Dacia will launch an electric Duster sold alongside existing gas and hybrid models.
The electric SUV is expected to use the CMF-BEV platform with available 4×4.
Design changes to the electric Duster are expected to be minimal to cut costs.
Dacia is preparing to broaden its electric horizons in the coming years, gradually expanding beyond its sole EV offering, the Spring. The Romanian automaker plans to introduce electric powertrain options across its lineup, including the ever-popular Duster SUV.
The fully electric version is expected to keep the rugged spirit of its combustion and hybrid counterparts, while continuing Dacia’s mission of offering affordable vehicles.
According to a report from Autocar, CEO Denis Le Vot confirmed that an electric Duster “will come in time,” though he didn’t provide a launch date. More specifics on the brand’s electrification roadmap are expected during a special event scheduled for November.
Electric Duster Likely to Use CMF-BEV Platform
The upcoming electric Duster is likely to be based on the CMF-BEV architecture, also known as AmpR Small. This platform already underpins the Renault 5 and 4, and will also be used for upcoming EVs from Nissan, including the new Micra and Juke. Its flexibility in supporting both front- and all-wheel-drive configurations makes it well-suited to the Duster’s mission.
Dacia intends to adopt the same platform across its full EV lineup moving forward. On paper, this seems like a straightforward transition, since the CMF-BEV is an evolution of the existing CMF-B platform already used for the brand’s ICE and hybrid models, including the Sandero, Jogger, Duster, and Bigster.
The shared components between the two platforms could make it possible for Dacia to produce future EVs alongside their combustion-engine counterparts in the same factories, helping to keep manufacturing costs down.
At the moment we don’t know whether the electric Duster will deviate from the design of the current ICE-powered model. However, judging from Dacia’s focus on reducing costs, we can assume that the styling updates won’t be radical. After all, the third-gen Duster was introduced in late 2023, so it still looks fresh.
When it arrives, the Duster EV will face competition from a growing list of compact electric SUVs. Key rivals will include the mechanically related Renault 4 E-Tech, the upcoming Fiat Grande Panda 4×4, the Jeep Avenger, and the Suzuki e-Vitara and Toyota Urban Cruiser electric twins.
Before the Duster gets an EV option, Dacia will introduce an electric variant of the Sandero supermini in 2027, alongside an affordable urban EV that will serve as a replacement to the smaller Spring. Furthermore, the automaker is working on two new ICE-powered compact models that will join the Bigster at the top of the lineup, initially offered with gasoline and hybrid powertrain options.
The ICE-powered Duster Is Here To Stay
It is worth noting that the Duster EV will not serve as a successor to the current model that is available with gasoline, LPG, and hybrid powertrains and is expected to survive well into the 2030s.
Recent reports suggested that the hybrid Duster will soon get a new 4×4 version featuring an electrified rear axle, similar to the rival Jeep Avenger 4Xe. After all, Europe’s ICE ban won’t be applied before 2035, so there’s plenty of time for new and updated offerings.
The RAV4 reportedly topped global 2024 sales, narrowly beating the Model Y.
Toyota claimed five of the world’s top ten vehicles in 2024’s sales rankings.
The BYD Qin was the only Chinese vehicle to crack the global top ten list.
Even as the global car market continues to shift, one thing remains certain: Toyota knows how to move metal. After a brief detour in second place, the Toyota RAV4 is back on top as the world’s best-selling car, edging out the Tesla Model Y by a sliver.
And it’s not just the soon-to-be-replaced RAV4 doing the heavy lifting, as Toyota has managed to land five models in the global top ten, including the Corolla Cross, Corolla sedan, Hilux, and Camry.
This ranking comes from industry analyst Felipe Munoz, who compiled a detailed snapshot of 2024’s global car sales by model. His methodology pulls from a wide mix of sources, including national statistics offices, dealership associations, customs data, specialized websites, blogs, other analysts, and informed estimates. According to Munoz, the ranking covers 153 markets, accounting for roughly 99% of all cars sold globally.
Toyota Retakes the Lead, Barely
Combined sales of the Toyota RAV4 and its China-market twin, the Wildlander, reached 1,187,000 units in 2024. That was just enough to slide past the Tesla Model Y, which landed at 1,185,000 units. It’s a narrow win, but a win nonetheless.
That said, the Model Y still holds the title for best-selling EV worldwide by a comfortable margin. Its 2025 numbers, however, are already showing signs of slowing.
Compact Crossovers Keep Climbing
The Toyota Corolla Cross occupied the third place with 859,000 sales, benefiting from the fact it is offered in many different markets around the world. The compact crossover was closely followed by the Honda CR-V/Breeze SUV that sold 854,000 units.
Toyota’s dominance continues with the Corolla / Levin Sedan (697,000 units) in the fifth place and the Toyota Hilux (617,000 units) in the sixth place.
World’s Best Selling Pickup
The aging Hilux is due for a new generation soon, but that didn’t stop it from becoming the world’s best-selling pickup. Despite not being sold in North America or China, two massive truck markets, it still managed to outpace all competitors. Right behind it in the global rankings is the Ford F-150, which sold 595,000 units and claimed seventh place overall. In the US, the F-150 was the second best-selling vehicle of 2024, coming in just behind the RAV4.
Rounding out the top ten are three sedans that continue to hold their ground in a market that increasingly leans toward crossovers and SUVs. The Toyota Camry took eighth with 593,000 sales, followed by the Tesla Model 3 at 560,000 and the BYD Qin at 502,000. BYD’s entry marks the only Chinese brand on the list this year, underscoring the company’s steady rise as a global competitor in both EVs and internal combustion vehicles.
Hyundai N’s Vice President says the division isn’t limited to battery-electric vehicles.
The sub-brand could gain access to upcoming hybrid and EREV powertrains from Hyundai.
Kia’s GT lineup is going EV-only, while Genesis Magma remains open to using EREV setups.
Hyundai’s performance arm is evolving fast, and Europe is about to see a major shift. The N division’s electric ambitions are picking up speed with a growing lineup of EV-only models, starting with the Ioniq 5 N that’ll soon be joined by the Ioniq 6 N. That doesn’t mean the combustion engine is getting kicked to the curb just yet, though, as Hyundai’s go-fast sub-brand isn’t ready to shut the door on other powertrain options.
While the Elantra N continues to wave the ICE flag in North America, Europe has taken a stricter turn. Emissions regulations have already pushed the i20 N and i30 N hot hatches off the map, sparking speculation that Hyundai N would go fully electric, much like Kia appears to be doing with its GT-badged performance cars.
EVs Are Just One Part of the Plan
Speaking to Autocar, Joon Park, Vice President of Hyundai N and head of the Global Marketing Strategy Team, pushed back on the assumption that N is going EV-exclusive. “The problem that we have is that there is a perception from the media and our fans that Hyundai N is only focusing on the EV world, which is not true,” Park said. “Even though we are going to introduce the Ioniq 6 N at Goodwood Festival of Speed, we are not limiting ourselves to EVs.”
Park added that the division is open to exploring a wide range of ideas: “We’re going forward with EVs, of course, as well as all the other proposals we could do. Because for N, imagination and courage are the words we need to remember.”
The performance division’s boss, a self-declared fan of combustion-powered sports cars, didn’t go into detail about what kinds of powertrains future Hyundai N models might use. Still, it’s reasonable to think the brand could align with its parent company’s multi-pathway strategy.
The Hyundai Group has already confirmed it’s developing a variety of models with hybrid and EREV (extended range electric vehicle) systems. These are meant to complement its growing battery-electric lineup while reducing reliance on charging infrastructure.
Not every one of those platforms will be a fit for Hyundai N’s performance focus, but the direction is clear. A similar approach is also in the works at Genesis, where the newly launched Magma sub-brand is expected to blend performance with a mix of powertrain technologies.
What’s Coming Next
The Hyundai i30 N, which launched in 2017, kicked off the sub-brand’s journey with a proper hot hatch that set the tone for future N models. Since then, the performance treatment has been applied to the i20, Kona, Veloster, Elantra, and more recently, the Ioniq 5.
Now, the Ioniq 6 N is getting ready for its debut at the Goodwood Festival of Speed, where it will serve as a showcase for what the next all-electric N car will look and feel like.
Another model that could join the lineup in the coming years is a production version of the Vision N 74 Concept, positioned as a low-volume halo car. The concept featured a hydrogen-electric hybrid setup delivering 670 hp (500 kW / 680 PS), though it’s still unclear whether a similar powertrain would make it into a road-going version.
U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., talks to reporters at the U.S. Capitol on Saturday, June 28, 2025. Hawley said he will vote for the budget reconciliation measure after a rural hospital fund was added. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
This report has been updated.
WASHINGTON — The U.S. Senate voted mostly along party lines late Saturday night to move forward with Republicans’ “big, beautiful bill” that President Donald Trump wants on his desk in less than a week, after a dramatic three-hour pause when several GOP senators withheld their votes.
Republican Sens. Thom Tillis of North Carolina and Rand Paul of Kentucky voted against moving forward with the sweeping tax break and spending cuts package that contains many of the GOP’s campaign promises. All Democrats were opposed. Vice President JD Vance came to the Capitol in case a tie-breaking vote was required, but in the end was not needed.
Tillis, who is up for reelection in 2026, had told reporters earlier that he would vote “no” on what is called a motion to proceed and on final passage.
He said in a statement the legislation would result in tens of billions of dollars in lost funding for North Carolina and force the state to make “painful decisions” about Medicaid. Trump in a post on social media later threatened to find primary candidates to challenge Tillis.
The 51-49 vote doesn’t guarantee the bill will make it through a final passage vote but does make it significantly more likely, even with Republicans’ narrow 53-47 majority.
The procedural vote kicked off a maximum of 20 hours of floor debate on the bill, with half of that time controlled by Democrats and the other half by Republicans — though Democrats after the motion to proceed vote forced a reading of the giant bill expected to take as long as 15 hours. That would mean floor debate would not begin until sometime Sunday.
Unlike regular bills, budget reconciliation packages are not subject to the Senate’s 60-vote legislative filibuster, so as long as at least 50 Republicans support the package, and Vance casts the tie-breaking vote if needed, the measure will go back to the House.
The U.S. Senate votes to advance the reconciliation package on June 28, 2025. (Screenshot from Senate webcast)
The vote on the motion to proceed that began at about 7:30 p.m. Eastern was held open for more than three hours, with the votes of four senators in suspense — Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mike Lee of Utah, Cynthia Lummis of Wyoming and Rick Scott of Florida. All four eventually voted aye and Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson switched his vote to aye after earlier voting against the measure.
Lee, however, just before the vote was over, announced he had pulled from the bill an extremely controversial proposal to sell some public lands that was opposed by other lawmakers from the West. He said because of the process being used for the bill, he was unable to obtain enforceable safeguards to ensure the land would be sold to American families and not China or foreign interests.
The latest version of the measure had set up the Interior Department to sell at least 600,000 acres of public land and up to 1.2 million acres of public land within 10 years, advocates said.
Critics, including hunters, anglers and other Western state constituents, have ripped the measure as a “land grab,” as put by Jennifer Rokala, executive director for the Center for Western Priorities.
A summary of the provisions by the Energy and Natural Resources Committee said the Bureau of Land Management “must sell a minimum of 0.25% and a maximum of 0.50% of their estate for housing and associated community needs. This will increase the supply of housing and decrease housing costs for millions of American families.”
Golfing with Trump
Senate GOP leaders released new bill text just before midnight Friday that satisfied rural state lawmakers’ worries about financial threats to rural hospitals posed by cuts in Medicaid. The bill also addresses concerns by Murkowski and Dan Sullivan of Alaska about access to food assistance for their constituents despite new restrictions on a USDA program for low-income people.
As talks continued on Capitol Hill Saturday afternoon, a handful of Senate Republicans, including Missouri’s Eric Schmitt and Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, were on the golf course with Trump, according to the White House. Graham said on social media that Kentucky’s Paul also played.
Senate Democrats said a fresh financial analysis from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated the preliminary Senate text would result in $930 billion in cuts to Medicaid, the joint federal-state low-income health insurance and disability assistance program.
The CBO score was not yet publicly available but Sen. Ron Wyden, the top Democrat on the Senate Committee on Finance, pointed to it and slammed the Medicaid provisions as “cruel” in a statement Saturday afternoon.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, ranking Democrat on the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee, also cited the preliminary analysis, pointing to the nearly $1 trillion in Medicaid cuts.
Collins promises amendments
Senate Republicans planned to take their negotiations to the floor and push for amendments after the procedural vote that triggered official debate on the bill, which in its current public version runs 940 pages.
GOP Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, who voiced concerns throughout negotiations about rural hospitals and health cuts that would harm low-income individuals, said her vote on the motion to proceed “does not predict my vote on final passage.”
“I will be filing a number of amendments,” she told reporters as she headed into a closed-door working lunch before the Senate convened at 2 p.m. Eastern.
While Sen. Tim Sheehy wrote on social media Saturday afternoon that he was a “no” on the motion to proceed because of a provision to sell off federal public lands, the Montana Republican changed his mind nearly an hour later and declared he would propose an amendment to strip the provision — which was later removed by its sponsor.
GOP Sen. Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma painted somewhat of a rosier picture of the mood in the Senate, telling reporters “we’re good.”
“We won’t bring it to the floor if we don’t have the votes,” said Mullin, who was the lead negotiator with House Republicans on state and local tax deductions, or SALT — a sticking point for Republicans who represent high-tax blue states like New York and California.
The lawmakers settled on a $40,000 deduction through 2029 for taxpayers who earn up to $500,000 annually. The level then reverts to $10,000, the current limit under the 2017 tax law.
Medicaid turmoil
Proposed changes to Medicaid have been strongly resisted by rural medical providers who say they are already financially strapped.
Missouri Republican Sen. Josh Hawley told reporters Saturday he would be a “yes” on both the motion to proceed vote and the final bill based on the new rural hospital “transformation program” Senate leadership included in the bill overnight. The measure has yet to be finalized.
The bill’s new version includes $25 billion in a stabilization fund for rural hospitals from 2028 through 2032. The amount is frontloaded to give more of the funds in the first two years.
Critics warn that amount will not fill the financial gaps that rural medical providers will face from losing a sizable portion of federal funding via Medicaid cuts.
While Hawley called the fund a “win” for Missouri over the next several years, he said his party needs to do some “soul searching” over the “unhappy episode” of wrangling over Medicaid cuts.
“If you want to be a working-class party, you’ve got to deliver for working-class people. You cannot take away health care for working people,” he said.
Senators had not yet agreed on other Medicaid provisions as of Saturday afternoon, including a phase-down of the provider tax rate from 6% to a possible 3.5% that’s become hugely controversial.
States use a combination of general revenues, provider tax revenues and in some cases local contributions to fund their Medicaid programs.
Advocates warn that it’s not a guarantee states would be able to backfill the lost revenue, and if they can’t, provider rate cuts and losses of benefits for patients could be on the horizon.
The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office found that the House version’s provider tax changes — not as deep as the current Senate proposal — could lead to 400,000 people losing Medicaid benefits.
A full and final financial score for the Senate bill is not yet out as the several provisions remain up in the air.
Hawley also praised the inclusion of the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act fund, or RECA, that revives payments for survivors and victims who suffered cancer as a result of U.S. atomic bomb testing and radioactive waste dumps.
Clean energy tax credits
In what clean power advocates dubbed a “midnight dumping,” Senate GOP leadership added language to accelerate the phase out of clean energy tax credits that were enacted under Democrats’ own massive mega-bill in 2022 titled the “Inflation Reduction Act.”
The language, which wasn’t yet finalized by Senate GOP tax writers as of 6 p.m. Eastern Saturday, tightened restrictions on foreign components in wind and solar projects — and added a new tax on those that don’t comply.
Senators largely targeted wind and solar credits, ending them for projects not plugged into the electricity grid by 2028. Additionally credits for wind turbine manufacturers would terminate in 2028.
Other tax credits would be phased out at a faster pace, including those for the production of critical minerals, though a credit for metallurgical coal, used in steelmaking, was added in.
Clean energy industry manufacturers and small businesses had hoped Senate Republicans would ease up rollbacks in the House version.
Kurt Neutgens, president and chief technology officer of Orange EV, told States Newsroom in an interview Friday that any further rollbacks would amount to “cutting our legs out from underneath us.”
Neutgens, whose Kansas City, Kansas-based company manufactures heavy duty electric trucks and chargers, was watching for changes to credits to the commercial clean vehicles credit. New Senate GOP text would terminate the credit in September of this year.
Jason Grumet, president of the Clean Power Association, said in a statement Saturday that imposing new taxes on the industry “will strand hundreds of billions of dollars in current investments, threaten energy security, and undermine growth in domestic manufacturing and land hardest on rural communities who would have been the greatest beneficiaries of clean energy investment.”
Alaska carve-outs
Proposed cuts to federal food assistance remained largely unchanged in the new text released Friday night except for a few carve-outs for Alaska.
If the bill were enacted as written, Alaska’s state government could request a waiver for its citizens from stricter work reporting requirements that critics say will result in some SNAP recipients losing their food benefits.
GOP lawmakers also slightly shifted the timeline for when states will have to begin shouldering SNAP costs — the first time states will be on the hook for the federal food assistance outside of administrative costs.
States would be required to pick up a portion of the costs depending on their “payment error rate” — meaning how accurate states are at determining who needs SNAP, including both overpayments and underpayments.
States that have error rates at 6% or above would responsible for up to 15% of the food program’s cost. According to SNAP error rate data for 2023, the latest available, only seven states had an error rate below 6%.
The new text delays the cost-sharing for states until 2028 and allows states to choose the lesser of their two error rates in either 2025 or 2026.
Starting in 2029, states will be required to use their error rate from three years prior to the current year.
The new text includes the option for Alaska and Hawaii to waive their cost share burden for up to two years if their governments implement an improvement plan. In 2023, Alaska had the highest payment error rate of all states, reaching just above 60%.
Advocates for low-income families worry the cost, which will amount to billions for most state governments, will incentivize states to tighten eligibility requirements for the program, or even drop SNAP altogether.
The left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities estimates the cuts will affect up to 40 million people who receive basic SNAP assistance, including 16 million children and 8 million seniors.
The Senate bill would also increase a state’s share of administrative costs for the program to 75%, up from the previous 50% cost-sharing responsibility with the federal government.
Despite inaccurate public statements from Republicans as recently as in a bill summary released overnight, the bill does nothing to limit food assistance to immigrants without documentation because SNAP was never available to them.
SNAP benefits will remain available to legal permanent residents, and Republicans loosened some language to allow certain immigrants from Cuba or Haiti to access the program.
But if the bill passes, federal food assistance will not be available to refugees and asylees who are already in the U.S. — for example, people from Afghanistan, Ukraine and other war-torn places.
Education revisions
Republicans on the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions revised or scrapped several measures that the parliamentarian deemed to not comply with the “Byrd Bath,” a Senate process named for the late Sen. Robert Byrd, according to a summary and new bill text out Friday.
Under the revised text, for any loans made starting July 1, 2026, borrowers will have only two repayment plan options: a standard repayment plan and an income-driven repayment plan. The original proposal would have applied these restrictions to existing borrowers, but the parliamentarian struck that down.
Republicans also nixed a proposal that opened up the Pell Grant — a government subsidy that helps low-income students pay for college — to institutions that are not accredited.
The new plan also scraps a restriction that barred payments made by students enrolled in a medical or dental internship or residency program from counting toward Public Service Loan Forgiveness.
‘Even worse than any draft’
Senate Democrats remain united in opposition to the bill and are expected to slow down final passage by introducing numerous amendments on the floor during what is called the vote-a-rama.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer continued to rally against the package during remarks on the Senate floor Saturday afternoon, saying it’s “hard to believe this bill is worse — even worse — than any draft we’ve seen this far.”
The New York Democrat said “it’s worse on health care, it’s worse on SNAP (the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program), it’s worse on the deficit.”
Schumer added that “if Republicans proceed, Senate Democrats will hold them to account.”
“We’ll gear up for another night of vote-a-rama very soon. We’ll expose this bill piece by piece. We will show how it cuts health care, raises costs, rewards the ultra rich.”
The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities condemned the cuts to safety net programs as “all in service to tax cuts that are heavily skewed toward the wealthy and corporations.”
“None of this harm has anything to do with fiscal responsibility: our deficits and debts would soar under this bill,” said Sharon Parrott, the think tank’s president, in a statement Saturday.
The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, a nonpartisan watchdog, released a new analysis Saturday finding the Senate version will add roughly $4 trillion to the national deficit over 10 years.
“If you thought the House bill borrowed too much — and it did — the Senate manages to make things even worse,” CRFB’s president Maya MacGuineas said in a statement.
House action
Senate Republicans have spent more than a month rewriting the bills that make up the measure in order to meet the strict rules for moving a budget reconciliation package and to earn support from enough Republicans to actually pass the legislation.
The lawmakers have been struggling to maintain spending cuts passed by House Republicans that will pay for the nearly $4 trillion price tag for extending and expanding the 2017 tax cuts.
The House voted 215-214 to approve its 11-bill version of the package in May. Many of that chamber’s GOP lawmakers hoped the Senate wouldn’t change much, though that hasn’t been the case.
The Senate has modified numerous proposals, including those addressing tax law; Medicaid; and SNAP. The Senate bill also raises the country’s debt limit by $5 trillion, a full $1 trillion more than the House version.
The revisions have led to concerns among both centrist House GOP lawmakers and far-right members of the party, muddying the waters around whether Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., can cobble together the votes needed to clear the package for Trump’s signature.
Republicans hold a 220-212 majority in the House, so leaders there can only lose four members if all of the chamber’s lawmakers are present and voting.
Trump has encouraged Congress to approve the legislation before the Fourth of July, but with time running short and some tempers rising over how the legislation will impact the country’s deficits, that might not be possible.
“The Great Republicans in the U.S. Senate are working all weekend to finish our ‘ONE, BIG, BEAUTIFUL BILL’,” Trump posted on social media Friday.
“The House of Representatives must be ready to send it to my desk before July 4th — We can get it done,” he added. “It will be a wonderful Celebration for our Country, which is right now, ‘The Hottest Country anywhere in the World’ — And to think, just last year, we were a laughingstock. Thank you for your attention to this matter!”
Skoda’s CEO discussed plans to launch a niche, more exciting model in the near future.
The brand is currently focused on mainstream segments, primarily building crossovers.
That strategy could shift within the next decade if sales targets are successfully achieved.
Skoda has a reputation for letting loose with its student-designed concepts, but when it comes to production models, it usually plays it safe. The current lineup leans heavily on crossovers and SUVs, with a few hatchbacks, sedans, and estates filling out the rest. CEO Klaus Zellmer has acknowledged that while mainstream segments remain the brand’s focus, there’s still potential for something a little more adventurous down the line.
Despite the ongoing shift toward electrification, Skoda has kept its performance-focused RS badge alive, though the sportiest thing it currently sells is a coupe-style SUV. Still, the 2022 Vision GT concept, which recently made its way into the Gran Turismo game in 2024, offered a glimpse of what a more expressive, performance-minded Skoda could look like.
Concept Cars That Tease, But Rarely Translate
Speaking to Car Magazine, Zellmer reflected on the Vision GT and its nods to the classic 1957 1100 OHC: “These are little experiments – they sort of charge the brand a little bit, but the business rationale is minute, unfortunately.” That pretty much sums up the challenge. Fun ideas are easy to dream up, but justifying them to a boardroom is another story.
Zellmer went on to explain why Skoda hasn’t put a more exciting car into production, admitting that the brand is doubling down on profitable, high-riding mainstream models with powertrains to suit every buyer, including EVs, hybrids, and combustion, while sidelining niche offerings for now.
“Unfortunately, we don’t currently have either the financial luxury, nor the capacity, to do that,” he said. “I’d love to. I would love to see a car that speaks to hearts, like a convertible or something like that – but currently our full focus is on the portfolio that covers that big footprint. Those cars would only be niche models.”
Skoda has become one of the VW Group’s success stories, steadily building up its brand image and boosting sales over the past two decades. In 2024, the automaker posted record-breaking numbers, with €28 billion ($32.8 billion) in revenue and 926,600 vehicles sold. With results like that, it’s only natural to wonder when Skoda might finally green-light a model that’s more about passion than volume.
Zellmer doesn’t rule it out, but says it won’t happen right away. For the foreseeable future, the focus remains on solidifying the brand’s EV lineup. However, he is optimistic they will be able to broaden their horizons in the next decade.
“Once we have sorted out our portfolio into a certain number of cars, where each and every bodystyle sells more than 100,000 units a year – then you can start contemplating more ideas”, he said. “We are already selling more than 200,000 Octavias every year.”
Could a Niche EV Actually Happen?
Skoda’s CEO also pointed out that developing a niche model might not be as resource-intensive as it sounds. With the right platform already in place, the brand could simply design a new body on top of an existing performance EV setup. And judging by the specs of the Enyaq RS, which delivers 335 hp (250 kW / 340 PS), an electric sports car built on that foundation wouldn’t exactly be lacking in firepower.
But it’s not just sports cars on Zellmer’s mind. He also brought up the Yeti, the boxy crossover that Skoda sold between 2009 and 2017, and which still has a loyal following. “I’d love to see a Yeti again, because I think that car is such a great character, it has such a good name and a loyal base, you know. I’m amazed so many people still talk to me about it.”
The current generation of the Lexus IS has been in production since 2013.
These illustrations for a successor were created based on Lexus’ 2021 concept.
It adopts the styling language from the larger ES, hinting at hybrid and EV options.
The Lexus IS has been part of the automaker’s lineup since 1999, as a rival to the Audi A4, BMW 3-Series and Mercedes C-Class. With the current generation in its twilight years, fans of the nameplate are hoping for a new model that could revive the sporty spirit of the original. Independent digital artist Theophilus Chin came up with a new rendering, proposing a sexier future for the Japanese sedan.
The illustrations are based on the 2021 Lexus Electrified Sedan Concept, which sparked speculation about a fully electric successor to the IS. In order to bring the model to 2025 standards, Theottle updated the exterior design using features from the more recent Lexus ES that debuted earlier this year.
The speculative front end in these renderings is sharp and aggressive, with angular LED headlights and sporty, triangular intakes on the sculpted bumper. The small opening on the nose hints at a hybrid powertrain, an interesting shift away from the fully electric concept. But the real win here is the Spindle grille, which has been updated to look much more refined and palatable than previous iterations.
The profile of the car stays true to the radical lines of the concept, maintaining the roofline and proportions of the original. However, it introduces more conventional surfacing, with character lines borrowed from the larger ES. A new set of alloy wheels, standard mirrors, and regular door handles bring the design closer to reality, as if the car were nearing the end of its sketch phase.
Theottle
Lexus
The rear of the car is where things get more interesting. With a ducktail spoiler above a slim, full-width LED bar, this design is a sharp departure from the fastback tail of the ES, offering a more athletic and coupe-like rear end. The shoulders are more pronounced, and the rear windscreen is noticeably sportier. It still manages to look like it could make its way into production without losing that concept car flair.
Will The Production Model Look Anything Like The Renders?
As promising as these illustrations are, it’s worth noting that we can’t exactly count on the production model looking exactly like these renders. Production cars are subject to the harsh realities of packaging constraints, and things are bound to change as the design gets finalized.
Lexus has kept things under wraps for now, with camouflaged prototypes still a ways off. However, given that the current IS has been around since 2013, and has already seen two facelifts in 2017 and 2020, we can reasonably expect that a new version is on the horizon.
Lexus recently released the Climax and Ultimate Editions of the IS 500 in Japan and the US, signaling that the naturally aspirated V8 engine’s days are numbered. But Toyota’s commitment to hybrids and multiple powertrains suggests that the next IS will offer hybrid options, and possibly even a fully electric variant.
Competition in this segment is only getting fiercer, especially with electric and range-extender sedans gaining ground in markets like China. The new IS will have to face off against the likes of the Audi A5, BMW’s upcoming Neue Klasse 3-Series and i3, and even the ICE and electric versions of the next Mercedes C-Class.
The Ypsilon HF features a 276-hp EV powertrain, sharper chassis, and aggressive bodykit.
Lancia also offers the HF Line with sporty looks but no performance or chassis upgrades.
The company presents two racing versions of the Ypsilon: the HF Racing and Rally 4 HF.
More than a year after making its digital debut, Lancia’s long-awaited hot hatch has finally rolled onto the tarmac. The sub-compact Ypsilon HF was officially launched at the Balocco proving ground in Italy, giving the world a first proper look at the fastest, most expensive Ypsilon to date.
For those who like the sporty aesthetic without the price tag (or the horsepower), there’s also the HF Line for the supermini, a trimmed-down alternative available in both hybrid and electric form. It keeps most of the visual drama while skipping the mechanical upgrades.
Performance
Starting with the full-blown Ypsilon HF, the hot hatch is equipped with a single electric motor generating 276 hp (207 kW / 280 PS) and 345 Nm (255 lb-ft) of torque. That puts it right in line with other high-performance EVs under the Stellantis umbrella, such as the Abarth 600e, Alfa Romeo Junior Veloce, and the upcoming Opel Mokka GSE and Peugeot 208 GTI.
With the help of a front-mounted Torsen limited-slip differential, the Ypsilon HF can launch from 0 to 100 km/h (62 mph) in 5.6 seconds. While that’s quick for its class, top speed is less impressive, capped at 180 km/h (112 mph). Power is drawn from a 54 kWh battery, providing a WLTP-rated range of 370 km (230 miles) between charges.
The HF rides on a stiffened chassis with revised suspension geometry and a lower stance. It sits 20 mm (0.8 inches) closer to the ground than the standard Ypsilon and gets a wider footprint, with 30 mm (1.2 inches) added to the front and rear tracks. Braking has also been upgraded, courtesy of an Aclon system with monobloc four-piston calipers and 355 mm discs up front.
Rally-inspired Looks
Visually, the Ypsilon HF stands apart with a sportier bodykit and unique 18-inch alloy wheels. Compared to the standard model, it features redesigned bumpers with larger intakes, wider fenders with aero extensions behind the front wheels, a rear diffuser, and the HF badge featuring the iconic red elephant. It’s offered in Nero Ardesia, Bianco Quarzo, and Arancione Lava, the last of which pays tribute to the racing liveries of classic Fulvia and Stratos models.
Inside, the Ypsilon HF gets an electric-blue dashboard, aluminum pedals, sports seats wrapped in Econyl, and a generous scattering of HF logos. Standard equipment includes dual 10.25-inch displays with custom graphics, wireless charging, ambient lighting, and Level 2 driver assistance features. Lancia’s quirky “multifunctional coffee table” console is also along for the ride.
The HF Line As A Budget Alternative
If the full-fat HF is a bit much for your wallet, or you just don’t need all that power, the HF Line delivers the visual flavor at a more digestible price. It wears the same bumpers and logos as the HF, but skips the wide fenders and drops down to 17-inch alloys. Inside, it gets its own version of sporty seats featuring a “cannelloni-style” design with orange stitching. It’s still dramatic, just with a milder aftertaste.
Despite its aggressive styling, the Ypsilon HF Line doesn’t come with any performance or chassis upgrades. It’s available with either a mild-hybrid 1.2-liter three-cylinder engine producing a rather poor 109 hp (81 kW / 110 PS), or the standard electric powertrain. In its ICE form, the HF Line does 0 to 100 km/h (62 mph) in 9.3 seconds, a full 3.4 seconds slower than the HF. Oddly enough, it manages a higher top speed of 190 km/h (118 mph).
Price and Release Timeline
The Ypsilon HF is scheduled to hit European dealerships after the summer, while the HF Line is already available for order. In Italy, the fully electric HF starts at €39,200 ($45,900), which makes it the priciest Ypsilon ever sold. The HF Line, on the other hand, starts from a much more palatable €22,450 ($27,300) with the mild hybrid.
Track-Ready Versions
Lancia isn’t stopping at the road-going versions. The brand also shared details on two racing-spec Ypsilons, both powered by non-electrified 1.2-liter turbocharged three-cylinder engines and featuring mechanical limited-slip differentials up front.
The entry-level Ypsilon HF Racing produces 143 hp (107 kW / 145 PS) and aims for value-conscious racers with a starting price of €38,900 ($45,600). At the top of the heap sits the Ypsilon Rally 4 HF, packing 209 hp (156 kW / 212 PS), a five-speed Sadev gearbox, upgraded brakes, and proper rally hardware. That one will cost you though, as it starts at €74,500 ($87,400).
'Trump Accounts' included in the tax and spending cut bill would be available to U.S. citizens born between 2025 and 2028, and whose parent, or parents, if legally married, already have Social Security numbers. (Getty Images)
WASHINGTON — Tucked in the “one big beautiful bill” is a proposal for tax-advantaged “Trump Accounts,” each seeded with $1,000 from the government for certain babies born in the United States over the next few years.
But financial experts and advocates for low-income children are not overly impressed.
The idea is not new and has been likened to other “baby bonds” programs aimed at reducing the growing wealth gap, like state-run trust funds in California and Connecticut. Democrats in Congress have introduced a bill to create a similar federal program.
The White House has touted the proposal in the tax and spending cut measure as “pro-family” and one that “will afford a generation of children the chance to experience the miracle of compounded growth.”
At a June 9 event to promote the “Trump Accounts” featuring CEOs of top American companies, President Donald Trump promised the pilot program will make it possible for “countless American children to have a strong start in life at no cost to the American taxpayer.”
Speaking at the same event, top House Republican tax writer Rep. Jason Smith of Missouri said “every child born under this policy will have a better shot at a future. It does not matter if they live on a city block or on a county road, this will make a significant difference to their lives.”
Critics say the accounts, as proposed, would mostly benefit children born to wealthier families.
They also say the restricted-access accounts, and the one-time government contribution of $1,000, will not help in the face of cuts to food and health programs for low-income people written into the massive budget reconciliation bill, titled the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act.”
How ‘Trump Accounts’ would work
The investment savings accounts would be available to U.S. citizens born between 2025 and 2028, and whose parent, or parents, if legally married, already have Social Security numbers.
Each year, from a child’s birth to age 18, family and friends, parents’ employers, churches and other private foundations, could contribute up to a combined $5,000 annually to the investment account that will track a stock index and gain interest accordingly.
Deposits into the account are taxed. Later on, withdrawals would be subject to the long-term capital gains tax — a tax on the profit made from selling an asset, or investment, that a person has held for longer than a year.
After reaching 18, the account beneficiary could access half the account’s value only for qualified expenses that include higher education, vocational training, the purchase of a first home, and costs associated with an enterprise for which the beneficiary has received a small business loan or small farm loan.
The beneficiary could access the remaining half of the account after age 25. At age 31, the account loses its status as a “Trump Account” and any remaining balance is taxed as income.
Drawbacks seen
The Urban Institute warns that the proposed structure of the account will mostly benefit wealthy families who already have the resources to grow the funds.
The bottom 80% of households, by income, only hold half as much cash on hand as the top 20% of households, according to the left-leaning think tank’s nationwide financial health data.
Additionally, because of penalties for early withdrawals, lower-income families would be incentivized to save in less restrictive accounts, according to the think tank’s May 27 analysis.
The institute recommends the government provide more contributions based on income level, beyond just the one-time $1,000, and lessen the penalties for accessing cash for catastrophic events.
A 2023 Democratic legislative proposal put forth by Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey and Rep. Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts aimed to create an account that would target the benefit to children from lower-income households.
Their plan suggests accounts be initially seeded with $1,000, and then children would receive up to an additional $2,000 annually based on their family’s income level.
According to Booker’s and Pressley’s plan, a child from a family of four that brings in less than $25,100 in annual income would have an estimated $46,200 in investment savings by the time they turn 18.
Under the Trump Account proposal, a child’s one-time $1,000 deposit from the government would grow to roughly $5,000 by age 18 if no other contributions were ever made, according to the Urban Institute.
Child tax credits
Brendan Duke, senior director for federal fiscal policy at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, said the GOP proposal “wasn’t particularly well thought through.”
“It’s this question of whether it makes more sense to give every family $1,000 that they can’t access in those really important years, or whether you should have expanded the child tax credit,” Duke said.
Duke criticized lawmakers’ proposals that do not expand the child tax credit to the lowest-income families in the massive GOP budget reconciliation package.
While the House version temporarily expands the credit to $2,500 per child, up from $2,000, and the Senate version permanently expands the credit by a more modest amount of $2,200, neither version expands income or refundability parameters that would benefit the poorest families.
The CBPP estimates that 17 million children are left out of the credit because of the restrictions.
Existing savings vehicles
Another criticism of the Trump Accounts is that they provide a redundant option among the several existing tax-preferred savings vehicles for Americans, including 529 education investment savings accounts, Roth and Traditional IRAs and Health Savings Accounts.
The Tax Foundation’s Alex Muresianu said the account is “a move toward complexity rather than simplification.”
“We already have plenty of savings accounts with specific purposes, and a lot of different strings attached,” said Muresianu, senior policy analyst with the right-leaning foundation.
“We don’t really need another targeted account for a specific purpose, rather than a more easily accessible account with fewer conditions.”
Immigration officials questioned and detained contractors working on apartment buildings in Tallahassee, Fla., on May 29. Construction employs more immigrant laborers, many likely living here illegally, than any other industry, and the industry is starting to draw more attention — even in conservative states — as the Trump administration pushes for more deportations. (Photo by Jay Waagmeester/Florida Phoenix)
As President Donald Trump sends mixed messages about immigration enforcement, ordering new raids on farms and hotels just days after saying he wouldn’t target those industries, he has hardly mentioned the industry that employs the most immigrant laborers: construction.
Nevertheless, the Trump administration is going after construction workers without legal status to meet its mass deportation goals — even as the country has a housing shortage and needs new homes built. A shortage of workers has delayed or prevented construction, causing billions of dollars in economic damage, according to a June report from the Home Builders Institute.
Almost a quarter of all immigrants without a college degree work in construction, a total of 2.2 million workers as of last month, before work site raids began in earnest. That’s more than the next three industries combined: restaurants (1.1 million), janitorial and other cleaning services (526,000) and landscaping (454,000), according to a Stateline analysis of federal Current Population Survey data provided by ipums.org at the University of Minnesota.
Within the construction industry, immigrant workers are now a majority of painters and roofers (both 53%) and comprise more than two-thirds of plasterers and stucco masons. U.S. citizens in construction are more likely to work as managers and as skilled workers, such as carpenters.
Many immigrant workers are likely living here illegally, although there are some working legally as refugees or parolees, and others are asylum-seekers waiting for court dates. There’s also a small number of legal visas for temporary farmworkers, construction workers and others.
The pool of immigrant workers Stateline analyzed were employed noncitizens ages 18-65 without a college degree, screening out temporary workers with high-skill visas.
About half of the immigrant laborers in construction are working in Southern states, including conservative-leaning Florida, North Carolina and Texas, where there is more building going on, according to the Stateline analysis. Another 584,000, or one-quarter, are in Western states, including Arizona, California and Nevada.
In recent months, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, better known as ICE, has conducted construction worksite raids in Florida in Tallahassee and near Ocala, and in South Texas and New Orleans, as well as more immigrant-friendly California and Pennsylvania.
Roofers are right out there where you can see them.
– Sergio Barajas, executive director of the National Hispanic Construction Alliance
Roofers may have been the first targeted by new workplace raids because of their visibility, said Sergio Barajas, executive director of the National Hispanic Construction Alliance, a California-based advocacy group with chapters in five other states.
“That’s the first place we heard about it. Roofers are right out there where you can see them,” Barajas said. He added that all segments of construction work have been targeted for ICE raids, and that even some legal workers are not showing up for work out of fear.
“Six or eight weeks ago, I would have said we weren’t affected at all. Now we are. There’s a substantial reduction in the number of workers who are showing up, so crews are 30%, 40% smaller than they used to be,” Barajas said.
In residential construction, a system of contractors and subcontractors opens the door to abuses, said Enrique Lopezlira, director of the Low-Wage Work Program at the University of California, Berkeley Labor Center. Lopezlira said contractors hire workers, often immigrant laborers, for low-wage jobs and pay them in cash, to save money on benefits and make the lowest possible bid for projects.
“It becomes a blame game. The developers can say, ‘I hired this contractor and I thought he was above board and paying people a decent wage.’ And the contractors can say, ‘I rely on subcontractors,’” said Lopezlira. “It becomes a race to the bottom.”
In many places, residential construction draws more immigrant labor because of looser state and local regulations and lower pay. But in some states with weaker unions and rules that are less strict, such as Texas, the commercial construction industry also employs many immigrants who are here illegally.
Commercial construction labor costs are 40% lower in Texas than they are in large Northeastern cities where unions are more powerful, said David Kelly, a lecturer in civil and environmental engineering at the University of Michigan.
“The large difference [in cost] suggests workers and their employers in some regions are not paying for income taxes, overtime, Social Security or unemployment insurance,” Kelly said in an email. “Since undocumented workers have limited employment options they may be more willing than others to accept these conditions.”
Despite political claims that Democratic policies result in immigrants taking jobs others need, noncitizen immigrant laborers were about 7% of jobholders nationally as of May — about the same as 2015, according to the Stateline analysis.
That share has hardly budged over the past 10 years, including in 2019 under the first Trump administration, dipping to 6% only in 2020 and 2021.
In construction, however, the share of jobs held by immigrant laborers has increased from 19% in 2015 to 22% in 2024, according to the analysis. Immigrant laborers have gotten more than a third of the 1.5 million jobs added between 2015 and 2024, as home construction reached historic levels.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated with the full name of the University of California, Berkeley Labor Center and to clarify David Kelly’s remarks on regional labor costs. Stateline reporter Tim Henderson can be reached at thenderson@stateline.org.
Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.
House Speaker Mike Johnson of Louisiana speaks to reporters about the Republican budget reconciliation package at a weekly press conference on Tuesday, June 24, 2025, at the U.S. Capitol. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
This report has been updated.
WASHINGTON — U.S. Senate Republicans were scrambling Tuesday to restructure several proposals in the “big, beautiful bill” that don’t meet their chamber’s strict rules for passing a reconciliation package, while GOP lawmakers on the other side of the Capitol warned those changes may doom its passage in the House.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said he and several others are working on a way to bolster rural hospitals, which could experience financial strain as a result of the various changes to Medicaid and other health care programs in the package.
“We are working on a solution for rural hospitals and that’s something that’s been in the works now for several days in response to a number of concerns that our colleagues have mentioned in ensuring that the impact on rural hospitals be lessened, be mitigated,” Thune said. “And I think we’re making good headway on that solution.”
Thune said GOP lawmakers shouldn’t let the “perfect be the enemy of the good,” though he predicted there “could be” two or three Republicans who vote against the package.
“We’ve got a lot of very independent-thinking senators who have reasons and things that they’d like to have in this bill that, in their view, would make it stronger,” Thune said. “But at the end of the day this is a process whereby not everybody is going to get what they want. And we have to get to 51 in the United States Senate.”
More objections to Medicaid cuts
Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley, who has been vocal about Medicaid changes and rural hospitals, said he had “no details whatsoever” about the rural hospital fund or how it would work if it’s added to the bill.
But he said he’s not going to support a bill that takes away working people’s health care.
“We’ve got 1.3 million people on Medicaid in Missouri, hundreds of thousands of kids. That’s 21% of my population. Most of these people are working people. They’re on Medicaid, not because they’re sitting around at home; they’re on Medicaid because they don’t have a job that gives them health care and they cannot afford to buy it on the exchange,” Hawley said. “They don’t want to be, but it’s their only option. And I just think it’s wrong to take away health care coverage from those folks. Now if they’re not working, then sure, they should be.”
Senate Republican Policy Committee Chair Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va., said she had a “lengthy discussion” with her home state’s hospital association earlier in the day.
“This has a lot of impacts and we want to make sure we have a lot of rural hospitals. That’s why this rural hospital fund idea is developing,” Capito said. “I don’t think anything is set yet but that is an issue. I think Medicaid, we need to preserve it for the people it’s intended for and get rid of the people who don’t deserve it and don’t qualify and are bilking the system.”
Capito said she hadn’t yet formed an opinion on the rural hospital fund since there isn’t yet a formal proposal written down.
Public lands
In one major development, the Senate parliamentarian ruled Monday that a controversial provision championed by Senate Energy and Natural Resources Chairman Mike Lee to mandate the sale of at least 2 million acres of public lands in 11 Western states did not comply with the chamber’s rules for reconciliation.
Lee, a Utah Republican, has said the provision would free up land to build new housing. But Democrats and some Republicans from the affected states strongly opposed it.
Lee said on social media Monday evening that he was working to rewrite the proposal to comply with reconciliation rules. A spokesperson for his office did not return a message seeking comment Tuesday morning.
SNAP cost-sharing under debate
In another turn of events, Senate Agriculture Chairman John Boozman, R-Ark., earlier Tuesday had announced the panel successfully reworked a provision that would transfer some of the cost of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program to state governments.
But a spokesperson for the panel said later that the parliamentarian actually has not yet made a ruling. The spokesperson said “we’ve gotten some clarification from leadership and it’s steering in the direction it would be compliant but not official.”
Boozman earlier had said his proposal would improve SNAP. “Our commonsense approach encourages states to adopt better practices, reduce error rates, be better stewards of taxpayer dollars, and prioritize the resources for those who truly need it,” Boozman wrote in a statement.
The new language, if accepted, would give states the option of selecting fiscal year 2025 or 2026 as the year that the federal government uses to determine its payment error rate for SNAP, which will then impact how much of the cost the state has to cover starting in fiscal year 2028. Afterward, a state’s payment error rate will be calculated using the last three fiscal years.
Any state with an error rate higher than 6% will have to cover a certain percentage of the cost of the nutrition program for lower income households.
Rushing toward deadline
The internal debates among lawmakers about how to rewrite major pieces of the tax and spending cuts package have led to a rushed feeling among Republican leaders, who have repeatedly promised to approve the final bill before the Fourth of July — an exceedingly tight timeline.
Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said during a press conference shortly after a closed-door House GOP conference meeting Tuesday that he’s hopeful the final bill that comes out of the Senate won’t make too many changes to what the House approved earlier this year.
“I remain very optimistic that there’s not going to be a wide chasm between the two products — what the Senate produces and what we produce,” Johnson said. “We all know what the touchpoints are and the areas of greatest concern.”
Paul Danos, vice president of domestic operations at Danos and Curole in Houma, Louisiana, advocated for energy provisions in the Republican tax and spending bill at a weekly House Republican press conference on Tuesday, June 24, 2025, at the U.S. Capitol. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
Republicans, he said, know they need to focus on preserving a fragile compromise on the state and local tax deduction, or SALT, that helps offset the cost of living in some higher-tax states like California, New Jersey and New York.
A deal Johnson brokered with GOP lawmakers in the SALT Caucus has been significantly rewritten in the Senate, but is expected to move back toward the House version, though not entirely.
Johnson also mentioned GOP efforts to roll back certain clean-energy provisions that Democrats approved and President Joe Biden signed into law in their signature climate change, health care and tax package, called the Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, in 2022.
“We’ve got to get the SALT negotiation number right. We’ve got to make sure the IRA subsidies are handled in an appropriate manner,” Johnson said. “Look, you’ve got a number of provisions.”
Johnson said he expects the Senate to vote on its final bill by Friday or Saturday and that he’s told House lawmakers to “keep your schedules flexible” on being in Washington, D.C., for a final House vote.
Trump goads Republicans
President Donald Trump sought to spur quick approval of a final bill, posting on social media that GOP lawmakers should get the package to him as soon as possible.
“To my friends in the Senate, lock yourself in a room if you must, don’t go home, and GET THE DEAL DONE THIS WEEK. Work with the House so they can pick it up, and pass it, IMMEDIATELY,” Trump wrote Tuesday. “NO ONE GOES ON VACATION UNTIL IT’S DONE. Everyone, most importantly the American People, will be much better off thanks to our work together. MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!”
“Every time something comes out that we’re using as a pay for, it takes the deficit reduction down. And they’ve taken out nearly $300 billion so far. We’ve got to make that up,” Mullin said after leaving the closed-door House GOP meeting. “The Senate can’t come in below the House version as far as deficit reduction. So that makes it difficult.”
Sam Palmeter, founder of Laser Marking Technologies LLC in Caro, Michigan, advocated for the passage of the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” during the weekly House Republican press conference on Tuesday, June 24, 2025, at the U.S. Capitol. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
Mullin, who has been acting as his chamber’s top negotiator with SALT Republicans in the House, told reporters he expects the deduction for state and local taxes to remain at the $40,000 level negotiated in the House. But said the Senate will likely rewrite the $500,000 income ceiling to qualify for the tax deduction.
“I think 40 is a number we’re going to land on,” Mullin said. “It’s the income threshold that’s in negotiations.”
Sen. Kevin Cramer of North Dakota said “most of us would like to make it zero.”
“I hate the idea of $40,000 but if that’s what it takes to pass the bill, I probably could do it. I would like to maybe find some other tweaks to it, somehow, like changing the income levels,” he said.
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told reporters he expects a resolution on SALT in the next 24 to 48 hours.
“I had a very successful lunch meeting with the senators. I think that we are on track,” Bessent said.
The ‘red line’ in the House
New York Republican Rep. Mike Lawler told reporters following the closed-door meeting that Senate leaders shouldn’t assume whatever they pass will be accepted by the House.
“I’ve been very clear about where my red line is. So, you know, we’ll let this process play out,” Lawler said. “I think the Senate should recognize the only number that matters is 218, and 50 plus 1. That’s it. And how do you get there?”
Republicans hold 53 seats in the Senate, so leadership cannot lose more than four votes and still approve the package, given that Democrats are universally opposed.
In the House, GOP leaders have 220 seats and need nearly every one of their members to support whatever the Senate sends back across the Capitol for it to make it to the president’s desk before their self-imposed deadline.
Retired Sheriff James Stuart, now executive director of the Minnesota Sheriff’s Association, spoke alongside House Republicans at the U.S. Capitol on Tuesday, June 24, 2025, about a temporary elimination of tax on overtime in the Republican budget reconciliation bill. (Photo by Ashley Murray/States Newsroom)
In addition to the SALT tax compromise, Lawler said he has concerns about how the Senate has changed other provisions, including those addressing Medicaid, the state-federal health program for lower income people.
“Yeah, there are a number of concerns about decisions that they’re making,” Lawler said. “And obviously, the bill on their side is not final, so we’ll see where it goes.”
Missouri Republican Rep. Jason Smith, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee that crafted the tax provisions in the reconciliation bill, stood by the House’s version of the Opportunity Zone Tax Incentives. The House version extends the incentive from the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act for a year, while the Senate’s version makes it permanent.
The Opportunity Zone Tax Incentive was pushed by South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott during the first Trump administration, which aimed to create tax cuts for businesses and real estate to invest in low-income communities, but it had mixed results.
“The tax bill that we’re going to deliver is gonna deliver for working families, small businesses and farmers,” Smith said.
Thumbs down from one House Republican
House Freedom Caucus Chairman Andy Harris, R-Md., posted on social media that he doesn’t support how the Senate has changed the bill and that he would seek to block it from becoming law.
“The currently proposed Senate version of the One Big Beautiful Bill weakens key House priorities—it doesn’t do enough to eliminate waste, fraud, and abuse in Medicaid, it backtracks on Green New Scam elimination included in the House bill, and it greatly increases the deficit – taking us even further from a balanced budget.
“If the Senate tries to jam the House with this version, I won’t vote ‘present.’ I’ll vote NO.”
Rattlesnakes and the Senate
West Virginia Republican Sen. Jim Justice told reporters that it’s important for the Senate to take its time in its changes to the reconciliation package and that GOP lawmakers need to be patient.
“If you’re walking through the woods and you look right over there at that wall and there’s a rattlesnake all curled up there and everything, what do you do?” Justice asked. “Most people just jump and take off runnin’, well … rattlesnakes run in pairs and if you just jump left or right or behind, that one can hurt you right there.”
Rattlesnakes are typically solitary creatures, but new research has shown that rattlesnakes are more social than previously thought.
Justice said the best course of action when dealing with a rattlesnake, or two, is to stand still for a moment.
“Look to the left, look to the right, look behind you, and then decide which way you’re going,” he said. “That’s what I think we need to do (in the Senate).”
California National Guard members stand guard at an entrance to the Wilshire Federal Building on June 13, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. (Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images)
Vice President J.D. Vance took a victory lap to Los Angeles Friday, following a federal appeals court’s ruling that the administration could retain control of the California National Guard troops responding to protests earlier this month over immigration raids in the city.
“BIG WIN in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on the President’s core power to call in the National Guard!” President Donald Trump wrote on social media following the decision.
Vance was scheduled to visit an FBI building being used by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, meet with law enforcement leadership and U.S. Marines and deliver remarks, according to a White House release Friday morning.
The trip was announced about 12 hours after the administration’s win at the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, which held that Trump could keep control of the 4,000 National Guard troops he’d ordered to Los Angeles.
Three judges on the appeals court issued a unanimous opinion Thursday evening that courts had to afford the president wide discretion to decide when a state National Guard can be federalized, leaving command in Trump’s hands while California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s lawsuit challenging the deployment is ongoing. The case has been closely watched by leaders of states around the country.
The order overturns a lower court’s ruling that Trump return control of the troops to Newsom, a Democrat who opposed sending the National Guard to Los Angeles. Newsom has said the Guard troops’ presence has only inflamed tensions between anti-ICE protesters and law enforcement.
The president has the authority to deploy troops to a state with or without the governor’s consent, the panel of appeals judges said Thursday.
The state’s “concerns have more bearing on the question of whether the President should have federalized the California National Guard, not whether he had the authority to do so,” the panel, made up of two judges appointed by Trump and one by former Democratic President Joe Biden, wrote.
They opted to revoke the district court’s temporary restraining order, reasoning that the federal government stood a good chance of ultimately prevailing on the case.
Quelling rebellion, enforcing laws
Attorneys for the state had argued in federal court that Trump’s order was invalid because he did not show the conditions that the statute Trump cited, Section 12406 of U.S. Code Title X, required for federalization of a National Guard had been met and because the order was sent to the California National Guard adjutant general, not to Newsom himself.
The 9th Circuit panel rejected both arguments.
Based on the language of the statute alone, the judges might have required greater support for the federal government’s position, which may have helped California’s case, the order said.
But under U.S. Supreme Court precedent, the president only must meet a low standard to show that deployment is warranted to enforce laws or quell a rebellion, the judges wrote in language that resembled what Judge Jennifer Sung, the Biden appointee, said during oral arguments Tuesday.
“We are not writing on a blank slate,” they wrote. “The history of Congress’s statutory delegations of its calling forth power, and a line of cases … interpreting those delegations, strongly suggest that our review of the President’s determinations in this context is especially deferential.”
The federal government’s evidence that protesters had thrown rocks and other objects at ICE officers, vandalized federal property and attacked vans used by ICE was enough to satisfy that standard, the judges wrote.
Trump quickly took to social media. “The Judges obviously realized that Gavin Newscum is incompetent and ill prepared, but this is much bigger than Gavin, because all over the United States, if our Cities, and our people, need protection, we are the ones to give it to them should State and Local Police be unable, for whatever reason, to get the job done,” Trump wrote.
In amicus briefs in the case, Democratic state leaders have said they see Trump’s use of the National Guard as a threat to their ability to use their Guards for state-level functions, including drug interdiction and natural disaster relief.
Some reviewability
The opinion did, however, reject the U.S. Justice Department’s argument that a president’s federalization order could never be questioned in court.
In a statement, Newsom praised that aspect of the ruling and pledged to “press forward” with the case.
“The court rightly rejected Trump’s claim that he can do whatever he wants with the National Guard and not have to explain himself to a court,” Newsom said. “The President is not a king and is not above the law.”
U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer canceled oral arguments at a previously scheduled Friday morning hearing in the trial court, after the 9th Circuit order.
Breyer anticipated that the state may pursue a challenge based on a potential violation of the Posse Comitatus Act, which prohibits the military from engaging in domestic law enforcement, and asked each side to file a brief by noon Pacific time on June 23 arguing whether the trial court or appeals court should first hear that issue.
New car buyers differ a lot from those of, say, 30 years ago and have another set of priorities.
Ford’s Vice Chair believes that consumers are no longer interested in what’s under the hood.
This gives automakers the freedom to outsource their engines and, thus, reduce production costs.
Since internal combustion engines were adopted as the de facto mode of propulsion for automobiles, they became one of their most defining characteristics. Sonorous Italians, ultra-high revving Japanese, or “no replacement for displacement” Americans: those stereotypes exist simply because said engines became synonymous not just with certain models, but brands (and even countries) as a whole.
Today, we live in a world that has experienced a rapid technological advancement in a relatively short time, and cars are no exception. In fact, they have become just another commodity to the new generation of buyers who, if at least one exec is to be believed, simply don’t care what’s under the hood of their ride.
That executive is none other than Ford Vice Chair John Lawler, so his opinion has a certain gravity. “I don’t think that consumers really think about powertrains the way they did 30 years ago”, he said on May 28 during Bernstein’s strategic decisions conference, according to Autonews.
He is probably right. The shift to electrification has transformed the way new car buyers view their purchases, and it’s not just electric vehicles, but hybrids that have contributed to that. Blame the effort to reduce CO2 emissions if you have to, but there’s no hiding from the truth; nowadays, cars fall under the “white goods” category, and romantics be damned.
“Where [combustion engines] defined what a vehicle was – the horsepower, the displacement, the torque and everything about the vehicle – I think a lot of that is gone,” Lawler explained.
Music To Automakers’ Ears
Sure, in certain niches combustion is still king, but the vast majority of customers don’t give a damn whether their car comes with an ICE, hybrid or all-electric powertrain as long as it’s priced withing their reach and has the features and range they desire. And while petrolheads may bemoan that reality, automakers welcome it with open arms.
That’s because it opens up hitherto unavailable possibilities. Since engines are no longer a defining trait, each brand is free to choose from a much wider array of units. What’s more, it doesn’t even have to make them itself which, much to shareholders’ joy, will lower costs and increase profit – plus it can benefit the end user, who won’t have to pay the premium needed to cover the R&D each maker’s department spent in creating each engine.
Parts sharing is nothing new, and neither is engine sharing, even if carmakers don’t exactly advertise the fact that an Audi’s V10, for instance, is basically the same as a Lamborghini‘s despite the latter having a significantly higher price tag.
Some have already formed partnerships to develop and built new powertrains that will be used in a multitude of models with different badges and even sold to third parties who want to cut down on costs (ed’s note: who doesn’t?). Horse, Renault’s and Geely’s joint venture, is a good example.
“It’s a win-win business model for everybody,” Horse Powertrain CEO Matias Giannini said during the Shanghai auto show two months ago. Of course it is: everyone gets what they want, so everyone’s happy. And there’s nothing wrong with that, is there?
The China Syndrome
Another factor that plays a huge role is China. Its automakers are making inroads left, right, and center and buyers are lapping up what they have to offer. According to Lawler, the costs they incur are 30 percent lower than anyone else in the world. How can you compete with that?
The answer is simple: you don’t. And since you can’t beat them, your best course of action is to join them. The Blue Oval’s Vice Chair claims that the Chinese have 10-11 million units of excess capacity and they’d love for foreigners to come in and fill that void.
And come they will, because they won’t say no to a 30 percent cost reduction. Especially since the well that used to be the Chinese market has now dried up and locals increasingly flock to domestic brands, much to legacy automakers’ dismay and loss of serious income.
No need to fret, fellow petrolheads. We can always hold on to our rides for as long as it’s legal to drive them on public roads; then, there’s always the track. The one thing we can’t do is hold back progress. Besides, even Henry Ford famously said “If I asked people what they wanted, they’d tell me ‘a faster horse'”, and that shows, yet again, that customers don’t create the future; visionaries do.
Whether it’ll be a better future or a dystopia is up for debate. Sadly, we probably won’t be around to find out, so it’s a moot point anyway as far as we’re concerned. Let’s burn some rubber while we still can, shall we?
U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, a California Democrat, speaks on the Senate floor on June 17, 2025, about how he was forcibly removed from a press conference with the secretary of Homeland Security. (Screenshot from Senate webcast)
WASHINGTON — U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, a California Democrat who was forcibly removed from a press conference with the secretary of Homeland Security, said Tuesday that his home state is the testing ground for President Donald Trump’s push to deploy the military within the United States.
Trump is using immigrants in the country without legal status as scapegoats to send in troops, said Padilla, who in a speech on the Senate floor choked up as he related how he was wrestled to the ground by law enforcement officials. “I refuse to let immigrants be political pawns on his path toward fascism,” Padilla said.
It’s the first floor speech the senior senator from California has given since the highly publicized incident in Los Angeles last week. The Secret Service handcuffed Padilla after he tried to question Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, who was defending to reporters Trump’s decision to send 4,000 National Guard members and 700 Marines to LA.
Trump sent in the troops following multi-day protests over Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids and against California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s wishes. An appeals court Tuesday is hearing arguments on a suit by California contending that the president unlawfully took control of the state National Guard.
“He wants the spectacle,” Padilla said of the president. “To justify his undemocratic crackdown and his authoritarian power grab.”
The LA protests were sparked after ICE targeted Home Depots, places where undocumented day laborers typically search for work, for immigration raids.
Arrests, confrontations
The Padilla incident, widely captured on video, was a stark escalation of the tensions between Democratic lawmakers and the administration over Trump’s drive to enact mass deportations.
A Democratic House member from New Jersey is facing federal charges on allegations that she shoved immigration officials while protesting the opening of an immigrant detention center in Newark. And on Tuesday, in New York City, ICE officers arrested city comptroller and mayoral candidate Brad Lander while he was escorting an immigrant to their hearing in immigration court, according to The Associated Press.
In a statement to States Newsroom, DHS Assistant Secretary of Public Affairs Tricia McLaughlin said Lander “was arrested for assaulting law enforcement and impeding a federal officer.”
“No one is above the law, and if you lay a hand on a law enforcement officer, you will face consequences,” McLaughlin said.
The president late Sunday directed ICE to conduct immigration raids in New York, LA and Chicago, the nation’s three most populous cities, all led by elected Democrats in heavily Democratic states.
“We will follow the President’s direction and continue to work to get the worst of the worst criminal illegal aliens off of America’s streets,” McLaughlin said.
‘They opened the door for me’
Padilla in his Senate remarks gave an account of the events that led to him being handcuffed and detained last week.
On June 12, he had a meeting scheduled with General Gregory M. Guillot, commander of the U.S. Northern Command, to discuss the military presence in LA.
Padilla, the top Democrat on a Judiciary panel that oversees DHS and immigration policy, said his meeting with the general was delayed because of a press briefing across the hall with Noem.
Padilla said he has tried to speak with DHS because for weeks LA has “seen a disturbing pattern of increasingly extreme and cruel immigration enforcement operations targeting non-violent people at places of worship, at schools, in courthouses.”
So Padilla said he asked to attend the press conference, and a National Guard member and an FBI agent escorted him inside.
“They opened the door for me,” he said.
As he listened, he said a comment from Noem compelled him to ask a question.
“We are not going away,” Noem, the former governor of South Dakota, told the press. “We are staying here to liberate the city from the socialists and the burdensome leadership that this governor and that this mayor have placed on this country and what they have tried to insert into the city.”
Padilla said her remarks struck him as “an un-American mission statement.”
“That cannot be the mission of federal law enforcement and the United States military,” he said. “Are we truly prepared to live in a country where the president can deploy the armed forces to decide which duly elected governors and mayors should be allowed to lead their constituents?”
Padilla said before he could finish his question, he was physically removed and the National Guard member and FBI agent who escorted him in the room “stood by silently, knowing full well who I was.”
As he recounted being handcuffed, Padilla paused, getting emotional.
“I was forced to the ground, first on my knees, and then flat on my chest,” he said.
Padilla said a flurry of questions went through his head as he was marched down a hallway, and as he kept asking why he was being detained: Where are they taking me? What will a city, already on the edge from being militarized, think when they see their U.S. senator being handcuffed just for trying to ask a question? What will my wife think? What will our boys think?
“I also remember asking myself, if this aggressive escalation is the result of someone speaking up about the abuse and overreach of the Trump administration, was it really worth it?” Padilla asked. “If a United States senator becomes too afraid to speak up, how can we expect any other American to do the same?”
Padilla-Noem meeting
In a statement, DHS, said that the Secret Service did not know Padilla was a U.S. senator, although video of the incident shows that Padilla stated that he was a member of the Senate.
“I’m Sen. Alex Padilla and I have questions for the secretary,” he said as four federal law enforcement officers grabbed him and shoved him to the ground.
Noem met with Padilla after he was handcuffed, his office told States Newsroom.
“He raised concerns with the deployment of military forces and the needless escalation over the last week, among other issues,” according to his office. “And he voiced his frustration with the continued lack of response from this administration. It was a civil, brief meeting, but the Secretary did not provide any meaningful answers. The Senator was simply trying to do his job and seek answers for the people he represents in California.”
U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson has suggested that the Senate take action against Padilla, such as a censure. Johnson criticized the senator’s actions and accused him of charging at Noem, which Padilla is not seen doing in the multiple videos of the incident.
“I’m not in that chamber, but I do think that it merits immediate attention by other colleagues over there,” the Louisiana Republican said. “I think that behavior, at a minimum, rises to the level of censure. I think there needs to be a message sent by the body as a whole.”
Senate Democrats have coalesced their support around Padilla. During a Tuesday press conference, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer praised Padilla for his speech on the Senate floor.
“It was basically a strong plea for America to regain the gyroscope of democracy, which has led us forward for so many years and now we’re losing it,” the New York Democrat said. “It’s a wake-up call to all Americans.”
DS Automobiles is staying open-minded about its new No8 flagship.
The crossover launched as an EV but might not stay that way forever.
One DS boss said it has the option of adding a combustion powertrain.
Posh Citroen spinoff, DS Automobiles, has been showing off its new flagship, a blocky-looking coupe crossover whose powertrain lineup consists solely of electric options. But a DS chief has let slip that the company is keeping its options open amid volatility in the electric car market.
When asked by Autocar at the international press drive event about the chance of the No8 being reconfigured to work with a combustion engine, DS product chief Cyprien Laurentie admitted that “it’s always a possibility.”
The DS No8 currently comes with a choice of single-motor, front-wheel drive, and dual-motor, all-wheel drive power. Base versions generate 227 hp (169 kW / 230 PS) or 242 hp (180 kW / 245 PS) plus an extra 30 hp (22 kW / 30 PS) from a temporary boost function, and top-flight models make 345 hp (257 kW / 350 PS), or up to 370 hp (276 kW / 375 PS) with the boost function enabled.
Laurentie highlighted the impressive 466-mile (750 km) range as one reason the No8 required “no real compromise” on the part of its driver in its current electric-only configuration, and described it as “perfect for commuting and travelling.”
But DS has struggled for years to get a foothold in the premium market, and it isn’t above changing course if the EV-only experiment with the No8 doesn’t work. “We will keep a close eye on the market and adapt if necessary,” Laurentie told Autocar.
Adapting for combustion power wouldn’t necessarily be that complicated. The No8 is built on the same STLA Medium architecture as the Peugeot 3008, a car that takes advantage of the platform’s flexibility to offer buyers a choice of mild-hybrid, plug-in hybrid, and fully electric powertrains.
Citroen’s C5 Aircross uses the same building blocks and is also available with a mix of power options, though the PHEV’s feeble 53-mile (85 km) range looks off the pace in an era when the best plug-ins can travel 50 percent further on electric power. And having a second-rate combustion setup might not be any help to DS when it’s battling well-established premium opposition.
Do you think DS should stick to its EV guns, or would it be better to spread its bets and greenlight a hybrid model to sit alongside the current electric-only No8?
School districts attempt to navigate the clean fuel struggle between the California Air Resources Board and the Trump administration. Chicago uses multimodal systems to provide student service.
Quanika Dukes-Spruill, executive director of transportation services for the Newark Board of Education’s Office of Pupil Transportation in New Jersey, discusses working with contractors, securing Medicaid reimbursements, and implementing electric buses and alternative transportation.
An Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer's badge is seen as federal agents patrol the halls of immigration court in New York City on June 10, 2025. (Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)
WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump announced late Sunday that he was directing U.S. Immigration Customs and Enforcement officers to conduct immigration raids in New York, Los Angeles and Chicago, the nation’s three most populous cities that are all led by elected Democrats in heavily Democratic states.
The announcement escalates a week-long conflict in Los Angeles, where large protests started after immigration officials began arresting day laborers at Home Depot stores across the city. Trump directed 4,000 National Guard troops and 700 Marines to LA amid the protests without California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s consent.
“I want ICE, Border Patrol, and our Great and Patriotic Law Enforcement Officers, to FOCUS on our crime ridden and deadly Inner Cities, and those places where Sanctuary Cities play such a big role,” Trump wrote on social media, referring to cities that don’t coordinate with federal immigration officials for civil enforcement. “You don’t hear about Sanctuary Cities in our Heartland!”
Trump’s Sunday social media post to target immigration enforcement in cities came after a June 12 post in which he acknowledged that his immigration crackdown was harming the tourism and agriculture industries. Republican-leaning states generally have fewer big cities and more rural areas.
“Our great Farmers and people in the Hotel and Leisure business have been stating that our very aggressive policy on immigration is taking very good, long time workers away from them, with those jobs being almost impossible to replace,” Trump wrote last week.
The president directed ICE to pause raids on farms, after speaking with Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins, according to the New York Times.
However, advocates for farmworkers, such as United Farm Workers, said that immigration officials have not paused on enforcement.
“If President Trump is actually in charge, he needs to prove it: stop the sweeps on hardworking Californians,” UFW said in a statement.
A June 10 immigration raid at a meat processing plant in Omaha, Nebraska, where roughly 80 workers were detained, set off several protests in the city.
Trump wrote in his social media post that it should be taken as a presidential directive.
“ICE Officers are herewith ordered, by notice of this TRUTH, to do all in their power to achieve the very important goal of delivering the single largest Mass Deportation Program in History,” he wrote.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security did not respond to States Newsroom’s request about details on the president’s Sunday directive to ICE officers.
Noncitizen voting
Trump took aim at Illinois Democratic Gov. J.B. Pritzker, saying during an interview at the G7 Summit with world leaders in Canada on Monday that Chicago was “overrun with criminals.”
“They think they’re going to use them to vote,” Trump said of people without citizenship who live in cities run by Democrats.
The president, without evidence, claimed in his Sunday post that the “Core of the Democrat power center” of Chicago, Los Angeles and New York allowed people without citizenship to vote in federal elections, which is not true. The practice is illegal and, according to studies, exceedingly rare.
Last week, Pritzker and the Democratic governors of Minnesota and New York testified before Congress for eight hours on their states’ policies to not coordinate with federal immigration officials.
House Republicans brought in the mayors of Boston, Chicago and Denver in March on the same issue.
Focus for protests
The president’s directive to ICE followed a weekend military parade to celebrate the Army’s 250th anniversary that also coincided with Trump’s 79th birthday and sparked anti-Trump protests.
Millions of people across the country held “No Kings” protests against the Trump administration, according to estimates from organizers. The protests often included rebukes of ICE’s aggressive immigration crackdown.
The protests in LA, which have led to a legal standoff between the administration and the state, have been over immigration raids.
Since returning to the White House, the Trump administration has given immigration officers expanded authority to rapidly deport immigrants.
In Trump’s second week in office, DHS reinstated a 2019 policy known as expedited removal, meaning that immigrants without legal authorization anywhere in the country who encounter federal enforcement must prove they have been in the U.S. continuously for more than two years.
If they cannot produce that proof, they will be subject to a fast-track deportation without appearing before an immigration judge for due process.
President Donald Trump signs a Congressional Review Act resolution Thursday, with congressional Republicans looking on. Left to right are Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, Sen. Deb Fischer of Nebraska, Rep. John Joyce of Pennsylvania, Sen. John Barrasso of Wyoming, Sen. Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma, Rep. John James of Michigan, House Speaker Mike Johnson of Louisiana, Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy and EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin. (Screeenshot from White House webcast)
President Donald Trump signed a Congressional Review Act resolution Thursday that revokes California’s authority to set tailpipe emissions standards, upending policy in California and 17 other states that tie their standards to that of the Golden State.
California Attorney General Rob Bonta and Democratic attorneys general in 10 other states immediately sued to block enforcement of the law. Through a process that allows Congress to undo recent executive branch rules, the law repeals a U.S. Environmental Protection Act waiver allowing California to set a schedule for emissions standards for cars and trucks.
Trump signed two other resolutions that repeal the state’s authority to ban sales of new gas-powered vehicles in the state by 2035 and to regulate emissions on heavy trucks.
At a White House signing ceremony, Trump said the law would allow greater consumer choice and lead to less expensive vehicles.
“Your cars are going to cost you $3,000, $4,000 less and you’re going to have what you want,” he said. “Again, you can get any car you want.”
Simple majority vote
The procedure used to pass the law was controversial because of the use of the Congressional Review Act, or CRA, which allows a simple majority vote in the U.S. Senate instead of the chamber’s usual 60-vote threshold.
Both the nonpartisan Government Accountability Office and the Senate parliamentarian ruled that the EPA waiver was not a rule and that the CRA could not be used. But Senate Majority Leader John Thune used the procedure anyway, and the measure passed 51-46.
The states suing over the law argued that process was illegal, saying that the CRA was “deemed inapplicable by every nonpartisan arbiter and expert who analyzed the question.”
“While all fifty States consented—through their Senators—to these expedited procedures for congressional disapproval of federal rules, no State consented to the CRA as a means for Congress to negate state rules,” the Democratic attorneys general wrote. “Nor would any State have done so.”
The states joining California in the lawsuit are Colorado, Delaware, Massachusetts, Oregon, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Vermont and Washington.
Clean Air Act
The federal Clean Air Act of 1970 generally prohibits states from setting their own air quality standards. But a section of the bedrock environmental law allows California, which had stringent environmental standards at the time the federal law was passed, to set its own standards.
While the other 49 states may not set their own standards, any state can adopt California’s standards as its own.
That means the law Trump signed Thursday has effects far beyond California’s borders, which the president noted.
“The federal government gave left-wing radicals in California dictatorial powers to control the future of the entire car industry, all over the country, all over the world, actually,” he said.
The law, which both chambers of Congress passed last month, applies to 17 states that follow California standards. In addition to those suing, those states are Connecticut, Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Virginia.
A rally goer rolls out a scroll with the names of every school district that has gone to referendum since the last state budget. Photo by Baylor Spears/Wisconsin Examiner.
Education advocates are making a push for more investment in public schools from the state as the Republican-led Joint Finance Committee plans to take up portions of the budget related to K-12 schools during its Thursday meeting.
The issue has been a top concern for Wisconsinites who came out to budget listening sessions and was one of Gov. Tony Evers’ priorities in his budget proposal. Evers proposed that the state spend an additional $3.1 billion on K-12 education. Evers and Republican leaders were negotiating on the spending for education as well as taxes and other parts of the budget until last week when negotiations reached an impasse.
Evers has said that Republicans were unwilling to compromise on his funding priorities, including making “meaningful investments for K-12 schools, to continue Child Care Counts to help lower the cost of child care for working families and to prevent further campus closures and layoffs at our UW System.” He said he was willing to support their tax proposal, which Republicans have said included income and retiree tax cuts.
Assembly Speaker Robin Vos (R-Rochester) said on WISN 12’s UpFront that Evers “lied” about Republicans walking away from the negotiating table.
“We’re willing to do it, just not as much as he wanted… When you read that statement, it makes it sound like we were at zero,” Vos said. “We were not at zero on any of those topics. We tried to find a way to invest in child care that actually went to the parents, and to make sure that we weren’t just having to go to a business. We tried to find a way to look at education so that money would actually go back to school districts across the state. It just wasn’t enough for what he wanted.”
Public education advocates said school districts are in dire need of a significant investment of state dollars, especially for special education. After lobbying for the last week, many are concerned that when Republicans finally announce their proposal it won’t be enough.
State Superintendent Jill Underly told the Wisconsin Examiner in an interview Wednesday afternoon that she is anticipating that Republicans will put forth more short-term solutions, but she said schools and students can’t continue functioning in that way.
Underly compared the situation of education funding in Wisconsin to a road trip.
“The gas tank is nearly empty, and you’re trying to coast… you’re turning the air conditioning off… going at a lower speed limit, just to save a little fuel and the state budget every two years. I kind of look at them as like these exits to gas stations,” Underly said. “We keep passing up these opportunities to refuel. Schools are running on fumes, and we see the stress that is having an our system — the number of referendums, the anxiety around whether or not we’re going to have the referendum or not in our communities. Wisconsin public schools have been underfunded for decades.”
The one thing lawmakers must do, Underly said, is increase the special education reimbursement rate to a minimum of 60%, back to the levels of the 1990s.
“It used to be 60% but they haven’t been keeping up their promise to public schools,” Underly said. “They need to raise the special education reimbursement rate. Anything less than 60% is once again failing to meet urgent needs.”
The Wisconsin Public Education Network is encouraging advocates to show up at the committee meeting Thursday and continue pushing lawmakers and Evers to invest. Executive Director Heather DuBois Bourenane told the Examiner that she is concerned lawmakers are planning on “low balling” special education funding, even as she said she has never seen the education community so united in its insistence on one need.
“We’re familiar with the way they work in that caucus and in the Joint Finance Committee,” DuBois Bourenane said. “The pattern of the past has been to go around the state and listen to the concerns that are raised or at least get the appearance of listening, and then reject those concerns and demands and put forward a budget that fails in almost every way to prioritize the priority needs for our communities.”
While it’s unclear what Republicans will ultimately do, budget papers prepared by the Legislative Fiscal Bureau includes three options when it comes to special education reimbursement rate: the first is to raise the rate to 60% sum sufficient — as Evers has proposed; the second is to leave the rate at 31.5% sum certain by investing an additional $35.8 million and the third is to raise the rate to an estimated 35% by providing an additional $68.6 million in 2023-24 and $86.2 million in 2024-25.
The paper also includes options for investing more in the high cost of special education, which provides additional aid to reimburse 90% of the cost of educating students whose special education costs exceed $30,000 in a single year.
The School Administrators Alliance (SAA) sent an update to its members on Monday, pointing out what was in the budget papers and saying the committee “appears poised to focus spending on High-Cost Special Education Aid and the School Levy Tax Credit, rather than significantly raising the primary special education categorical aid.”
SAA Executive Director Dee Pettack said in the email that if that’s the route lawmakers take, it would “result in minimal new, spendable resources for classrooms and students.”
Public school funding was one of the top priorities mentioned by Wisconsinites at the four budget hearings held by the budget committee across the state in March.
“I just think it’s time to say enough is enough,” DuBois Bourenane said. “We’re really urging people to do whatever they can before our lawmakers vote on this budget, to say that we are really going to accept nothing less than a budget that stops this cycle of insufficient state support for priority needs and demand better.”
Pettack and leaders of the Wisconsin Association of School Boards, Southeast Wisconsin School Alliance and the Wisconsin Rural Schools Alliance also issued a joint letter Tuesday urging the committee to “meet this moment with the urgency it requires,” adding that the budget provides the opportunity to allocate resources that will help students achieve.
The letter detailed the situation that a low special education reimbursement has placed districts in as they struggle to fund the mandated services and must fill in the gaps with funds from their general budgets.
“The lack of an adequate state reimbursement for mandated special education programs and services negatively affects all other academic programs, including career and technical education, reading interventionists, teachers and counselors, STEM, dual enrollment, music, art and more,” the organizations stated. “While small increases in special education reimbursement have been achieved in recent state budgets, costs for special education programming and services have grown much faster than those increases, leaving public schools in a stagnant situation.”
“Should we fail in this task, we are not only hurting Wisconsin’s youth today but also our chances to compete in tomorrow’s economy,” the leaders wrote.
If the proposal from Republicans isn’t adequate, Underly said Evers doesn’t have to sign the budget. Republican lawmakers have expressed confidence that they will put a budget on Evers’ desk that he will sign.
“There’s that, and then we keep negotiating. We keep things as they are right now. We keep moving forward,” Underly said. “But our schools and our kids, they can’t continue to wait for this… These are short term fixes, I think, that they keep talking about, and we can’t continue down this path. We need to fix it so that we’re setting ourselves up for success. Everything else is just really short sighted.”
WPEN and others want Evers to use his veto power should the proposal not be sufficient. DuBois Bourenane said dozens of organizations have signed on to a letter calling on Evers to reject any budget that doesn’t meet the state’s needs and priorities.
“What we want them to do is negotiate in good faith and reject any budget that doesn’t meet the needs of our kids, and just keep going back to the drawing board until you reach a bipartisan agreement that actually does meet those needs,” DuBois Bourenane said. “Gov. Evers has the power to break this cycle. He has the power of his veto pen. He has the power of his negotiating authority, and we expect him to use it right and people have got his back.”
The budget deadline is June 30. If it is not completed by then, the state continues to operate under the 2023-25 budget.
“Nobody wants [the process] to be drawn out any longer than it is,” DuBois Bourenane said. “Those are valid concerns. But the fact is we are in a really critical tension point right now, and if any people care even a little bit about this, now is the time that they should be speaking out.”
Toyota has announced more details about its future plans in the Chinese market.
Its joint venture with GAC is developing two platforms for new energy vehicles.
The automaker will increase AI use and expand partnerships with local tech firms.
At the 2025 Toyota Technology Day in China, there was no shortage of promises and future-focused tech talk. While much of the spotlight was on product updates, the real takeaway was Toyota’s push to inject artificial intelligence and advanced electrification into its lineup, especially in partnership with local tech giants.
Among the headline announcements, next-generation versions of the Highlander and Sienna will feature extended-range electric powertrains. Alongside these updates, Toyota and its local joint venture partner GAC laid out plans for two new energy vehicle platforms and confirmed strategic collaborations with Chinese heavyweights like Huawei and Xiaomi.
Two New EV Platforms in the Pipeline
Starting with the new platforms, they are designed for “new energy vehicles”, meaning they will be compatible with fully electric, range-extender, and plug-in hybrid powertrains. One platform is optimized for compact to mid-size vehicles under 5 meters long (196.9 inches), while the other is designed for larger vehicles up to 5.3 meters (208.7 inches).
Toyota’s upcoming bZ7 will be the first model to use the larger of the two new platforms. Serving as the brand’s electric flagship in China, depending on pricing, it could positioned as an affordable rival to the similarly sized Tesla Model S. Although the bZ7 was first previewed in April 2025, its launch in the Chinese market is scheduled for the first quarter of 2026.
This model also marks a major shift in Toyota’s tech strategy. The fully electric bZ7 will be the first to feature the Huawei DriveONE powertrain, which combines the motor, MCU, and inverter into a single integrated unit. Inside, it gets the Huawei Hongmeng cockpit system, offering an updated suite of apps and connectivity options. It will also come equipped with a LiDAR sensor, suggesting it’s being prepped for advanced autonomous driving capabilities.
AI, ADAS, and the “Caring Butler” Future
Besides the new platforms that are being developed in China, GAC Toyota is working on a new electronic architecture that will support the next generation of ADAS and advanced intelligent cockpits. Artificial intelligence is expected to play a growing role in how these systems evolve.
According to Chinese outlet Sohu, GAC believes the in-car voice assistant will become a “caring butler” by 2026–2027, and by 2028, it’s expected to mature into a “symbiotic partner” capable of intuitively responding to user needs, even claiming to “read people’s hearts.”
The Japanese automaker will also collaborate with Xiaomi for in-vehicle technology, such as audio, and a clever intercommunication system between front and rear occupants using the built-in screens and cameras.
Digital Chassis and Broader AI Integration
Looking further ahead, upcoming GAC Toyota models will feature an AI-powered “intelligent digital chassis.” This system will be able to read road conditions in real time, adjusting suspension characteristics through electromagnetic shock absorbers and dual-chamber air suspension systems, which sounds similar to what Tesla is offering on higher end models.
GAC Toyota also envisions an AI ecosystem extending beyond vehicles. The company plans to integrate AI into areas like research and development, manufacturing, quality inspection, and logistics. What’s less clear is whether any of these innovations will make their way into Toyota’s global product lines, or if they’ll remain exclusive to the Chinese market.
A Staten Island school bus matron New York City’s term for an aide or monitor — for students with special needs pleaded guilty to criminal trespassing after being accused of invading the home of a family from her route with a knife, reported SLive News.
The incident reportedly occurred on Dec. 6, when 59-year-old Joanne Dash entered the unidentified family’s property in the New Springville neighborhood.
According to the news report, a person at the home told authorities the defendant was in the area that leads to the main living room armed with a knife. An 18-year-old male resident came downstairs and encountered Dash before she fled in a vehicle but not before shouting, “You cost me my job.”
Dash was reportedly arrested on Dec. 17. Court documents do not state whether she had any interactions with anyone at the home prior to the incident, but sources with knowledge of the case said the victims were from her school bus route.
The article states that Dash was arraigned in criminal court on May 1, was granted supervised release, and appeared in supreme court last week on her own volition. The court, meanwhile, issued a full and final order of protection for the owner and residence of the property where the incident took place.
On June 5 while in court, Dash’s attorney John Rapawy told the judge that his client was fully aware of the terms of her plea deal and that she had full support of her family in putting the matter behind her. It remains unclear why Dash tresspassed the property in the first place.
The defendant reportedly assured the court that she was willing to waive several rights in taking a guilty plea, including the right to appeal and to review the prosecution’s evidence.
Per the approval of prosecutors and after further investigation, the court ordered Dash to complete 16 courses of anger management as a means to resolve the case. The defendant was reportedly facing the possibility of between five and 25 years in prison had she been convicted by a jury on the top count in connection to the incident.
If Dash violates the terms of the plea deal, she could be sentenced to one year in jail.