The yellow school bus might be the most iconic way for students to get to school but the industry is also increasingly utilizing alternative vehicles in circumstances where a traditional school bus may not be able or be the best option to accommodate the route or students.
“While it is always preferable that children ride on yellow school buses there are some areas and instances where this may not be possible,” reads a statement paper the National Association for Pupil Transportation (NAPT) released earlier this year and ahead of the National Congress on School Transportation in May. “In such situations, it is crucial that children are transported in the safest possible vehicles and driven by qualified, trained, and well-regulated drivers.”
The NAPT paper outlines the current emerging trend of alternative transportation and the association’s recommendations to student transporters who are using vehicles other than the school bus. It notes the ongoing shortage of school bus drivers is a contributing factor to the increase of use of alternative vehicles.
“As this trend has increased, NAPT believes it is important to clarify appropriate and necessary steps to ensure the safety of our school children when such services are utilized by school districts,” the statement says.
It comes as no surprise that safety is the top priority and consideration, which NAPT says includes driver qualifications, vehicle integrity and safety features. The statement recognizes that alternative transportation service providers have taken the initiative to set safety standards and that the NAPT has worked directly with some of these providers.
“Our purpose and interest is to create clearer and nationally applicable standards that can be employed by school districts to make appropriate decisions to meet their needs,” emphasizes the statement. “We intend to involve the alternate provider community in our efforts as partners and collaborators.”
School Transportation News discussed the statement with Peter Mannella, who is NAPT’s public policy and communications liaison. Mannella recently spoke at the Transporting Students with Disabilities and Special Needs Conference in November, leading a panel discussion on alternative transportation services for students with special needs. He mentioned the statement and pointed attendees to it on the NAPT website. He also said the NAPT took no position in publishing the paper.
Instead, he told STN that NAPT intentionally did not set standards but chose “to identify those elements or factors for which school districts should have standards, especially in the absence of national standards or even consistent state-level standards. Clearly, standard setting rests with federal and/or state agencies with input from professional associations like NAPT and our partners.”
During the Nov. 11 TSD Conference panel discussion, Mannella noted that the industry recognizes that alternative transportation can be a good thing “but it would be better if we could shape it differently, if we could put some restrictions or regulations or requirements around it to help us be sure we’re doing the right thing.
The NAPT statement lists what it describes as “clear and reasonable criteria” to help districts ensure that the alternative transportation service providers are not only able to meet the transportation needs of the students but that they are meeting the same or similar safety standards that are required of the yellow school bus and its drivers.
“We are seeing diverse approaches to these services including entry into the market of major private school bus contractors, parental arrangements and more,” Mannella said, which he added also emphasizes the need for consistent federal and state regulations.
He also advised districts to involve legal departments and insurance providers to make sure liability considerations are addressed.
“These arrangements are legal and financial transactions and need to be handled and managed accordingly,” he said. “It is incumbent on a school district to take reasonable care and precautions in ensuring the safety of their students and to not compromise on safety in those relationships, and that of necessity applies to alternate transportation providers.”
NAPT said alternative transportation providers should ensure that all their drivers have a current license appropriate to the vehicle they are using and have systems in place to require drivers undergo criminal background checks and random drug and alcohol testing. Training is also crucial, including training for emergency situations, loading and unloading, student behavior management, bullying and bullying prevention. Transporting students with special needs will also require drivers to be aware of Individualized Education Programs (IEPs) requirements and provisions that need to be made.
The statement continues that vehicle safety requirements should include “adequate signage to ensure that the public is aware that the vehicle is transporting children, and that caution is needed.” There should also be frequent maintenance inspections to ensure that the vehicle is roadworthy and safe, in accordance with state requirements.
NAPT also lists evacuation training protocol, enforcement of vehicle capacity, and ensuring that safety equipment outlined in the IEP is onboard, which can include child restraint safety systems, capacity to secure wheelchairs or medical equipment, as factors that should be present.
“The board and our CEO/Executive Director [Molly McGee Hewitt] have determined that it is important for NAPT to offer members resources to help them in the performance of their duties for their schools and the children they serve. We believe this statement sets the table for further conversations and advocacy,” Mannella added
NAPT concludes the papers aying that it will continue to collaborate with state associations, business partners, the National Association of State Directors of Pupil Transportation Services, and the National School Transportation Association to continue the discussion, moving towards consistent, safety-centered federal/ state guidelines and legislations regarding alternative transportation.
WOBURN, Mass. — Today, Beacon Mobility announced TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles, a Woburn-based transportation industry leader for the public and private sectors, as the newest member of the Beacon Mobility family. TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles have been serving communities, businesses, and institutions across the Commonwealth for nearly 35 years with a focus on consulting, planning, and managing commuter programs and providing high-quality transportation services. With this acquisition, Beacon Mobility now serves its transportation customers through 27 companies in 25 states nationwide, including six companies in Massachusetts.
“TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles have been faithfully serving Massachusetts communities for over three decades and we are pleased to welcome them to our growing family of transportation companies,” said David A. Duke, Chief Development Officer for Beacon Mobility. “This organization not only provides a host of important services to the public and private sectors, but also has a dynamic and talented consulting team with expertise in data analytics and transportation efficiencies. We look forward to working with their teams during the transition as we strive to deliver comprehensive and essential transportation services to the Commonwealth and New England.”
“Since 1990, thanks to our incredible employees, we have delivered safe, reliable, and innovative transportation options to a variety of public and private sector clients,” said Cindy Frené, President and Founder of TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles. “We are proud of what we have accomplished and look forward to the new opportunities that will be realized as part of the Beacon Mobility family.”
“TransAction’s talented team is ready to support and strengthen transportation initiatives across different sectors,” said Michele Brooks of TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles. “As we continue to grow our operations and portfolio, we are thrilled to join the Beacon Mobility team and look forward to our future partnership.”
Founded in 1990, TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles operate out of their facility in Woburn and offers a range of shuttle services and transportation programs. TransAction currently provides shuttle services for a variety of clients, that include municipalities, hospitals, developers, universities, and employers. The managed services and consulting options can collect and analyze data, research and evaluate options for clients, and make recommendations on implementation.
The TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles team is comprised of nearly 130 highly skilled employees and operates a fleet of more than 100 vehicles ranging from vans to shuttle buses and includes accessible services.
About TransAction Associates and Corporate Shuttles
TransAction has been an industry leader and a trusted name in transportation for nearly 35 years. TransAction Associates focuses on consulting, transportation planning, and managing commuter programs. The TransAction Corporate Shuttles division officially spun off in 1995 to provide reasonably priced, high-quality transportation services with an emphasis on safety. Working with TransAction means clients get an experienced leadership team committed to delivering a standard of excellence on every project from planning to marketing to operations. To learn more, visit: https://www.transactiontransportation.com
About Beacon Mobility
Beacon Mobility is a growing family of transportation companies committed to serving the diverse needs of their customers. Now operating 27 local brands in 25 states, their experienced, compassionate, and dedicated team takes pride in their ability to create customized, mobility-based solutions that empower people to get where they need to go. To learn more, visit: https://gobeacon.com/
On Tuesday, voters across Wisconsin will decide the shape of the Wisconsin State Assembly under new legislative maps, which were adopted in February after the state Supreme Court ruled the old maps were an unconstitutional gerrymander.
The new maps have created a different political dynamic this year in Wisconsin placing Republicans on defense as they seek to protect their majority while Democrats go on offense, seeking to make gains and place some new faces in the Assembly. Republicans have held large majorities in both chambers of the Legislature since 2010 under the previous maps, winning 64 of 99 Assembly seats in 2022.
Democrats are likely to pick up some seats in the Assembly, where every seat is up for election this year, but it’s not certain Democrats can win enough seats to take control of the chamber. (In the 33-seat Wisconsin Senate, where not all seats are contested this year, Republicans will likely retain control but see some erosion of their current two-thirds supermajority.) Democrats are running campaigns in 97 of the 99 Assembly districts, while Republicans are running in 84 districts. Representatives serve two-year terms and make a salary of about $57,000 per year.
John Johnson, a fellow with Marquette Law School, said it “remains a long shot” for Democrats to gain majority control in the Assembly. He said it seems both Republicans and Democrats have done what they need to in terms of recruiting serious candidates and funding campaigns in potentially competitive districts.
“[Democrats] almost need to run the table of competitive seats,” Johnson said. “Whereas Republicans only need to win some of them. If Republicans win half of the sort-of competitive seats, then they’ll retain a slim majority.”
Assembly Speaker Robin Vos recently has said retaining the Republican majority will be “challenging,” but “not impossible,” according to the Daily Cardinal. Vos, who is the longest serving Assembly speaker in state history, said a 55-44 Republican majority would be needed for him to remain in the leadership position.
Assembly Minority Leader Greta Neubauer (D-Racine) has said she is confident Democrats can win the majority this year.
“The question at hand is will Republicans be able to continue using the Legislature to consolidate their own power and serve their own interests, or will we have a Legislature that truly reflects the will of the voters in Wisconsin and passes the policy that people need to thrive?” Neubauer told the Examiner last month.
Some of the races Marquette’s Johnson is watching include the four Assembly districts won by both Evers and Ron Johnson in the same year — the 85th AD in Wausau, the 88th AD in Brown County, the 92nd AD near Eau Claire and the 94th AD near La Crosse.
“Those are interesting, as you know, sort of like truly super-narrowly divided places,” Johnson said. Another race he said he’ll watch is the 21st Assembly District in Milwaukee County
Johnson said Wisconsin’s interesting geographical makeup and the small metro areas that exist around the state are part of what is keeping some of these districts competitive.
“In contrast to some states that really just have one big city or one big metro, like in Minnesota, Wisconsin has all of these small to medium sized cities that frequently are pretty Democratic, at least in their core, and an Assembly seat needs to be about 60,000 voters,” Johnson said. “You can end up drawing seats that lean Democratic in those places like Sheboygan, even though Sheboygan County is very Republican.”
Many of the close districts feature a Republican incumbent fighting to hold onto a seat. The candidates’ incumbency status could play a role in whether they are able to overcome the new lines.
A piece that Johnson published in 2023 about results the year prior found that incumbents running for reelection in voting wards that they’ve already represented improved their vote margin by about 4 points over what would have been expected in an open district.
“Incumbency advantage still exists less than it used to be. And I think you can kind of decompose it into two parts,” Johnson said. “Part of it is name recognition, people like you, they’ve seen you show up at events, and then the other part of it is just having more experience running a campaign, maybe being better at fundraising, having more volunteers already, that kind of thing.”
With less than a week to go before Election Day, the Examiner looked at two Wisconsin Assembly races that are among the most competitive and feature an incumbent running for reelection.
21st Assembly District
Longtime Republican Rep. Jessie Rodriguez faces Democrat David Marstellar in the race for the 21st Assembly District, which sits in Milwaukee County.
Rodriguez has served in the Assembly for more than 10 years, having first been elected during a 2013 special election. She has won all of her elections with 54% or more of the vote, but that was under the old gerrymandered maps in a district that leaned Republican.
The new 21st district includes Oak Creek and a portion of the city of Milwaukee around the Mitchell International Airport. It has a 54% Democratic lean, according to the Marquette Law School analysis. Rodriguez’s opponent, Marstellar, is a health care advocate who told the Examiner he first considered running because of the new district lines. His goals, if elected, include making health care more accessible and addressing public safety issues by allocating additional money to police departments and police training.
Marstellar received a heart transplant recipient about five years ago, and said he was only able to receive the care because of the Affordable Care Act. His brother died from a similar heart congenital condition years earlier because he wasn’t able to afford health care. The ACA didn’t exist at the time.
“It’s personal to me,” Marstellar said. “In January, I’ll celebrate six years post heart transplant, which was made possible by the Affordable Care Act. In 2003, my younger brother died at age 38 because he couldn’t afford health care.”
“I’m committed to expanding Medicare, Medicaid and Badgercare in the state — something that my opponent has repeatedly failed to do,” he added. Marstellar said he also wants to work to lower the price of prescription drugs.
Marstellar received encouragement to run from others, and decided he could outwork his opponent’s incumbent advantage.
“What I said to my friends and family and my supporters, people that are helping me all along, I may be a heart transplant recipient, but nobody — nobody will outwork me in the field, and that has been proven,” Marstellar said, adding that he has knocked 25,000 doors in the district.
Rodriguez said in an interview on News/Talk 1130 WISN that she has been working to introduce herself to the new voters who are now part of her district and noted the new spending by Democrats in the race. Rodriguez didn’t respond to interview requests from the Examiner.
According to Fall Pre-Election campaign finance reports, Marstellar has raised $1,497,924 and spent $1,438,780 over the year. Meanwhile, Rodriguez has raised $865,528 and spent $819,921 in the same time period.
“This election is being bought out by people out of state, not people from Wisconsin,” Rodriguez said. Marstellar, for his part, said this was a “talking point” and that he and his supporters have worked hard on bringing in donations.
In her reelection campaign, Rodriguez has focused on economic issues, saying the economy is the issue voters bring up the most. She has been a proponent of cutting taxes, including for middle class families and retirees. Rodriguez currently serves on the powerful Joint Finance Committee which plays a lead role in crafting the state budget every two years.
“These are things that we can use to help people right now, when everything’s more expensive,” Rodriguez said of proposed tax cuts.
Rodriguez said in an interview with WisEye that consolidating the state’s four school voucher programs, which allow students in Wisconsin to attend private schools using public funds, into one will be one of her top priorities if reelected. Before she was elected to the Assembly, Rodriguez served as outreach coordinator for Hispanics for School Choice and she has continued to be an outspoken advocate for expanding private school choice in Wisconsin.
Abortion and reproductive health care have also become an issue in the race with Rodriguez saying her stance on reproductive health issues has been misrepresented. She said she supports IVF and contraception access as well as restrictions on abortion that make exceptions for rape, incest and the life of the mother.
“We should help women who are having a hard time conceiving. We should support them in using these types of treatments and access to contraceptives,” Rodriguez said.
Rodriguez voted in favor of a 14-week abortion ban bill, which would require the approval of voters, in 2023. She also supported a bill that would update an 1849 law, which at the time had halted all abortion care in Wisconsin following the overturn of Roe v. Wade, to include exceptions in the case of rape or incest. Rodriguez has also supported bills that would extend postpartum Medicaid coverage to 12 months and that would allow pharmacists to prescribe birth control.
Marstellar, who is endorsed by Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin, said Rodriguez is just “painting herself as a moderate.” He pointed to her votes in support of keeping the 1849 law in place. He said he trusts women and doctors to “make their own decisions” and that politicians “do not belong in examination rooms with patients.”
61st Assembly District
Republican Rep. Bob Donovan and Democrat LuAnn Bird are competing to represent Assembly District 61, which covers Greendale and Hales Corner in Milwaukee County. The race is a rematch for the candidates after they faced each other in 2022 for the seat Donovan currently holds.
The new district is a 50.8% Republican lean, according to the Marquette Law School analysis. CN Analysis rates it as “Tilt D.”
Donovan was drawn out of the district with the new maps, but said he would move to remain in the district. He said in an interview on News/Talk 1130 WISN that he wants to keep representing the district and work to improve public safety, including addressing reckless driving, and push Milwaukee local leadership to address other issues. Donovan didn’t respond to interview requests from the Examiner.
“We’ve given Milwaukee the tools, whether it’s strengthening some of the laws relating to public safety, the financial tools we’ve given them,” Donovan said, referring to the shared revenue deal that allowed Milwaukee to increase its sales tax. “Now, it’s time that they start delivering. Most of these issues revolve around local leadership and sadly, in my opinion, that’s not occurring to the level it needs to occur. We need the local officials to step up,” Donovan said. Prior to serving in the Legislature, Donovan served on the Milwaukee Common Council from 2000 to 2020.
Bird told the Examiner that she decided to run again because the issues that she ran on last time are still urgent. She lost the race by 525 votes in 2022. Since then, she has continued to advocate for some of the issues she ran on, including supporting the state’s child care industry.
“Now the maps are fair, and it feels so good to not have to go out there and defend the governor’s veto, which is what we were doing last time,” Bird said. She was one of a handful of candidates in tight races who received support from the Women Save the Veto PAC — a group launched to prevent Republicans from gaining supermajorities in both houses of the Legislature, which would have given them the ability to override vetoes by Democratic Gov. Evers.
“Now it’s just about… let’s see if we can flip the Assembly and actually represent the values of the people in our community,” Bird said, “like women’s rights and gun safety and public education and the high cost of living.”
According to fall pre-election campaign finance reports, Bird has raised $1,673,838 this calendar year and spent $1,659,311. Donovan has raised $792,697 and spent $813,745.
Donovan and Republicans have centered culture war issues in the campaign against Bird. According to the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Bird is one Democratic candidate dealing with anti-transgender ads targeting her.
“She comes across at the doors as everyone’s favorite grandma, in reality, she’s pretty far left,” Donovan said in the News/Talk 1130 WISN interview.
“She is pushing for a far left agenda in our schools that will allow men in girls’ locker rooms and dividing our kids by racial lines. That’s not good, and what people expect from their schools is getting a good education, teaching the reading and writing and math and history.”
During his first term in the Assembly, Donovan voted in favor of a bill that would ban transgender girls from participating on girls’ athletic teams and a bill that would ban gender-affirming medical care for minors.
Bird said the comments were “disappointing,” and the focus on the culture war issues is “part of the Republican playbook to paint all Democrats as out of touch.”
“It’s disappointing to see the lack of respect for human dignity,” Bird said. “These are people that need our support, and they’re figuring out who they are, and they need to have the freedom to be who they are. They don’t need government interference in their private lives.”
Bird said that she’s having to combat the messaging from the ads with person-to-person conversations. She said she recently had a beer with a friend of hers who had become unsure about voting for her. She emphasized that she wants to help bring “civility” back to the political process.
“I’m just kind of that person who wants to solve problems, and I can’t sit back when you see problems, and that’s why I’m in this race,” Bird said.
Other Assembly races to watch next week include:
Republican first-term Rep. Amy Binsfeld faces Democrat Joe Sheehan, former superintendent of the Sheboygan Area School District and executive director of the Sheboygan County Economic Development Corporation, in the race for Assembly District 26. The district is located on the coast of Lake Michigan and includes the city of Sheboygan and the village of Wilson. According to the Marquette Law School analysis, it has a 52.1% Democratic lean.
Republican Rep. Shannon Zimmerman, who has served in the Assembly since 2016, and Democrat Alison Page are running in the 30th Assembly District, which is in western Wisconsin covering the cities of Hudson and River Falls as well as the towns of Troy and St. Joseph. According to the Marquette Law School analysis, it has a 52.6% Republican lean.
Republican Dean Kaufert, a business owner and former Assembly representative, and Democrat Duane Shukoski, a Neenah retiree, are running for Assembly District 53 in the Fox Valley, which includes the cities of Neenah, Menasha and part of Appleton. According to the Marquette Law School analysis, it has a 53.4% Democratic lean.
Republican Rep. Patrick Snyder, who has served in the Assembly since 2016, faces Democrat Yee Leng Xiong, executive director at the Hmong American Center and a member of the Marathon County Board in the race for the 85th Assembly District. According to the Marquette Law School analysis, it has a 52.6% Democratic lean
Democrat Christy Welch, chair of the Brown County Democratic Party, and Republican Benjamin Franklin, a small business owner, are running for Assembly District 88, which covers De Pere, Allouez and Bellevue. It has a 52.1% Republican lean.
Democrat Ryan Spaude, a criminal prosecutor, and Republican Patrick Buckley, who serves as the Brown County Board chairman, are running for Assembly District 89 covering parts of Brown County including Ashwaubenon and Green Bay. According to the Marquette Law School analysis, it has a 50.8% Republican lean.
Republican Rep. Clint Moses, who has served in the Assembly since 2020, is running against Democrat Joe Plouff, in the race for Assembly District 92, which covers Menomonie and Chippewa Falls. According to the Marquette Law School analysis, it has a 52.4% Republican lean.
Democratic Rep. Steve Doyle, who has served in the Assembly since 2011, is running against Republican Ryan Huebsch, the executive director of Wisconsin Conservative Energy Forum and son of former Assembly Speaker Mike Huebsch, for Assembly District 94. It covers parts of La Crosse and Trempealeau counties, including La Crosse, Onalaska, West Salem, Holland, Caledonia and Ettrick. According to the Marquette Law School analysis, it has a 53.6% Republican lean.
The Tesla Cybercab is designed without a steering wheel or pedals and is set for production in 2026.
Tesla expects to begin rolling out unsupervised versions of its Full-Self Driving system next year.
Details about the EV’s range and powertrain are undisclosed, leaving key questions unanswered.
So, Tesla finally did it. After years of wild speculation, Twitter teasers, and a few timeline “adjustments” from Elon, the company has officially pulled the covers off its long-rumored robotaxi. The vehicle, officially named the Cybercab, draws design inspiration from the Cybertruck, and unlike many other robotaxi prototypes unveiled over the past few years, this Tesla will actually be available for private consumers to buy.
The Cybercab is packed with Tesla’s latest autonomous driving tech, and about 20 units were on display at the event, giving attendees a chance to experience test rides. Tesla’s eccentric billionaire boss, Elon Musk, claimed production will kick off in 2026, though during the live unveiling, he was quick to admit he tends to be “optimistic” with timelines. To cover his bases, Musk clarified that production will begin before 2027, and it should be available to purchase for less than $30,000.
Steering-Wheel-Free Future?
Since the Cybercab has been conceived without a steering wheel or pedals, Tesla won’t be able to start manufacturing or selling it to customers without securing regulatory approval first. As expected of any new Tesla model, the interior is extremely minimalist, offering seating for two and featuring a large central infotainment screen, seemingly lifted straight out of a Model 3 or Model Y.
Butterfly Doors
Like the electric Cybertruck, the Cybercab’s exterior is dominated by a single full-width LED light bar across the front end that gives it a futuristic look. You’ll also spot some familiar Tesla shapes and lines on the outside, including sharp creases running over the hood and the pronounced rear shoulders that echo the Model Y. However, there’s one standout feature not seen in any other Tesla model: the supercar-inspired butterfly doors. In theory, they should help with ingress and egress, but we’ll see how practical that turns out in a Whole Foods parking lot.
Tesla’s obsession with aerodynamics is alive and well, with solid aero covers on the wheels to help squeeze out a few more miles of range. At the rear, you’ll find a super-thin light bar that, unsurprisingly, takes design cues straight from the Cybertruck playbook. And since this car is built for full autonomy, there’s no need for outdated relics like wing mirrors or even a rear window—who needs to look back when your car drives itself?
The company is still playing coy when it comes to the Cybercab’s powertrain. No specific details have been revealed about how far it can go on a single charge, which seems like a pretty critical piece of info for a robotaxi designed to be in constant, all-day use.
Bonus Round: Tesla Robovan
Just when everyone thought it was over, Musk hit us with a curveball—a surprise second reveal called the Robovan. It’s Tesla’s vision of an all-electric, fully autonomous bus that can hold up to 20 passengers in comfort or serve as a van to transport goods. Like the Cybercab, few technical details were provided about the vehicle, but Musk did confirm that it would use the firm’s most advanced self-driving tech, relying on a vision-only system. There’s no steering wheel or pedals here either, just a wide-open, spacious cabin with plenty of seating.
Clearly, the most radical aspect of the Robovan is the exterior design. Looking like a futuristic pod out of a science fiction film, it has large glass side panels and LED lighting both front and rear. Musk said it’ll be part of the upcoming ‘Tesla Network,’ an autonomous ride-hailing service, but as with all things Tesla, production timelines and pricing remain mysterious.
And there you have it: Tesla’s latest attempt to take over your driveway—and the future—one autonomous pod at a time. Now it’s your turn—drop your thoughts in the comments and let us know where you stand on this fleet.
The RSLC announced a slate of ads Wednesday that it will be launching in Wisconsin to target three Democratic candidates running for the state Assembly. Republicans currently hold a 64-seat majority. (Baylor Spears | Wisconsin Examiner)
The Republican State Leadership Committee is investing funds and launching ads in Wisconsin in an effort to help protect Republicans’ long held majorities in the state Assembly and Senate.
Wisconsin’s state legislative races are in the spotlight this election cycle as new legislative maps adopted this year have created the opportunity for a shift in power for the first time in over 10 years. The RSLC has identified Wisconsin as one of the states where Republican majorities need to be defended and said in early September that it and its affiliated PACs have invested over $34 million this cycle across 21 states with a focus on Wisconsin, Arizona, Minnesota, Michigan, New Hampshire and Pennsylvania. The announcement comes as the group’s Democratic counterpart is boosting Wisconsin Democratic state legislative candidates.
As a part of the effort, the RSLC announced a slate of ads Wednesday it will launch in Wisconsin to target three Democratic candidates running for the state Assembly. Republicans currently hold a 64-seat majority.
RSLC President Dee Duncan said in a statement that the organization’s “top priority these next few weeks is to defend our GOP majorities in battleground states and the best way to play defense is to go directly on offense.”
Duncan said the ad campaign will “make an example” of Democratic candidates in Wisconsin by “holding them accountable.” The organization is launching similar ads in Arizona and New Hampshire.
“We will continue to invest the necessary resources needed through Election Day to defend our majorities across the country and hold the line against extremist Democrats running up-and-down the ballot on November 5th,” Duncan added.
The organization is running ads targeting three Democratic candidates for their views on Wisconsin’s school voucher programs, which allows students to attend private schools at taxpayer expense. Each candidate is running in a competitive district to oust a current Republican lawmaker.
The focus on the choice program is notable as the state Legislature plays an influential role in deciding the shape of education funding. In recent legislative cycles in Wisconsin, lawmakers have chosen to make increasing investments into the state’s voucher program, even as public school funding hasn’t kept pace with inflation and schools are increasingly going to referendum to ask voters to pay additional property taxes to fund school costs.
One ad focuses on Democrat David Marstellar, a health care advocate and former businessman, running against Republican Rep. Jessie Rodriguez (R-Oak Creek), who was first elected to the Assembly, in the race for the 21st Assembly district. The district covers Oak Creek and parts of Milwaukee and Greenfield.
The ad asks “Who should decide where Wisconsin kids should go to school? Parents or Madison politicians?” It then accuses Marstellar of thinking politicians should decide. It includes a written comment from Marstellar included in Vote411, a voter guide funded by the League of Women Voters Education Fund.
“We need to invest money in our public schools rather than for-profit voucher schools that get to pick their own students. Public education should be guaranteed for every child in our state, and the money should not be diverted to voucher schools,” Marstellar said. “If people want to send their children to private schools, they should pay for it themselves.”
Rodriguez, for her part, has long been an outspoken advocate for Wisconsin’s school voucher program.
Another ad will focus on LuAnn Bird, a former school board member and executive director of Wisconsin’s League of Women Voters, who is running against Rep. Bob Donovan (R-Greenfield) in the race for the 61st Assembly District. The toss-up district covers the southwestern Milwaukee villages of Greendale and Hales Corners and parts of Greenfield.
The third ad will target Joe Sheehan, former superintendent of the Sheboygan Area School District and executive director of the Sheboygan County Economic Development Corporation, who is running against Rep. Amy Binsfeld (R-Sheboygan) in the 26th Assembly district, which represents Sheboygan.
Liberal justices who control the Wisconsin Supreme Court voiced concerns Tuesday about the motives of a conservative activist who is seeking guardianship records in an effort to find ineligible voters while also appearing to cast doubt that the documents should be made public.
The lawsuit tests the line between protecting personal privacy rights and ensuring that ineligible people can’t vote. It is the latest attempt by those who questioned the outcome of the 2020 presidential race to cast doubt on the integrity of elections in the presidential swing state.
“What it sounds to me like what you are trying to do is to introduce the fear that there is some sort of illegitimacy going on in the election in the state of Wisconsin, and that concerns me deeply,” said liberal Justice Jill Karofsky during oral arguments Tuesday.
Former travel agent Ron Heuer and a group he leads, Wisconsin Voter Alliance, allege that the number of ineligible voters doesn’t match the count on Wisconsin’s voter registration list. They want the state Supreme Court to rule that counties must release records filed when a judge determines that someone isn’t competent to vote so that those names can be compared to the voter registration list.
“What we want is eligible people to vote and people who are adjudicated by a circuit court judge ineligible to vote not to vote,” said Erick Kaardal, attorney for Heuer and the WVA.
There are ways for the government, not a private watchdog group, to review the records confidentially and determine if someone is voting illegally, said attorney Sam Hall, who represented Walworth County in Tuesday’s case.
Heuer and the WVA filed lawsuits in 13 counties in 2022 seeking guardianship records.
A state appeals court in 2023 overturned a circuit court ruling dismissing the case and found that the records are public. It ordered Walworth County to release them with birthdates and case numbers redacted. The ruling from the conservative 2nd District Court of Appeals contradicted a prior binding decision from the liberal 4th District Court of Appeals, which had dismissed the case.
The county appealed to the state Supreme Court, which heard arguments Tuesday. Its ruling is unlikely to come before the November election.
Hall said the appeals court ruling “blasts open the door for the personal information of some of the most vulnerable people in our communities to be broadcast, not only to those with noble and good intentions but to those who might do these folks harm.”
He urged the court to issue a ruling directly addressing the merits of the case, not a technical legal issue.
“I don’t think this issue is going away,” Hall said.
He also argued that the law is clear about who has access to the guardianship records, and the WVA did not demonstrate a need.
Kaardal argued that the records should be made public to root out people who are still on the voter rolls after being found ineligible to vote.
But the liberal justices questioned whether the law allows for the records to be made public. Conservative Justice Rebecca Bradley asked if there was a way to perform an audit and ensure that government officials are removing people from the voting rolls when a court has determined they lost that right.
Liberal Justice Rebecca Dallet stressed that there was no proof in the court record that a person ruled incompetent had voted illegally or been sent a ballot illegally or that the state elections commission had done anything wrong. Wisconsin Watch reported last year based on records provided by the Dane County clerk that adjudicated incompetent people have voted in past elections, though not in numbers that would affect the outcome of any election.
Heuer and the WVA have pushed inflated estimates about the 2020 election in an attempt to cast doubt on President Joe Biden’s win in Wisconsin. Heuer was hired as an investigator in the discredited 2020 election probe led by former Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice Michael Gableman that found no evidence of fraud or abuse that would have changed the election results.
The WVA also filed two unsuccessful lawsuits that sought to overturn Biden’s win in Wisconsin.
Biden defeated Donald Trump by nearly 21,000 votes in Wisconsin in 2020, a result that has withstood independent and partisan audits and reviews, as well as lawsuits and the recounts Trump requested.
Court weighs Racine mobile voting van case
The Wisconsin Supreme Court also wrestled Tuesday with whether a Republican had standing to bring a lawsuit that challenges the use of a mobile voting van in 2022 and seeks to ban its use in any future election in the presidential battleground state.
Such vans — a single van, actually — were used just once, in Racine in a primary election in 2022. It allowed voters to cast absentee ballots in the two weeks leading up to the election. Racine, the Democratic National Committee and others say nothing in state law prohibits the use of voting vans.
Whatever the court decides will not affect the November election, as a ruling isn’t expected until later and no towns or cities asked to use alternative voting locations for this election before the deadline to do so passed. But the ruling will determine whether mobile voting sites can be used in future elections.
Much of the oral argument Tuesday focused on whether the Racine County voter who brought the lawsuit was “aggrieved” under state law and allowed to sue. If the court rules that he didn’t have standing, it could make it more difficult to bring future lawsuits challenging election laws.
Karofsky said she had a hard time seeing how the voter who brought the lawsuit, Racine County Republican Party Chairman Ken Brown, had been injured by simply witnessing use of the mobile voting van.
The law allows Brown, as a voter, to file a complaint because he believed an election official was breaking the law, said Lucas Vebber, attorney for the conservative Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty, which represented Brown. Vebber argued that voters can bring an election lawsuit in their local jurisdiction.
But Gabe Johnson-Karp, representing the Wisconsin Elections Commission, argued that the voter in this case wasn’t personally injured and therefore can’t bring a lawsuit. He can’t bring a lawsuit making a “generalized grievance about too many people voting or the election officials not following the law,” Johnson-Karp argued.
Liberal Justice Ann Walsh Bradley asked if the court would have to consider other issues in the case if it determines Brown did not have standing.
Vebber said he didn’t know if the court could, but if it did, “I think it would be beneficial to the voters of Wisconsin and to the government entities to resolve these issues.”
Republicans argue it is against state law to operate mobile voting sites, that their repeated use would increase the chances of voter fraud, and that the one in Racine was used to bolster Democratic turnout.
Wisconsin law prohibits locating any early voting site in a place that gives an advantage to any political party. There are other limitations on early voting sites, including a requirement that they be “as near as practicable” to the clerk’s office.
For the 2022 election, Racine city Clerk Tara McMenamin and the city had a goal of making voting as accessible to as many voters as possible.
Racine purchased its van with grant money from the Center for Tech and Civic Life, a nonprofit funded by Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg and his wife. Republicans have been critical of the grants, calling the money “Zuckerbucks” that they say was used to tilt turnout in Democratic areas.
The van was used only to facilitate early in-person voting during the two weeks prior to an election, McMenamin said. It traveled for two weeks across the city, allowing voters to cast in-person absentee ballots in 21 locations.
Brown filed a complaint the day after the August 2022 primary with the Wisconsin Elections Commission, arguing that the van was against state law. He argued that it was only sent to Democratic areas in the city in an illegal move to bolster turnout.
McMenamin disputed those accusations, saying that it shows a misunderstanding of the city’s voting wards, which traditionally lean Democratic.
Liberal justices appeared wary of accepting the argument that the van improperly favored Democrats.
The elections commission dismissed the complaint four days before the 2022 election, saying there was no probable cause shown to believe the law had been broken. Brown sued.
Brown sued, and in January, a Racine County Circuit Court judge sided with Republicans, ruling that state election laws do not allow for the use of mobile voting sites.
The Wisconsin Supreme Court in June kept that ruling in place pending its consideration of the case, which effectively meant the use of mobile voting sites would not be allowed in the upcoming presidential election. The court also kept in place the same rules that have been in place since 2016 for determining the location of early voting sites. The deadline for selecting those sites for use in the November election was in June.
Wisconsin Watch is a nonprofit and nonpartisan newsroom. Subscribe to our newsletter to get our investigative stories and Friday news roundup.This story is published in partnership with The Associated Press.