and Model Y buyers often complain about similar issues and have even taken to forums to discuss solutions that involve other DIY measures.

It’s worth pointing out that EVs can sometimes exhibit what sounds like excessive wind noise when in reality it’s comparable to what one gets in an everyday ICE car. The difference being that an ICE drivetrain can muffle that wind noise to a degree.

Honestly, I can see where the service technician is coming from here. They have no other way to satisfy the customer and taping panel gaps or transitions is a proven and effective way to eliminate some wind noise. I did it to my very own Ford Flex over some worn-out trim pieces a month ago. It works quite well and is hard to spot when done right. 

Protesters march in Milwaukee calling for more community control of the police. (Photo by Isiah Holmes/Wisconsin Examiner)

What has become of the city of Milwaukee’s Fire and Police Commission (FPC) since the passage of Act 12, which traded its policy-making powers over the police department for a fiscal deal with the state? That’s the question the Milwaukee Turners’ – described as Milwaukee’s oldest civic group – sought to answer with hard data. 

From June to December 2024, the Turners’ “Confronting Mass Incarceration team” monitored the FPC – itself one of the nation’s oldest civilian-led oversight bodies for police and fire departments. The team monitored the FPC’s meetings, who attended, what attendees did, and how commissioners engaged in the meetings. A white paper published earlier this month, detailing the team’s findings, noted among other things that:

• The FPC spent 81% of its time discussing personnel matters, and often discussed these during closed sessions which the public cannot view. The Turners noted 359 minutes were spent discussing personnel matters, whereas just 49 minutes were spent on public comment. 
• The Turners noticed what they described in the white paper as “an overall lack of active engagement and participation from commissioners.”
• Law enforcement personnel attended FPC meetings more frequently than members of the general public. During the monitoring period, 30 police personnel attended meetings whereas 20 members of the public attended. Of those members of the public who attended the meetings, half engaged in public comment and of those, only three received a direct response from commissioners. 

The report states the FPC “appears to serve as a rubber stamp” and that the commission “has failed to secure public trust.” Dr. Emily Sterk, a research and advocacy associate with Milwaukee Turners who worked on the project, explained why the numbers looked the way they do. While citizens can discuss whatever they want during public comment, commissioners can’t discuss anything that isn’t on the agenda due to open meetings laws. “So therefore they just have this practice to, you know, have public comment but then not even address the public that is there,” Sterk told Wisconsin Examiner. 

While she understands the legal reason for this practice, Sterk said, “that is, for us, subjectively very troubling when a member of the public makes the time and effort to get themselves down there, go to this meeting which – as we alluded to in the white paper – the regular sessions are very frequently heavily delayed because of the closed sessions that are taking place.” As a result, the commission ends up engaging in back-and-forth discussions with city officials and law enforcement more frequently than the public, whose comments may be left unheard. 

Leon Todd, executive director of the FPC, told Wisconsin Examiner that personnel matters such as promotions, hiring or setting recruitment standards “are extremely important.” Todd added, “I don’t think it is necessarily problematic that the FPC spends a goodly amount of time on that. It is part of their core functions. It’s been part of their core responsibilities for more than 150 years…Since 1885 no person has been appointed or promoted to any position in the police or fire departments without the express approval of the FPC board.” 

Yet even this function of the FPC has come under fire. In January, the commission was criticized by conservative elected officials, right-wing media outlets and the Milwaukee Police Association after an officer was denied promotion. WISN12 reported that the FPC considered promotions for seven officers, and only denied officer Jason Daering. A couple of weeks later in early February, the FPC reversed its position and voted to promote Daering to sergeant. Prior to the final vote, FPC co-chair Bree Spencer said that the police department didn’t provide a full file, that Daering did not appear for an interview and was unprepared. “So we really encourage, going forward, that people take this process seriously,” said Spencer. 

The commission’s voting record was another issue for the Milwaukee Turners. In their report, the group noted that over its monitoring period last year, the FPC took up 122 agenda items, of which 120 received unanimous approval. Only two agenda items – one involving the promotion of a detective and another concerning reappointing a former police officer – received No votes, with both items receiving two No votes. “Given the current practices of the FPC, including closed sessions and lack of Commissioner participation during regular sessions, the public is left unaware of why these aye or no votes were made,” the report states. “We observed an overall lack of transparency when it comes to Commissioners’ voting records. Even if Commissioners are actively participating in deliberation and debate during closed sessions, the public has no way of knowing this.” 

Todd also pushed back against the Milwaukee Turners’ claim that the FPC has become a rubber stamp. Harkening back to the pre-Act 12 era Todd, who was appointed by former mayor Tom Barrett in November 2020, recalled the FPC’s record of pushing for police reform measures “that the [police] department did not agree with.” From a ban on chokeholds and no-knock warrants, to approving a policy of publicly releasing video of incidents like police shootings within 15 days of the incident. Those decisions – made when the FPC was led by Chairman Ed Fallone and Vice Chairwoman Amanda Avalos – were “probably, if not the reason, a big reason why the Legislature took away [FPC’s] policy-making authority, because they were acting independently and listening to community members from Milwaukee,” Todd told Wisconsin Examiner. 

After the passage of Act 12 in 2023, Fallone and Avalos resigned their positions in protest. Stripping the FPC of its decades-old policy-making powers emerged as a bargaining chip in negotiations between Milwaukee elected officials and the Republican-controlled Legislature. In exchange for targeting the FPC, reversing the Milwaukee Public School district decision to remove school resource officers from its facilities at the request of students and community members, and agreeing to never reduce the police force, the city of Milwaukee was allowed a new sales tax and county was allowed to raise its sales tax, which enabled both governments to avoid a fiscal catastrophe. Act 12’s law enforcement aspects had previously been proposed as bills favored by Republican lawmakers and the Milwaukee Police Association, which failed to pass.

For the FPC, it seems that many roads lead back to the shared revenue and sales tax deal codified by Act 12. In its report, Milwaukee Turners recommended that Act 12 be amended to return the policy-making powers of the FPC. This state-level solution, however, relies on cooperation from the Republican-controlled Legislature which helped craft, negotiate, and implement Act 12. 

In the meantime, the Turners recommend that the FPC bring ideas for policy changes to the common council. “We recommend that the FPC dedicate less of their regular sessions to closed door personnel matters, and instead publicly engage in discussions about new and amended [Standard Operating Procedures] that are brought forth by the [Milwaukee Police Department],” the report reads, adding that “the Common Council might actively invite policy recommendations from the FPC, especially as it relates to the concerns of their constituents.”

Todd told Wisconsin Examiner that the commission adopted a new rule requiring that the police department provide copies of any new or amended policies to the FPC within 48 hours, and no less than 30 days before the policies take effect. When that happens, a communication file is created by the FPC which goes into the regular agenda, and thus becomes public. Todd said that so far, the commission has not sent policy recommendations to the common council. 

Todd is considering other ways to beef up the FPC’s oversight capacity. Specifically, he wants to encourage a focus on the FPC’s audit unit as a way of being “more proactive” and “not just reactive.” Todd pointed to an audit on police pursuits, and the police department, Todd said, is also looking to create a vehicle pursuit committee. The commission also continues tracking citizen complaints about officer behavior, as well as progress the department makes in eliminating discriminatory stop and frisk practices as part of the Collins settlement agreement. This year, the audit unit is expecting to do six or seven audits which are unrelated to the Collins settlement, said Todd.

Additionally, an ordinance passed in the common council to ensure the elected body is quickly notified of policy changes. 

How the commission attracts more members of the public to attend meetings is another issue. Todd acknowledged that there have been fewer citizens attending public comment after the passage of Act 12. “I think that’s unfortunate,” he told Wisconsin Examiner. “I think that we welcome people to come and express their views, their input.” 

The last major policy he could recall passed before Act 12 was the video release policy concerning police shootings and related deaths. Local activists fought for the reform, as did the families of people killed in incidents involving Milwaukee-area police. 

Todd said that the FPC still has “soft power” such as through audits, which it can use to influence the police department. “So I’m hoping that we will get more public input going forward,” he said, noting that FPC recently welcomed in a new commissioner, Krissie Fung, from the Milwaukee Turners. 

“Our findings highlight the importance of fostering a culture of police and fire accountability within the FPC,” the Turners’ white paper concludes. “By advocating for legislative changes to restore policy making authority, increasing public engagement, and ensuring rigorous Commissioner participation, the FPC can rebuild public confidence and strengthen its capacity to address systemic inequalities in policing.”

“We really hope to continue to provide civilian oversight of the FPC and see what happens over the course of the next few months,” said Sterk, “especially as we continue our lobbying for the amendment of Act 12, as we hope members of the FPC and members of the public do as well.”

This report has been updated to clarify that Act 12 allowed the city to offer a sales tax and the county to raise its sales tax.

A Philadelphia poll worker demonstrates security steps for handling ballots before November’s presidential election. States have relied on federal partners to boost election security. (Photo by Matthew Hatcher/Getty Images)

The Trump administration has begun dismantling the nation’s defenses against foreign interference in voting, a sweeping retreat that has alarmed state and local election officials.

The administration is shuttering the FBI’s Foreign Influence Task Force and last week cut more than 100 positions at the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency. President Donald Trump signed the law creating the agency in 2018. Among its goals is helping state and local officials protect voting systems.

Secretaries of state and municipal clerks fear those moves could expose voter registration databases and other critical election systems to hacking — and put the lives of election officials at risk.

In Pennsylvania, Republican Secretary of the Commonwealth Al Schmidt said states need federal help to safeguard elections from foreign and domestic bad actors.

“It is foolish and inefficient to think that states should each pursue this on their own,” he told Stateline. “The adversaries that we might encounter in Pennsylvania are very likely the same ones they’ll encounter in Michigan and Georgia and Arizona.”

Officials from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, known as CISA, and other federal agencies were notably absent from the National Association of Secretaries of State winter meeting in Washington, D.C., earlier this month. Those same federal partners have for the past seven years provided hacking testing of election systems, evaluated the physical security of election offices, and conducted exercises to prepare local officials for Election Day crises, among other services for states that wanted them.

But the Trump administration thinks those services have gone too far.

In a Feb. 5 memo, U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi said the administration is dismantling the FBI’s task force “to free resources to address more pressing priorities, and end risks of further weaponization and abuses of prosecutorial discretion.” The task force was launched in 2017 by then-FBI Director Christopher Wray, a Trump nominee.

In her confirmation hearing last month, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said CISA has “gotten far off-mission.” She added, “They’re using their resources in ways that was never intended.” While the agency should protect the nation’s critical infrastructure, its work combating disinformation was a step too far, she said.

This echoes the language from the conservative Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 document, which has driven much of the Trump administration’s policies. “The Left has weaponized [CISA] to censor speech and affect elections at the expense of securing the cyber domain and critical infrastructure,” it says.

But there is a direct correlation between pervasive election disinformation and political violence, election officials warn.

Federal officials led the investigations into the roughly 20 death threats that Colorado Democratic Secretary of State Jena Griswold has received over the past 18 months, Griswold said. Federal and Colorado officials also collaborated on social media disinformation and mass phishing scams.

“Trump is making it easier for foreign adversaries to attack our elections and our democracy,” Griswold said in an interview. “He incites all this violence, he has attacked our election system, and now he is using the federal government to weaken us.”

Colorado could turn to private vendors to, for example, probe systems to look for weaknesses, she said. But the state would be hard-pressed to duplicate the training, testing and intelligence of its federal partners.

Some election leaders aren’t worried, however.

“Kentucky has no scheduled elections in 2025, and we have no immediate concerns pending reorganization of this agency,” Republican Secretary of State Michael Adams told Stateline in an email.

Elections under attack

Since the Russian government interfered in the 2016 presidential campaign, the federal government has recognized that it overlooked security risks in the election system, said Derek Tisler, a counsel in the Elections and Government Program at the Brennan Center, a left-leaning pro-democracy institute.

Further, he said, the feds realized that election officials working in 10,000 local offices could not be frontline national security experts. On their own, local officials are incapable of addressing bigger security risks or spotting a coordinated attack across several states, Tisler said.

Much of the federal expertise and training came through CISA, Tisler said.

“Foreign interferers are not generally looking to interfere in Illinois’ elections or in Texas’ elections; they are looking to interfere in American elections,” he said. “A threat anywhere impacts all states. It’s important that information is not confined to state lines.”

During November’s presidential election, polling places in several states received bomb threats that were traced back to Russia. Ballot drop boxes in Oregon and Washington were lit on fire, and videos falsely depicting election workers destroying ballots circulated widely.

The fact that these attacks have not had a meaningful impact on the outcomes of elections may be due to the amount of preparation and training that came from federal assistance in recent years, said Maine Secretary of State Shenna Bellows, a Democrat.

Indeed, the right-leaning Foundation for Defense of Democracies praised the collaboration between federal and state and local partners on election security for dampening the impact of foreign interference in the presidential election, finding that adversaries did not “significantly” influence the results.

When Bellows took office in 2021, federal national security officials led state officials in emergency response training. After Bellows completed the training, she insisted that her state’s clerks, local emergency responders and law enforcement officers participate as well.

In addition, Maine coordinated with the FBI to provide de-escalation training to local clerks, to teach them how to prevent situations, such as a disruption from a belligerent voter, from getting out of hand. In 2022, CISA officials traveled to towns and cities across the state to assess the physical security of polling places and clerks’ offices.

Bellows said she’s most grateful for the federal help she got last year when she received a deluge of death threats, members of her family were doxed, and her home was swatted.

“I am deeply concerned that what is happening is actually gutting the election security infrastructure that exists and a tremendous amount of knowledge and expertise in the name of this political fight,” she told Stateline.

In Ingham County, Michigan, Clerk Barb Byrum last year invited two federal officials to come to her courthouse office southeast of Lansing to assess its physical security. Byrum got county funding to make improvements, including adding security cameras and a ballistic film on the windows of her office.

“The federal support is going to be missed,” she said. “It seems as though the Trump administration is doing everything it can to encourage foreign interference in our elections. We must remain vigilant.”

Scott McDonell, clerk for Dane County, Wisconsin, used to talk to Department of Homeland Security officials frequently to identify cybersecurity threats, including vulnerabilities in certain software or alerts about other attacks throughout the country. Losing that support could incentivize more interference, he said.

“I think it’s a terrible idea,” he said. “How can you expect someone like me, here in Dane County, to be able to deal with something like that?”

States fill the gap

Local election officials are nervous and uncertain about the federal election security cuts, said Pamela Smith, president and CEO of Verified Voting, a nonprofit that works with state and local election officials to keep voting systems secure.

The threat landscape for elections is “extreme,” she said. And even though it’s not a major election year, quieter times are when election offices can prepare and perfect their practices, she said.

“It is a retreat and it’s a really ill-advised one,” she said. “It’s a little bit like saying the bank has a slow day on Tuesday, we’re going to let our security guards go home.”

With a federal exodus, there will be a real need for states to offer these sorts of programs and assistance, said Tammy Patrick, chief programs officer at the National Association of Election Officials, which trains and supports local officials.

“There’s going to be a big gap there for the states to try and fill,” she said. “Some of them might be sophisticated enough to be able to do some of it, but I think there’s going to be some real disparate application across the country of who’s going to be able to fill in those gaps.”

Bill Ekblad, Minnesota’s election security navigator, has leaned on the feds to learn the ropes of election security and potential threats, help him assist local election offices with better cyber practices and keep officials throughout the state updated with the latest phishing attempts.

He finds it disheartening to see the federal government stepping back, and worries that he won’t have access to intelligence about foreign threats. But after five years of working with the federal government, he is hopeful that his state has built resiliency.

“We have come a long way,” he said. “We will be able to move forward with or without the partnerships we’ve enjoyed in the past.”

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.